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1
Paal, Douglas. "The United States and Asia in 2011". Asian Survey 52, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.6.
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Abstract The Obama administration moved to stabilize 2010's deteriorating relations with China and exploit the opportunity to deepen ties with China's nervous neighbors. Diplomatic, economic, and security initiatives were melded to “rebalance” American resources and attention to Asia in the 21st century. Early 2011 euphoria about China's rise and gloom about America's decline began to reverse themselves by end 2011. Obama made a key policy statement about the Asia-Pacific region in his address to Australia's Parliament.
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CO, Catherine Yap. "Chinese Contractors in the United States". East Asian Policy 05, n.º 03 (julio de 2013): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000287.
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A 2009 American Society of Civil Engineers report indicates significant underinvestment in the maintenance and upgrading of US infrastructure. The group estimates a five-year investment of US$2.2 trillion is required. This presents an exciting opportunity for Chinese construction and engineering firms. Because infrastructure work provides long-term economic benefits, if done without controversy, they might generate goodwill towards China and may even help advance Chinese commercial interests in the United States.
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Zhang, Yanban, Jeff Butler y Burt Pryor. "Comparison of Apprehension about Communication in China and the United States". Perceptual and Motor Skills 82, n.º 3_suppl (junio de 1996): 1168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1996.82.3c.1168.
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A translated version of the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension was administered to 688 students at four Chinese colleges and universities. The data were compared with American norms established by McCroskey in 1982 and with the responses of 177 students at a large state university in Florida. The Chinese sample reported a significantly higher mean score on apprehension about communication than the Americans. The findings were discussed with reference to cultural differences.
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Rehaiem, Jalel Ben Haj. "The United States-China Mutually Assured Distrust". Studies in Asian Social Science 4, n.º 2 (3 de julio de 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/sass.v4n2p1.
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The 21st century geopolitical developments in East Asia have placed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in aprime position to play a major role in the complexities of Asia-Pacific politics. China is a rising power, but whetherit is going to be a status quo power or a challenging one remains to be seen. With the world’s largest population, theworld second economy and a modernizing military force, China theoretically has room to have a say in the revisionof the security order in East Asia, which has been dominated so far by an already controversial Cold War alliancebetween the United States and Japan and a new American pivot to Asia since former President Obama announced hisnew Asia strategy in Canberra in November 2011.As China’s prowess grows, so do percolating challenges to U.S. prominence in the region. The gap between whatChina intends to do with accumulating power and how it is perceived in Asia and the West alike has created whatthis article calls China’s trust dilemma with the United States.The distrust between Beijing and Washington has ostensibly plagued their relationship and may continue to dominatetheir interaction for the unforeseeable future; an interaction between an already established world hegemon and arising regional player that is allegedly aspiring to challenge and even replace its rival, at least in Asia for the timebeing.As this article seeks to study the implications of the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a world powerand the trust dilemma China’s rising might is incurring, this work,in its attempt to fathom Beijing’s strategic intents,adopts the security dilemma framework whichrefers to a situation wherein two states may be drawn into conflict,possibly even war, over security concerns, even though none of them actually seeks confrontation.
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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, n.º 2 (agosto de 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.
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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.
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Lundestad, Ingrid y Øystein Tunsjø. "The United States and China in the Arctic". Polar Record 51, n.º 4 (16 de mayo de 2014): 392–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247414000291.
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ABSTRACTUS-China relations represent the most central bilateral relationship in the world, but few studies investigate the two countries’ approaches to the Arctic. This article explores the geopolitical shifts in the Arctic, and compares and contrasts American and Chinese policy in the region. The article examines to what extent the two have common or conflicting interests, and discusses the potential for US-China friction and rivalry. Some alarmist writers suggest that the future Arctic is set for confrontation. This article, however, argues that the current stakes in the circumpolar Arctic region are not sufficiently high to warrant confrontation between the two states. Cooperation predominantly guides their policies and activities. While they play different roles and increasingly seek to demonstrate their influence, there are common interests, such as in the freedom of the seas, in resource extraction and in developing infrastructure in the region.
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Beckley, Michael. "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure". International Security 36, n.º 3 (enero de 2012): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00066.
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Two assumptions dominate current foreign policy debates in the United States and China. First, the United States is in decline relative to China. Second, much of this decline is the result of globalization and the hegemonic burdens the United States bears to sustain globalization. Both of these assumptions are wrong. The United States is not in decline; in fact, it is now wealthier, more innovative, and more militarily powerful compared to China than it was in 1991. Moreover, globalization and hegemony do not erode U.S. power; they reinforce it. The United States derives competitive advantages from its hegemonic position, and globalization allows it to exploit these advantages, attracting economic activity and manipulating the international system to its benefit. The United States should therefore continue to prop up the global economy and maintain a robust diplomatic and military presence abroad.
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Guifen, Pei y Wang Xinying. "A Comparative Study of China and Japan’s Response to Section 301 Investigations of the United States". Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.902800.
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Japan is the country with the most Section 301 investigations initiated by the United States. Meanwhile, the ongoing Section 301 investigation case against China is the most complicated and tough case until now. The different responses of Japan and China will be the core theme of this paper. Originally, Japan, little by little, accepted all the demands of the United States under American pressure in the semiconductor conflict and then began to resist its unreasonable demands; eventually, Japan forced the United States to withdraw its excessive requirement in auto parts conflict. In the case of China, previous Section 301 investigations were resolved by bilateral or multilateral agreements although it was difficult. In this time, the Chinese government has taken a countermeasure against the United States’ bullying, evident from the very beginning. The situation is that China and the United States conducted bilateral negotiations on the stretch. Meanwhile, the United States continued to extend the scope of tariff goods and escalate the tariff rate against China, and the Chinese government immediately published the same amount and tariff rate for imported products from the United States. China and other countries are jointly suffering the sanction from the United States and are trying to restrain the trade hegemony of the United States.
