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1

SHAHÎD, Irfan. "Arab Christianity in Byzantine Palestine." ARAM Periodical 15 (January 1, 2003): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.15.0.504536.

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2

SHAHID Irfan. ""Arab Christianity in Byzantine Palestine"." ARAM Periodical 15, no. 1 (2005): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.15.1.504536.

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3

Kennedy, Scott. "The Arab conquest in Byzantine historical memory: the long view." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 115, no. 1 (2022): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2022-0005.

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Abstract In recent decades, historians of the Arab conquest have increasingly turned away from positivist reconstructions of the events of the Arab conquest. Through thematic analysis of conquest narratives, scholars have illustrated how the early Islamic community articulated its identity. Byzantine narratives of the Arab conquest have generally not been considered from this perspective. This paper takes the long view of the Arab conquest illustrating how centuries of Byzantine writers and chroniclers articulated and rearticulated this memory, as their identity shifted along with their politi
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4

Brubaker, Leslie. "REPRESENTATION c. 800: ARAB, BYZANTINE, CAROLINGIAN." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (November 12, 2009): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044010999003x.

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ABSTRACTWhat could or should be visually represented was a contested issue across the medieval Christian and Islamic world around the year 800. This article examines how Islamic, Byzantine, Carolingian and Palestinian Christian attitudes toward representation were expressed, and differed, across the seventh and eighth centuries. Islamic prohibitions against representing human figures were not universally recognised, but were particularly – if sometimes erratically – focused on mosque decoration. Byzantine ‘iconoclasm’ – more properly called iconomachy – was far less destructive than its later
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5

Wierzbiński, Szymon. "Prospective Gain or Actual Cost? Arab Civilian and Military Captives in the Light of Byzantine Narrative Sources and Military Manuals from the 10th Century." Studia Ceranea 8 (December 30, 2018): 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.14.

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For the Byzantine emperors of the 10th century, the eastern front was the crucial one, due to the constant struggle with the Abbasid Caliphate. In the course of this conflict – from which Byzantium emerged victorious – the capturing and enslaving of soldiers and civilians alike was an everyday reality. The main objective of this paper is to define the role of prisoners of war in the strategy and tactics of Byzantine generals. First, I will attempt to determine whether the latter treated the captives as a potential gain under various aspects (i.e. financial, prestige-related, or diplomatic). Ne
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6

Berkes, Lajos. "Documentary context for dating and interpreting Christian literary and semi-literary papyri: some notes." Journal of Juristic Papyrology, no. 52 (April 15, 2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.jjurp.52.2022.pp.29-34.

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7

Demichelis, Marco. "Arab Christian Confederations and Muhammad’s Believers: On the Origins of Jihad." Religions 12, no. 9 (2021): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090710.

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The meaning and elaboration of Jihad (just-sacred war) hold an important place in Islamic history and thought. On the far side of its spiritual meanings, the term has been historically and previously associated with the Arab Believers’ conquest of the 7th–8th centuries CE. However, the main idea of this contribution is to develop the “sacralization of war” as a relevant facet that was previously elaborated by the Arab Christian (pro-Byzantine) clans of the north of the Arabian Peninsula and the Levant and secondarily by the Arab confederation of Muhammad’s believers. From the beginning of Muha
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8

Lascaratos, J., and E. Poulakou‐Rebelakou. "Oribasius (Fourth Century) and Early Byzantine Perinatal Nutrition." Journal of Pediatric Gastroenterology and Nutrition 36, no. 2 (2003): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1536-4801.2003.tb07988.x.

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ABSTRACTBackgroundThe purpose of the study is the investigation of perinatal nutrition in the early Byzantine period.MethodsThe original Greek language works of the celebrated physician of the fourth century, Oribasius, were studied.ResultsThe first Byzantine author who studied perinatal nutrition, Oribasius, provided his own concepts about the topic, focusing on the suitable choice of wet nurse and evaluation of the quality of the milk. His research proves that physicians from early Byzantine times were greatly interested in perinatal nutrition. He was aware of the knowledge of eminent ancien
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9

Al Rawadieh, Al Mahdi. "Arab Contributions to Introducing the Roman Territories During the Byzantine and the Seljuk Periods." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (2022): 128–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i1.1650.

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This article aims to show to which extent the Arab and Muslim historians and geographers are aware of and familiar with the Byzantine empire’s territories (Roman territories), and their information about its administrative and military divisions in the first eight Hijri centuries (8-14 AD), which is the period in which the Roman territories were under Byzantine rule, and later by Seljuk who dominated these territories after the Battle of Manzikert in 463 AH / 1071 AD, and before its submission to Ottoman rule. The study also explores the main routes used by Arabs and Muslims in their military
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10

al_tarawneh, khalaf. "Adition to walkers B.mc of Arab Byzantine coins." مجلة کلیة الآداب بقنا 8, no. 8 (1998): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/qarts.1998.113851.