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Blanchard, Jean-Marc F. "The United States - China Rivalry and the BRI". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2021): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-288-303.
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The article describes the United States - China rivalry and Chinas Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through a fine-grained review of primary materials such as major US policy documents and speeches by and media interviews with key American foreign policy decisionmakers, as well as the selective use of secondary materials such as think tank studies and articles in scholarly publications. It shows that the BRI has fueled the bilateral rivalry since its birth in 2013 and that the rivalry, in turn, has affected US views about the BRI. Under President Barack Obama, the US took a muted stance towards the BRI, expressing modestly cooperative sentiments regarding it. In contrast, under President Donald Trump, Washingtons posture towards the BRI dramatically changed with his administration frequently denigrating the BRI, raising it in major security and foreign policy documents, initiating competing development schemes such as the BUILD Act, and building closer cooperation with allies against Chinas venture. Despite its angst about the BRI, however, the Trump administration never launched any large-scale countermeasures. This article contributes to clarifying the situation by correcting some factual errors in past analyses and updating the general understanding about the Trump administrations response. It systematically contemplates how internal and external economic, political, and ideational factors affected the Obama and Trump administrations responses to the BRI, demonstrating that such factors shaped or shifted US policy or bounded its form and intensity. These factors, being similar to those stressed by neoclassical realists who emphasize the role of leaders as interpreters within limits of the external environment and responders to it subject to various domestic constraints, provide a foundation which is used to speculate about the USs probable response to the BRI under President Joseph Biden, Jr.
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Ghaleh Teimouri, Kamran Jafarpour y Seyed Mohammad Taghi Raeissadat. "IMPACT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA TRADE WAR ON GROWTH IN ASEAN COUNTRIES". International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, n.º 3 (31 de marzo de 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i3.2019.944.
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For more than a century, American had the biggest economy and the highest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) about 24.1%. On the other side of the world. Recently, China with 15.1% Gross Domestic Product (GDP) placed as the second biggest and the most influential economy in the world in 2017 (World Bank, 2019). Therefore, China and United States together have over 40% of the world GDP with the huge spatial economic influence in the world. The impact of a trade war between the United States and China has a negative influence in other countries and regions in particular in the ASEAN countries. The ASEAN countries are very exposed to China and United States they are more vulnerable to trade war between the United States and China. This study first evaluates the degree of negative impact of China and United States trade war on ASEAN countries. After that, show how an effective regional economic integration can minimize such problems in future. This research is based on available secondary data in United States government reports (e.g., United States Department of State, Office of United States trade) and (e.g. OCBC Bank and ASEAN). Based on data and research the descriptive-analytical method is used in this paper.
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Jain, Manjula y Saloni Saraswat. "US–China Trade War: Chinese Perspective". Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.895478.
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The US–China trade relationship has expanded immensely after China’s reformation of its economy and liberalization in 1979. A very huge amount of trade takes place between the United States and China in terms of monetary value and quantity. China benefits the United States in several forms other than just trade, such as US firms seeking investment opportunities in China for their assembly units. Subsequently, China holds a huge amount of US treasury securities, and purchases US debt securities, which helps them to keep their interest rates low. However, even after the development of such a trade relationship, the United States has certain concerns relating to China’s intentions. From the United States’ point of view, China is not involved in a fair practice of trade. China has imposed state-directed policies that bend the flow of trade and investment opportunities. Furthermore, the United States has allegations against China pertaining to the issue of intellectual property rights along with mixed records on implementation of WTO obligations, establishment of procedures for impacting the value of its currency and restrictions on FDI. The United States claims that such policies from China’s side make a great impact on the US economy and thus is the concern of the Congress. The current president, Mr. Donald J. Trump, has pledged to promote the free and fair trade policy. So his administration has taken some severe steps to reduce the US bilateral trade deficit. The president first announced the imposition of tariffs on steel and aluminum at 25% and 15%, respectively. To this action of the United States, China retaliated by raising the tariffs on various goods that are imported from the United States. Furthermore, the United States claimed that it would take actions against Chinese intellectual property rights policies that could be a hindrance to the US stakeholders. Later, the United States released a two-stage plan to impose tariffs on Chinese imports that would directly affect Chinese industrial policies for which again there was retaliation by China by releasing their own two-stage plan for American imports that would adversely affect American industries. This paper is an attempt to analyze the effect of the trade war between the United States and China and briefly discusses about the impact of this war on China and the probable measures implemented by the country.
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Misiuna, Jan. "The Impact of the Chinese Diaspora in the U.S. on the American View of China". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, n.º 1 (9 de noviembre de 2018): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.10.
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The first Chinese immigrants arrived in the United States in the 1820s and initially their presence did not result in improving the American perception of China. On the contrary – intense immigration from China led to the development of racist and xenophobic attitudes towards the Chinese (Yellow Peril), which culminated in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. During the Second World War, China became an important ally of the United States, which triggered a succession of changes to laws barring Chinese immigration (Magnuson Act). Contemporary Chinese Americans – particularly Taiwanese Americans – can be located in the upper spheres of immigrant population: they are considered to be a well-educated and affluent group. This paper presents the historical and contemporary socio-economic characteristics of the Sino-American population set against a historical and legal background.
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Kim, Young Choul y Ho Keun Yoo. "Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea". International Area Studies Review 20, n.º 1 (8 de diciembre de 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.
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In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.
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Wang, Dong. "China's Trade Relations with the United States in Perspective". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2010): 165–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900307.
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China's trade relations with the United States over the past four decades is a topic that has not been fully dealt with in scholarly works. This paper charts the course of US-China economic relations since 1971, explains the principal forces stimulating growth and encouraging change and, finally, discusses how these two economic giants fit into an interlocking Asian and world economy. In reaction to the post-2008 financial downturn, advocates for a new world economic order have suggested a rebalancing of global demand, which will arguably become a major, politically charged issue in the US and in China in the years to come. Growing economic interdependence has quickly presented new challenges and opportunities, with issues such as human rights, Most-Favoured-Nation status, the Taiwan and Tibet question, and the huge American trade deficit threatening to cloud the relationship at times. With China's emergence as a major power and America's hegemonic ambitions tested in successive wars, the contradiction between a booming commercial relationship and conflict associated with geopolitical and ideological differences will continue to constitute a serious challenge. The long-term goal for each side will be to forge economic ties strong enough to create a stable political relationship, rather than to be held hostage by geopolitical constraints.
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Olsen, J. L. "Chestnut Production in the Northwestern United States". HortTechnology 10, n.º 2 (enero de 2000): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.10.2.296.
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The chestnut (Castanea Mill.) industry in the northwestern United States is in its relative infancy, with most orchards being less than 10 years of age. Currently there are an estimated 300 acres (121 ha) in Oregon and Washington. California has about 500 acres (202 ha) in chestnuts. Current worldwide production is over 500,000 tons (435,600 t). China is the leading producer with 40%, followed by Korea at 15%. Italy, Turkey and Japan grow 10% each, while France, Greece and Spain grow 4% each. The United States, Chile, Argentina, New Zealand and Australia each grow less than 1%. The value of chestnuts imported into the United States is estimated to be $10 to 15 million annually. Domestic producers hope to displace some of the imported chestnuts in the marketplace. The leading variety being grown in the western United States is `Colossal,' a hybrid between european chestnut (C. sativa Mill.) and japanese chestnut (C. crenata Gillet). `Dunstan' hybrids are chestnut blight (Cryphonectria parasitica Murr.) resistant, and were bred in Florida using chinese chestnut (C. mollisima Blume) and american chestnut (C. dentata Marsh. Borkh.) parentage. Prices received by chestnut producers in the northwestern United States have ranged from $1.20 to $7.00/lb ($2.64 to $15.40/kg). The marketing of chestnuts has been through brokers into wholesale markets, farmers markets, mail order and direct sales through catalogues and World Wide Web sites.
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HU, Weixing. "China and the United States: Towards a New Model of Major Power Relations?" East Asian Policy 07, n.º 04 (octubre de 2015): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000355.
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The China-US disagreement over the term of “new model of major power relations” is not just about discourse; rather, it is about who will have the upper hand in defining the terms for future China-US relations. While the Chinese want to provide a new vision and an alternative to the realist discourse of future China-US relations, the Americans believe that Beijing tries to claim a position on par with the United States in world affairs.
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Long, Shelby K., Nicole D. Karpinsky y James P. Bliss. "Trust of Simulated Robotic Peacekeepers among Resident and Expatriate Americans". Proceedings of the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society Annual Meeting 61, n.º 1 (septiembre de 2017): 2091–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1541931213602005.
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Researchers have heavily debated the definition and role of trust in human behavior over the past few decades. As robots begin to be used more often, particularly in international military applications, understanding human-robot trust becomes increasingly important. The current study aims to investigate trust differences in robotic peacekeepers between Americans living in the United States, China, and Japan using a simulated environment. We predicted that trust in robots would differ as a function of culture. Results showed that Americans residing in Japan were significantly more trusting than Americans in the United States or China overall. Further, Americans living in America trusted robotic peacekeepers significantly more than Americans residing in China. This suggests that people who adopt a certain trust framework are those who have chosen to live abroad, but more research is needed to understand the differences between resident and expatriate Americans.
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Tsuchida, Akio. "China's "Public Diplomacy" toward the United States before Pearl Harbor". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, n.º 1 (2010): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x523708.
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AbstractAfter the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937, China sought support and sanctions against Japan from the international community, especially the United States. The government strategy encompassed both official diplomatic channels and non-state channels such as propaganda and private organizations. Drawing from materials in the United States and China, this article presents the evolution of China's "public diplomacy" toward the United States during the early years of the Sino-Japanese War. It argues: (1) China's "public diplomacy" was conducted through the International Department of Ministry of Information of the Chinese Nationalist Party under the direct control of Chiang Kai-shek. (2) Resident agents of China played an indispensable role in forming the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, a private organization supporting China's cause. (3) The Committee carried out intensive campaigns to bring about pro-China policies and to promote an embargo against Japan. (4) The Chinese government and its agents supported the Committee financially and organizationally until its disbandment in 1941. This article thus demonstrates that wartime China was attempting to compensate for its military weakness by manipulating American public opinion to achieve its own diplomatic goals.
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Shen, Simon. "Online Chinese Perceptions of Latin America: How They Differ from the Official View". China Quarterly 209 (marzo de 2012): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001524.
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AbstractUsing online Chinese communities as primary sources, this article studies public perceptions in China of Latin America in terms of how the region is seen as part of the Third World while also offering China a convenient backyard by which to access the First World United States. Codified online public opinion on four different Latin American topics is then analysed and compared with official opinion: how “Latin Americanization” becomes China's nightmare, how the Latin Americans should learn from the “China model,” how the Latin Americans were being discriminated in the H1N1 epidemic, and how the “Latin American card” to balance the United States is emphasized. The conclusion suggests that only when the stereotypes discussed in this article are dismissed will the true value of Latin America gradually obtain any standing in the eyes of ordinary Chinese and will the Latin American mission of the Chinese government be fully understood by its subjects.
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Novitskiy, E. R. "Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n.º 3 (28 de septiembre de 2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.
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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.
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Gardner, Robert W. "Asian Immigration: The View from the United States". Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, n.º 1 (marzo de 1992): 64–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100104.