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11

Kirabaev, Nur S. "“Knowledge” and “Action”: al-Ghazali and Arab Muslim Philosophical Tradition in Context of Interrelationship with Philosophical Culture of Byzantium." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 27, no. 2 (2023): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2023-27-2-201-215.

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“Knowledge” in Islam, Muslim culture and philosophy is considered as the key to understanding Muslim civilization, the formation of which took place in interaction with the cultures of peoples of the eastern and western parts of the former Roman Empire. The Byzantine theology and philosophy were of great importance for the points of contact and mutual enrichment of Muslim and Christian cultures in the Middle Ages, influencing the formation of Christian orthodox doctrine and the worldview of the ethnically diverse peoples of the Byzantine oikumene. The phenomenon of “knowledge” in Muslim cultur
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12

Buzanakov, Yu V. "The conquest of Antioch by the Persians and the beginning of the geopolitical catastrophe of Byzantium in the East." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (2019): 627–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-627-633.

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The article discusses the military history of Antioch, one of the regional centers of the Byzantine state from the 4th to 7th centuries. The author analyse the role of the city in the Byzantine-Persian wars. The characteristic of the history of the conquest of the Byzantine East is given. Being the capital of the province of Syria, Antioch was a major economic, political and religious center. In addition, Antioch has a rich military history. From the 4th century until the beginning of the Arab conquests, the Syrian Province was one of the centers of the Byzantine-Persian wars. As a rule, the c
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13

Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata. "The Christian Nubia and the Arabs." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.08.

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Nubia constituted the area in the Nile Valley in the present day Sudan, the area which spread from the first cataract up to the place where the White Nile meets the Blue Nile. The area was inhabited by the population using a common language – Old Nubian. In the second half of the sixth century thanks to the missions send by the Byzantine Court, Nubia accepted Christianity as a state religion. Nubia immediately found itself in the area of influence of Byzantine culture. Byzantine administration, liturgy of the Eastern Church and the Greek language were introduced. In 641 the Arab conquest of Eg
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14

Тубин, Славиша. "Христијанизација Нубијe и везе са Византијом до X века". Theological Views – Religious and Scientific Journal / Теолошки погледи – версконаучни часопис LIV, № 3 (2021): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46825/tv/2021-3-411-428.

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Indications of the first baptismal endeavors in Nubia can be traced back to the apostolic period. The final baptism of all three Nubian states (Nobatia, Makuria, Alodia) took place in the 6th century. A strong and lasting alliance with Byzantium implied cultural, religious and trade contacts. The historiography is dominated by the theory of the collapse of Nubian- Byzantine ties after the Islamic Conquest of Egypt in the 7th century. The similarity of Nubian society with Byzantine after the seventh century is explained by the theory of memory of Byzantium in Nubia. On the other hand, relying o
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15

CHRYSOSTOMIDES, ANNA. "Creating a Theology of Icons in Umayyad Palestine: John of Damascus’ ‘Three Treatises on the Divine Images’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000007x.

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John of Damascus (c. 655–745) is a striking figure in church history as a defender of icon veneration and as a Church Father who maintained Byzantine Orthodoxy despite living under Muslim rule. His life amongst Muslims and his association with the Umayyad Melkite Christian community, the Christian Church which attempted to maintain an adherence to Byzantine Orthodoxy after the Arab conquest, is often associated with his defence of icons. However, most scholarship claims that his Three treatises on the divine images were written solely against Byzantine iconoclasm. This article provides a close
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16

ΤΑΚΙΡΤΑΚΟΓΛΟΥ, Κωνσταντίνος. "Η συμμετοχή Τούρκων πολεμιστών στον αββασιδικό στρατό κατά τις αραβο-βυζαντινές συγκρούσεις: Οι επιχειρήσεις του στρατιωτικού αρχηγού Bughā al-Kabīr". Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (17 березня 2018): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.14387.

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Αim of this study is to examine why the presence of select Turkic warriors in the Abbasid armies had little impact on the course of the Arab-Byzantine conflicts. The article focuses mainly on the campaigns conducted by the commander Bughā al-Kabīr against the Byzantine Empire and other Caliphate enemies. The small number of the Turkic warriors, as well as the difficulties encountered by the horse archers in mountainous terrains are the main reasons that there were no changes to the balance of power in the frontier conflicts.
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17

Fiorentino, Sara. "A Tale of Two Legacies: Byzantine and Egyptian Influences in the Manufacture and Supply of Glass Tesserae under the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750 AD)." Heritage 4, no. 4 (2021): 2810–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040158.