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Between the 1965 immigration law and 1990, Asian immigration to the United States increased tenfold to a quarter of a million annually. As sender of the most immigrants, Japan has yielded to the Philippines, South Korea, Vietnam, India, and China. From 1974–1989, over 900,000 Southeast Asian refugees entered the United States. Most Asians today are admitted in the family preference category. On average, the sex ratio is balanced, but over 55% of immigrants from South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan are female. Asians are occupationally diverse, with a greater number of professionals/executives (35%) than laborers (14%). Though relatively few in number, Asians concentrate geographically (notably in California) and exert growing political influence in those areas. Except for refugees, Asians are generally viewed as having a positive impact as students and workers. On the other hand, inas much as they contribute to ethnic diversity, they fan the current fears over threats to a common American cultural heritage. Anti-Asian hate crimes and interethnic violence have risen. Asian immigration is likely to continue to rise and show greater emphasis on employment preference categories.
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Yin, Xia-Huang. "Diverse and Transnational: Chinese (PRC) Immigrants in the United States". Journal of Chinese Overseas 3, n.º 1 (2007): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325407788639515.
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AbstractThis article studies characteristics of recent immigrants from China (PRC) in the United States, especially their socioeconomic status and networking with their native land. The unprecedented, large-scale, and highly diversified immigration from China to the U.S. since the late 1970s has not only turned the Chinese into the second largest immigrant group in American society, but has also created new opportunities for interpretation of the Chinese diasporic experience. By examining the socioeconomic diversity among PRC immigrants in their American life and the extensive networks they have established across the Pacific, the article shows how class, ethnicity, and transnationality work at cross purposes in the Chinese American experience and sheds light on the new dynamics in overseas Chinese communities in this rapidly changing era.
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Joanne Chang, Jaw-ling. "Negotiation Negotiation of the 17 August 1982 U.S.—PRC Arms Communiqué: Beijing's Negotiating Tactics". China Quarterly 125 (marzo de 1991): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030290.
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On 17 August 1982 the United States and the People's Republic of China publicly announced their joint communiqué concerning the question of American arms sales to Taiwan. This agreement was reached after 10 months of negotiations. While reiterating that it was not pursuing a policy of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan,” the United States offered the following statement on the question of arms sales to Taiwan:
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Lin-chun, Wu. "China and the United States: Business, Technology, and Networks, 1914–1941". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, n.º 2 (15 de julio de 2020): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02702002.
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This paper studies the activities of American enterprises, technology, and related business organizations and engineering groups in China from the outbreak of World War i to the Pacific War and explains how these activities helped establish connections between China and the world. It borrows the concept of “networks” from Professor Sherman Cochran’s extraordinary book titled Encountering Chinese Networks, but broadens the scope of the term to include activity at the level of management and competition, as well as placing Sino-American relations in transnational perspective. Using a multi-archival approach to examine China’s major attempts at internationalization, this article focuses on the cases of the American Asiatic Association, the American Chamber of Commerce of China, and the Association of Chinese and American Engineers to show how these networks played important roles in the development of Chinese-American relations. It also discusses the issues of standardization, “scientific management,” and professionalism of entrepreneurs and engineers in influencing network making.
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Murthy, K. V. Bhanu. "US–China Trade Disputes: Studying Long-Term Trade Patterns". Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.942734.
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US–China economic ties have expanded substantially since China began reforming its economy and liberalizing its trade regime in the late 1970s. Total US–China merchandise trade rose from $2 billion in 1979 (when China’s economic reforms began) to $636 billion in 2017. China is currently the United States’ largest merchandise trading partner, its third-largest export market, and its biggest source of imports. There are multiple areas of disagreement that preceded the trade war. One ground is that China is buying off American assets. It is also alleged that China violates US patent rights. It is also stated by United States that China has restrictions on US companies entering certain areas in production in China. The scale at which US–China trade patterns are changing and ownership patterns of both countries’ MNCs are changing results in a mystification of trade data due to intra-firm trade imports and exports. This may be a major reason why apparent trade patterns do not clearly serve as a guide for commenting on policy wars. This study examines the patterns in the US–China exports, mutual imports, and current account balances over a nearly 25-year period, to form a view about whether the trade war is justified. The general methodology in this paper has been to use a set of semi-log growth equations that enable comparison of various trade-related variables between the United States and China. The method focuses on the long-term patterns before and after global financial crisis (GFC), in the two countries, with the help of a standard dummy variable model. In conclusion, the US claims seem to be unfounded when studied through the lens of long-term trade patterns between the two countries. China’s export performance is much better. The United States’ dependence on imports from China has fallen drastically. Finally, the current balance of payments (BoP) of the United States continues to remain highly negative; whereas, in spite of the setback due to the GFC, China’s BoP position all along continues to be positive.
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Gaenslen, Fritz. "Culture and Decision Making in China, Japan, Russia, and the United States". World Politics 39, n.º 1 (octubre de 1986): 78–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010299.
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Implicit in most recent social science explanations of human behavior is a conception of man as universal homo economicus. Although such a conception is capable of giving a powerful account of a great deal of human action, its account of the nature and variety of human values is inadequate. Cultural assumptions about the meaning of “self” and “others,” and about relations between human beings, are likely to vary from one society to another. These assumptions affect the collective decision processes of political elites under conditions of complexity, uncertainty, and ambiguity. The author first addresses the question of how to construct a compelling cultural explanation, and then offers evidence which suggests that, because Chinese, Japanese, and Russians tend to hold somewhat different conceptions of “self” and “others” than do Americans (the former tending to be more collectivist than the latter), these different conceptions have implications for collective decision making.
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Rosato, Sebastian y John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States". Perspectives on Politics 9, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.
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What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.
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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, n.º 1-2 (enero de 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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He, Yong-Ming, Yu-Long Pei, Bin Ran, Jia Kang y Yu-Ting Song. "Analysis on the Higher Education Sustainability in China Based on the Comparison between Universities in China and America". Sustainability 12, n.º 2 (12 de enero de 2020): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12020573.
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To find and solve the problems existing in the development of higher education in China, the input–output, scale of higher education, students’ tuition and teachers’ income of Chinese and American universities are compared. The results show that the investment in top universities in China is similar to that in the United States, but the average student budget is much less, and the output is not comparable to that of American universities. The scale of higher education is much larger than that of the United States, and the growth rate is far more than demand. College tuition should be increased, with the absolute tuition only 5.93% of income, and relative tuition is 20.21% of that in the United States. College teachers are underpaid, earning only approximately 20% of what their peers earn in the United States. Therefore, for higher education sustainability, the paper puts forward the development direction of higher education in China, which is to control the expansion scale of colleges and universities, and to increase students’ tuition and teachers’ salary.
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Saunders, Phillip C. "China's America Watchers: Changing Attitudes Towards the United States". China Quarterly 161 (marzo de 2000): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003933.
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The People's Republic of China (PRC) has hundreds of analysts who interpret American policy for a Chinese audience. Some hold positions in government ministries, but many are in semi-official research institutes. These “America watchers” advise Chinese policy-makers and write internal papers which circulate among the top leadership. By influencing how China's leaders view the United States, they indirectly help shape policy. This article describes the community of America watchers and examines the theoretical orientations they use to understand international relations and to think about the United States. By surveying Chinese interpretations of Sino-U.S. relations during the 1990s, it seeks to evaluate how well China's America watchers understand the United States and assess their influence on Chinese foreign policy.
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Obeid, H., F. Hillani,, R. Fakih y K. Mozannar. "Artificial Intelligence: Serving American Security and Chinese Ambitions". Financial Markets, Institutions and Risks 4, n.º 3 (2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/fmir.4(3).42-52.2020.
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In recent years artificial intelligence has entered a new era, which gives rise to many hopes for powerful states such as the United States and China. In this paper, we analyze the importance and role of artificial intelligence in technological development in each of the two countries on the one hand, and its influence on China-American relations in terms of technological and geopolitical conflict. To get the right results, we rely on a literature review of dozens of articles published on the phenomenon in order to compare the power of artificial intelligence between the United States and China where we found that the US still has technological strength, especially in the field of artificial intelligence, but we can say that a large force is beginning pose a threat for it which is China that has great technological capabilities so, we can say that the United States should work more in this field. Also, we found that artificial intelligence has a primary goal in both countries, it helps China to achieve its ambitions to be the leader of the world, and this intelligence, on the other hand, provides protection and security to the United States. This paper is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the importance of artificial intelligence in achieving China’s ambitions, the second section explains the role of artificial intelligence in the US protection service, and the third section describes the technological and geopolitical conflict resulting from the competition in artificial intelligence between these two countries. Keywords: Artificial intelligence, United States, China, Conflict, leader.
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Kharkevich, Maxim Vladimirovich, Ivan Ivanovich Pisarev, Vsevolod Sergeyevich Cheresov y Marina Olegovna Novogradskaya. "Comparative Analysis of American NGOs in China and Chinese NGOs in the U.S." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2021): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-350-371.
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This article analyzes the activities of American non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China and Chinese NGOs in the United States in the context of global competition between the United States and China for the leadership in the future model of the world order. In International Relations theory, especially in its theoretical paradigm of realism, the consideration of states as actors in international relations dominates scholarship. However, in recent decades it has become apparent that researchers have a significant interest in non-state actors, such as interest groups and NGOs, and their impact on international relations. NGOs in China and the United States have different historical backgrounds, environments, and government institutions in different ways. Still, but in terms of comparative analysis they represent comparable categories. The analysis offered in this study shows that, firstly, despite the strict regulation of the activities of NGOs in place in China, American NGOs have more opportunities to work in this environment than Chinese NGOs do in the United States, where the situation for their activities is apparently more favorable. Secondly, despite the advantages that partnerships provide, neither American nor Chinese NGOs form partnership networks and therefore, lose momentum for their own development. Thirdly, although the conditions for their activities differ in both countries, American and Chinese NGOs have equal opportunities to pursue their goals. Finally, American NGOs in China are less dependent on their government than Chinese NGOs in the United States are on the Chinese government. The study is comparative and takes as its units of analysis Chinese NGOs in the United States and American NGOs in China. Developments in the field of interest group politics serve as the theoretical framework for this research. The investigation uses methods of comparative quantitative analysis and social network analysis, while the interdisciplinary nature of the methods allow them to take advantage of the analytical capabilities of Comparative Political Science, Interest Group Politics, and International Relations.
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Paz, Gonzalo Sebastián. "China, United States and Hegemonic Challenge in Latin America: An Overview and Some Lessons from Previous Instances of Hegemonic Challenge in the Region". China Quarterly 209 (marzo de 2012): 18–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001469.
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AbstractHas China been a hegemonic challenge to the United States in Latin America in recent years? The article explores this question by setting a comparison with historical cases of instances of hegemonic challenge in Latin America, searching for similarities and differences, and looking for makers of rivalry as a way to start to distinguish perception from reality. I stress the instrumentality of framing issues, since they serve for internal mobilization and for control of allies. The article also attempts to illuminate the issue of how the United States has reacted to China's growing presence in an area historically considered within its sphere of interests, or “backyard,” and about the dialogue between the United States and China about the region. It provides insights on the United States, China and Latin American countries’ policy makers’ thinking, collected through off-the- record interviews and closed-door debriefings.
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Li, Yun. "Impact of Human Resource Strategies of the United States on China". Journal of Management and Strategy 8, n.º 4 (13 de julio de 2017): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/jms.v8n4p62.