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The connection between Umayyad and Byzantine mosaic manufacture is a debated issue: on the one hand, Arab sources report that Umayyad caliphs received craftspeople and materials to adorn religious buildings from the Byzantine emperor; on the other hand, the reliability of these texts has long been disputed among scholars, and other possible influences have been hypothesised. Was early Islamic mosaic manufacture related to Byzantine tradition and to what extent? Were materials and artisans gathered from Byzantium and/or territories under the Byzantine control? Based on a multi-analytical approa
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18

Oddy, Andrew. "Whither Arab-Byzantine numismatics? A review of fifty years' research." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 28, no. 1 (2004): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2004.28.1.121.

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19

Chaqoqo, Sri Guno Najib. "ISLAM AND SCIENCE: ITS CONCEPTION AND INSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA." Manarul Qur'an: Jurnal Ilmiah Studi Islam 20, no. 1 (2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32699/mq.v20i1.1611.

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Islam interacts and intersects with its culture either from Arab or outside of Arab. Islam revealed in Arab, in Shahrur view, as a liberation religion which is Arab didn’t introduced as a part of any dominant imperial. It is considered as the strategic role which Islam didn’t abounded which any imperial rule. Islam as a norm and values function considered to be able to interact with any culture and civilization around Arab, even in the world. Most Muslim beliefs that they able to alive in anyways they stay with difference culture. It can be seen in spread up of Muslim outside Arab moreover whe
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20

Kuzenkov, Pavel V. "Caliph Al-Mu‘tasim’s Expedition against Amorion in 838 AD: The Chronology Reconsidered." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.005.

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This research offers a detailed reconstruction of one of the most famous episodes of Byzantine-Arab relations in the ninth century, the victorious campaign of the Abbasid army led by Caliph al-Mu‘tasim deep into the territory of Byzantium in 838 AD, which ended with the defeat of the army of Emperor Theophilos and the destruction of two most important fortresses in Asia Minor, Ankyra and Amorion, the native place of the ruling dynasty. The accounts of the circumstances and the route of this expedition kept by Arab, Syrian, and Greek sources make it possible to build a detailed chronological ma
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21

Bintliff, John. "Changes in Town and Country in Late Antiquity and into the Early Medieval Period in Greece and the Aegean Islands." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 34, no. 20 N.S. (2024): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.11139.

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The Greek Aegean in the Late Roman era (5th-mid-7th centuries AD) offers a degree of uniformity, developing further the novel urban and rural patterns that mark the previous Imperial centuries. Characteristically, small towns with fortifications and lavish Christian monuments are surrounded by commercial villa estates, while populations shrink drastically from the mid-6th century. In the 7th-8th centuries fundamental regional divergences appear. Most of mainland Greece is lost to the Eastern Roman (aka Early Byzantine) Empire based at Constantinople, the largest towns and coastal ports excepte
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22

Bibikov, Mikhail V. "Early Byzantine Descriptions of Palestine." Vestnik RFFI. Gumanitarnye i obŝestvennye nauki 118, no. 3 (2024): 44–50. https://doi.org/10.22204/2587-8956-2024-118-03-44-50.

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The article provides an overview of the early Byzantine testimonies about Jerusalem and other centers of the Holy Land in the period before the Arab conquests of Palestine. The review considers the data about the Byzantine Middle East in comparison with chronologically close to them materials of the Latin and Oriental texts, to which special publications are devoted. The article was written when working on the topic of the state task of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences under the Program of Fundamental Scientific Research in the field of “Russia and the Middle E
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23

Barnes, Hugh, and Mark Whittow. "The Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia (1992) Mastaura Kalesi: a Preliminary Report." Anatolian Studies 43 (December 1993): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642969.

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1992 was the first season of the Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia. Over the next five years it is planned to survey and record in as much detail as practicable five Byzantine castles in the area of the Büyük and Küçük Menderes river systems in western Turkey. The five castles will eventually be published in a single monograph where they can be discussed as a group and placed in their historical and geographical context. An annual preliminary report will appear in Anatolian Studies, which we hope will serve as a forum to test id
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24

Wolińska, Teresa. "Paulicjanie w Bizancjum – uciekinierzy i przesiedleńcy." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.019.13856.