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A developed and mighty America has attracted world attention. At the same time, it Provokes our deep thought on the reason for its rapid development within 300 years into the world’s leading superpower, Outdistancing all other countries in politics, economy, military strength, and culture.After researching and Pondering, I conclude that American development in a large degree lies in its effective human resource strategies. Peace and development have become the two main topics in the Present world. We can borrow some experience from American development and gain some suggestions for the benefit of our own development into power. There are other hills whose stones are good for working jade.
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COPPER, John F. "Taiwan as a Catalyst for a Sino-American Conflict". East Asian Policy 08, n.º 02 (abril de 2016): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000155.
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Taiwan has long been a source of conflict between China and the United States. It has just held a critical election, won by the Democratic Progressive Party that stands for Taiwan’s independence. China is undergoing profound changes in its economy and politics. The United States is seriously at odds with China on a number of issues. All of this adds up to a China-US confrontation or worse.
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Liang, Jun, Ying Li, Zhongan Zhang, Dongxia Shen, Jie Xu, Xu Zheng, Tong Wang, Buzhou Tang, Jianbo Lei y Jiajie Zhang. "Adoption of Electronic Health Records (EHRs) in China During the Past 10 Years: Consecutive Survey Data Analysis and Comparison of Sino-American Challenges and Experiences". Journal of Medical Internet Research 23, n.º 2 (18 de febrero de 2021): e24813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/24813.
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Background The adoption rate of electronic health records (EHRs) in hospitals has become a main index to measure digitalization in medicine in each country. Objective This study summarizes and shares the experiences with EHR adoption in China and in the United States. Methods Using the 2007-2018 annual hospital survey data from the Chinese Health Information Management Association (CHIMA) and the 2008-2017 United States American Hospital Association Information Technology Supplement survey data, we compared the trends in EHR adoption rates in China and the United States. We then used the Bass model to fit these data and to analyze the modes of diffusion of EHRs in these 2 countries. Finally, using the 2007, 2010, and 2014 CHIMA and Healthcare Information and Management Systems Services survey data, we analyzed the major challenges faced by hospitals in China and the United States in developing health information technology. Results From 2007 to 2018, the average adoption rates of the sampled hospitals in China increased from 18.6% to 85.3%, compared to the increase from 9.4% to 96% in US hospitals from 2008 to 2017. The annual average adoption rates in Chinese and US hospitals were 6.1% and 9.6%, respectively. However, the annual average number of hospitals adopting EHRs was 1500 in China and 534 in the US, indicating that the former might require more effort. Both countries faced similar major challenges for hospital digitalization. Conclusions The adoption rates of hospital EHRs in China and the United States have both increased significantly in the past 10 years. The number of hospitals that adopted EHRs in China exceeded 16,000, which was 3.3 times that of the 4814 nonfederal US hospitals. This faster adoption outcome may have been a benefit of top-level design and government-led policies, particularly the inclusion of EHR adoption as an important indicator for performance evaluation and the appointment of public hospitals.
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Brundage, Mathew. "Somewhere Between Civilization and Savagery". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, n.º 3 (27 de octubre de 2016): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02303007.
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This article examines the language in mid-19th Century accounts emphasizing Chinese cultural “stagnation” in the face of growing American influence in East Asia to investigate the emergence of a belief in the rising position of the United States on the world stage. This construction played off of critical observations that attempted to explain how the China trade was strong enough to be of u.s. national interest, while at the same time clarifying how the Chinese were weak enough to succumb to foreign influence. As such, Americans attempted to diagnose and cure the ills of stagnation through intervention. From religious conversion, to economic expansion, to cultural influence, Americans proposed a litany of solutions to China’s problems. A common theme within these larger tropes focused on the unique role that Chinese women played in American hopes for enacting change in China. In defining Chinese stagnation, Americans betrayed their own perspectives on the role of women in society and attempted to influence Chinese women to adopt that idealized model as the means by which the United States could profit from elevating China into the ranks of modern civilized nations.
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Nickles, Marshall D. y Jeffrey Schieberl. "Shadow Banking In The United States And China :What Are The Risks?" International Journal of Management & Information Systems (IJMIS) 19, n.º 3 (13 de julio de 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/ijmis.v19i3.9364.
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This paper addresses the concern the authors have regarding the speculative nature of shadow banking in the United States and China in particular. There appears to be ample evidence that shadow banking in the United States was a major contributor to the speculation that led up to the 2008 - 2010 financial crisis. The same type of speculation was also responsible for the U.S. stock market collapse of 1929. During the 1930s the Glass-Steagall Act was enacted to address the potential conflict of interest between commercial and investment banking activities. This Act was altered in the 1990s by a majority vote in Congress. Some believe that this partial gutting of the Glass-Steagall Act contributed to Americas unregulated shadow banking activities and real estate speculation that followed. At present Chinas shadow banking sector is following a similar speculative path that the United States did about seven years ago. A difference is that Chinas commercial and shadow banking systems are absent of many of the mechanisms that allowed the U.S. to regulate its way out of Americas financial crisis. This paper compares past and current U.S. and Chinese shadow banking activities and draws conclusions relative to certain sectors in the Chinese economy that are overheated and primed for economic difficulties that could have global implications.
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Han, Shengfei y Catherine A. Durham. "Spatial Price Analysis Incorporating Rate of Trade: Methods and Application to United States–China Soybean Trade". Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 42, n.º 2 (mayo de 2010): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800003515.
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A regime-switching model for analysis of market integration has been developed that incorporates rate of trade information. An application of the methods to United States–China soybean trade demonstrates that the extended trade information allows better interpretation of market conditions. While the empirical results show that China's reform efforts since mid 1990s toward an open market have greatly improved United States–China soybean markets integration, about 40% of nontransitional disequilibrium occurrences likely indicate infrastructural limits such as the lack of information availability and limited competition. The United States–China price linkage is observed to be closer after China's World Trade Organization membership. The link has also been found relatively slack during the South American soybean harvest.
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Billings, Andrew C., Ryan M. Broussard, Qingru Xu y Mingming Xu. "Untangling International Sport Social Media Use: Contrasting U.S. and Chinese Uses and Gratifications Across Four Platforms". Communication & Sport 7, n.º 5 (2 de agosto de 2018): 630–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479518790014.
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This study of 409 sports fans from the United States and China contrasts uses sought and gratifications obtained within four different social media platforms: Facebook and Twitter (in the United States) and WeChat and Weibo (in China). Results indicated that each of the platforms function in starkly contrasting manners. In the United States, Facebook scored higher than Twitter on every motivational measure; in China, WeChat was found to be better at fostering camaraderie, entertainment, habitual use, and maintaining relationships, while Weibo was found to be better for arousal. Moreover, Chinese respondents reported higher gratifications obtained than American respondent on all 12 factors. Implications are offered for uses and gratifications research as well as sports media scholarship.
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Fingar, Thomas. "Frustrations and Hopes: An American perspective on United States‐China relations". Journal of Contemporary China 10, n.º 27 (mayo de 2001): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560120045814.
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Khanapurkar, Uday. "CFIUS 2.0: An Instrument of American Economic Statecraft Targeting China". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 48, n.º 2 (agosto de 2019): 226–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868102620906973.
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On 13 August 2018, the president of the United States signed a bill to strengthen the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), an interagency executive body responsible for screening foreign investments made in the United States for national security risks. The move is primarily aimed at preventing Chinese firms from exploiting the US open capital markets to acquire technology. While much commentary exists spelling out the changes made to CFIUS by way of the legislation, their focus is largely on the legal and business ramifications of the policy at the firm level. This analysis assesses what CFIUS strengthening portends for the tech ambitions, examines the Chinese state’s response to the move, and observes its relevance to US–China economic decoupling.
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GORDIENKO, D. V. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE AMERICAN-CHINESE CONFRONTATION ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NATIONAL INTERESTS OF RUSSIA PART 1: US ANTI-CHINESE ACTIVITIES AGAINST PRC". EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, n.º 8 (2021): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.08.02.015.
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The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of the prospects for the realization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the context of the anti-Chinese activities of the United States in the confrontation with the PRC and the aggravation of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China. An approach to the analysis of trends that determine the interdependence of the countries of the stra-tegic triangle Russia – China – the United States is proposed. An approach to assessing the prospects for the implementation of the national interests of the Russian Federation is proposed, which allows us to give a forecast of the development of relations between the countries of the named strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. It is concluded that the Russian Federation, China and the United States are important partners for each other.
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Jiahan, Cao. "Recalibrating China-U.S. Climate Cooperation Under the Trump Administration". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, n.º 01 (enero de 2018): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500033.
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Based on the analytical framework of securitization, this article argues that cooperation between China and the United States on climate change will not lose momentum despite President Trump’s seemingly passive stance. A securitization process on the climate issue has been ongoing in China since President Xi Jinping took office and proposed the Overall National Security Outlook (ONSO). Climate security was thus integrated into China’s political discourse as a key component of ecological and common security, leading to a period of China-U.S. cooperation during the Obama administration. Similarly, in the United States, climate policy has been cemented in security planning and assessment of various federal agencies. The U.S. security sector seems to be largely unaffected by the White House decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. A growing number of Americans treat climate change as a security threat and many U.S. states and cities, in collaboration with business leaders, have taken on a role in international climate diplomacy. Combined with existing intergovernmental collaborative projects, robust market forces and innovative local initiatives will continue to push China-U.S. climate cooperation forward. As a necessary step to sustain its ties with the United States on climate issues, the Chinese government needs to propose a renewed bilateral framework on energy and environment cooperation under the China-U.S. Comprehensive Economic Dialogue.
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Buranok, S. O. "Theoretical and Methodological Approaches of Studying the Image of China of 1931-1949 in USA Historiography". Nauchnyi dialog, n.º 3 (30 de marzo de 2020): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-317-330.
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The historiography of the problem of researching the image of China in the USA is considered. A comprehensive analysis of the evolution of the historiography of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the United States is proposed through the study of the specifics of the perception by the political elite, the military, the public and the US media of the most important events of the "Chinese crisis". It is noted that this approach allows us to talk about the formation of a special phenomenon of the socio-political life of the United States, the reconstruction and explanation of which are impossible within the framework of the traditional methodology of historical research and require an interdisciplinary approach based on historical imagology. It is shown that the formation of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the historiography of the United States by the American press is represented with several thematic areas: the first - the studies of American assessments of China in general works on the history of international relations before the Second World War and during its course; the second is a study of the history of the formation of American assistance to fighting China; third, analyzing China’s assessment of the United States in the context of the history of colonialism and decolonization; fourth, examining the image of China in the context of a study of public opinion in the United States. It is pointed out that the analysis of historiography indicates that China in the crisis period of history was in the focus of attention of both journalists and the academic community.
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Lin, Mao. "More Than a Tacit Alliance". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, n.º 1 (8 de abril de 2017): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02401004.
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It is well known that President Richard M. Nixon’s 1972 visit to the People’s Republic of China (prc) established an anti-Soviet alliance between Beijing and Washington that reshaped the global Cold War power balance. Naturally, scholars have focused on strategic issues such as the Sino-Soviet split, the Vietnam War, Taiwan, and other factors of “high politics” to understand the u.s.-China rapprochement. However, one can no longer dismiss u.s.-prc trade in the 1970s, albeit small in total volume, as insignificant and thus unimportant to the reconciliation. This article first examines how the Johnson and Nixon administrations conceived trade as a useful tool to improve relations with Communist China. It then explores how the Americans and Chinese carried out trade between themselves in the 1970s. It argues that many Americans were enthusiastic about u.s.-prc trade because they believed that reopened economic relations with the United States would persuade the prc to abandon its Communist model of modernization and move closer to following the capitalist example. If the United States could promote China’s attraction to its capitalist model for future development, then their shared economic interests and developmental visions would consolidate further the u.s.-China strategic alliance. In this sense, promoting trade was a way for the United States to apply soft power to change the prc.
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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to Special Issue: Japan–China Fragile Partnership: At Fortieth Anniversary of Diplomatic Normalization". Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, n.º 1 (5 de febrero de 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991200031x.
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The rise of China was not an issue in 1971 or 1972. Therefore, neither the United States nor Japan thought about the consequences of US–China and Japan–China rapprochement in the early 1970s (Kissinger, 2011). The diplomatic normalization between Japan and China took place in 1972 as an appendage of the United States–China rapprochement in 1971, at least in American eyes. At this time, the United States was waging war in Vietnam, while the Cold War was still at the heyday of massive nuclear buildups by the United States and the Soviet Union. China was in the midst of domestic turmoil called the Cultural Revolution, while facing the hostile Soviet Union. To ease their burdens, both countries concluded the surprising rapprochement. It was a great surprise to Japan because it had not been notified about this rapprochement even a couple of days before. In 1971, China entered the United Nations. Japan went ahead of the United States and had achieved diplomatic normalization by 1972. Japan wanted to develop a new market in China when its economy was booming whereby Japan wanted to alleviate the extreme of ‘leaning to one side’ (to the United States). China wanted to alleviate security threats coming from the Soviet Union (‘anti-hegemonism’) and to have Japan involved in the development of the half-frozen economy, especially with the massive Japanese official development assistance. On the disputed islands called Senkaku Islands/Diaoyu Islands, the Japanese government wanted to settle the issue, but the Chinese government saw no immediate urgency to do so. In 1978, both the United States and Japan consolidated their ties with China, again with Japan going ahead of the United States. In December 1978, Deng Xiaoping came back into power, paving the road to ‘economic reform and the opening to the world’. His famous sentence, yangguan taohui (keep low profile, nurture strength), was propagated as the new Chinese policy line, both internally and externally (Vogel, 2011). He focused on economic development while keeping peace on all borders. China started to grow in the 1980s in a strident fashion, although voices for political reform were also on the rise. Such voices culminated in 1989 after the death of former Secretary General Hu Yaopang, a reformist who was dismissed from office in 1987 by Deng Xiaoping. On 4 June 1989, large numbers of demonstrators assembled in Tiananmen Square, Beijing, demanding more freedom and democracy. Deng Xiaoping ordered the all-out suppression of the dissidents. The Tiananmen Square massacre led to embargos by the West and by Japan. The embargos were lifted in 1991. Both Japan and Europe were keen on this. The Chinese economy then registered a two digit annual growth rate for two decades until 2011. Meanwhile the terms of the Japan–China Friendship Treaty of 1978 − that is China forgiving Japan for not paying indemnity − became known in China, giving rise to opposition to the Friendship Treaty in the 1990s. The United States was preoccupied with anti-terrorism after 9/11 in 2001, and the thought of growth in China in the 2000s scarcely came to mind. But by 2011, the growth of China was visible and tangible; a fact that no one can deny is that China is expected to surpass the United States in terms of Gross National Product sooner or later.
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Di, He. "The Most Respected Enemy: Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States". China Quarterly 137 (marzo de 1994): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003407x.
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Mao Zedong's key concern in his analysis of the United States was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the People's Republic of China (PRC). But on 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon, the first American president ever to set foot on Chinese soil, began what he called “the week that changed the world.” This was also perhaps the most significant day in the 200-year history of Sino-U.S. relations. To prepare for it Nixon read extensive background materials on China, listened to specialists' advice on how to deal with his Chinese counterparts, and even practised eating with chopsticks. Nevertheless, he still felt nervous, fearing that he might be subjected to the humiliation previously encountered by Western barbarians who had journeyed to the court of the Chinese Emperor in an earlier age.
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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "US-China Relations in Asia-Pacific Economic Integration". East Asian Policy 07, n.º 02 (abril de 2015): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000215.
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The United States' involvement in the market-driven regional economic integration began with the promotion of trade interdependence between East Asian economies after World War II as a way to counterbalance Communist expansion. Its incorporation of China into the regional economy since the end of the 1970s has indirectly created a potential competitor for itself. The United States' active promotion of Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement shows America's anxiety about its declining influence in the region.
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Chen, Constance. "“Seeds for a New Life”: Modernity and the Pacific Turn in the Progressive Era". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 3 (10 de junio de 2020): 447–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000109.
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AbstractSince the colonial era, the ideological and cultural usefulness of Asia has changed with evolving American needs. This article argues that the Progressive Era turn toward the Pacific world marked a new epoch and mode of transnational interchange as a diverse array of Americans traveled to China and Japan. Encounters with Asianness in situ would lead to a reinvention of the U.S. worldview in the late nineteenth century. The question at hand for certain Americans was how to become “modern,” to germinate “seeds for a new life” that would ensure the prosperity and well-being of the United States amidst momentous global changes. Instead of being antimodernist, the fetishization of Asia served as a way to rein in and define modernity for American purposes. In the process, modernist Orientalism became a framework for imagining China and Japan and their cultural practices. Buddhism, in particular, was reconceptualized as a hybrid entity that seemed to be emblematic of the dawn of a new era. Ultimately, the flow of ideas and peoples between Asia and the United States enabled Americans to construct a global “modern” identity for themselves and to carve out a prominent role for the nation within the international community.