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Paulicians in Byzantium: The fleeing and the displaced Paulicians, treated as Manicheans and persecuted in Armenia and the Byzantine Empire, escaped to the Arab-occupied territories where they established a state (843–878) and kept invading Byzantium in alliance with the Emirs of Melitene. Eventually Basil I (867–886) was able to defeat John Chrisocheiros and capture Tefrike. Constantine V, Basil I and John Tzimiskes drafted Paulicians into the Byzantine army and got them relocated to the territory of the empire, hoping to use their military potential to defend the borders against the Bulgaria
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25

Missios, Symeon, Kimon Bekelis, and David W. Roberts. "Neurosurgery in the Byzantine Empire: the contributions of Paul of Aegina (625–690 AD)." Journal of Neurosurgery 120, no. 1 (2014): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2013.8.jns13550.

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Paul of Aegina (625–690 AD) was born on the island of Aegina and was one of the most prominent physician-writers of the Byzantine Empire. His work Epitome of Medicine, comprised of 7 books, was a comprehensive compendium of the medical and surgical knowledge of his time and was subsequently translated into multiple languages. Paul of Aegina made valuable contributions to neurosurgical subjects and described procedures for the treatment of nerve injuries, hydrocephalus, and fractures of the skull and spine. His work combined the ancient knowledge of Hippocrates and Galen with contemporary medic
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26

Anagnostakis, Ilias. "Sweet and Salty Recipes: Some Examples from the Muslim and Byzantine Culinary and Medicinal Common Tradition." Studia Ceranea 14 (December 30, 2024): 145–214. https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.14.15.

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This paper discusses the use of salt, vinegar, honey, and sugar in some Byzantine and Arabic-Islamic recipes in cooking and pastry-making as well as for food preservation and in medical preparations. It draws mostly on information provided by Byzantine sources and Arabic translations for any comparison. The research focuses on some examples of salty/sour and sweet culinary and medicinal recipes, common or similar Arabo-Byzantine products like iṭriya, garos/murrī, zoulapion mishmishiyya, and libysia. The paper starts with Galen’s Syrian mēloplakous, continues with salty and sweet liquid prepara
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27

Filatov, Alexey. "On the question of the term “ἀμερμουμνῆς” in «Theophanes Continuatus»". Metamorphoses of history, № 30 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770028683-1.

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Through the centuries, Arab-Byzantine interactions developed in different ways. There was an amount of military conflicts, embassies, dense intercultural and interreligious cooperation. All these factors created the specific view on Islam and the image of Muslim world from Eastern Roman perspective. This view frequently found its place on pages of Byzantine historical and literary works, predominantly chronicles and tractates, and was expressed towards different details of Arabian world’s milieu. One of the most curious of them is a question of religious and civil authority, its significance i
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28

Oddy, W. Andrew. "The "Constans II" Bust type of arab-byzantine coins of Hims." Revue numismatique 6, no. 29 (1987): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1987.1904.

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29

Goodwin, Tony. "The Arab-Byzantine coinage of jund Filastin — a potential historical source." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 28, no. 1 (2004): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2004.28.1.1.

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30

Casey, P. J. "Justinian, the limitanei and Arab-Byzantine relations in the 6th c." Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 (1996): 214–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400016573.

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31

Howard-Johnston, J. "Arab-Byzantine Relations in Early Islamic Times * EDITED BY MICHAEL BONNER." Journal of Islamic Studies 18, no. 2 (2007): 257–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etm010.

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32

Wierzbiński, Szymon. "Adapting to New Threats on the Example of Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the Tenth Century CE." Safety & Defense 10, no. 2 (2024): 1–7. https://doi.org/10.37105/sd.227.

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One of the most important challenges every country faces is the ability to respond to the changing political environment. History provides enormous material in this regard, which is eagerly used by scholars, for example, in the discourse on conflicts and wars. In this respect, the course of the Byzantine-Arab conflict in the tenth century is particularly worth mentioning. In this text, the author attempts to identify the mechanisms of reforms in the administrative and military spheres that allowed the Empire to avert a crisis on its eastern borders and, over time, go on the offensive. Due to t
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33

Kaya, Tülin. "Understanding the Use of Byzantine Routes in Central Anatolia (ca. 7TH–9TH Centuries)." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.14.

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This paper mainly focuses on the impact of the change in the political equilibrium in the East caused by the effects of the Arab invasions on the main communication routes in Byzantine Central Anatolia. Beginning in the 640s and continuing for over 150 years, these incursions had an impact on the ways in which major routes in and through the new frontier zone were used, reflecting in part the fact that during this period the Taurus mountain range constituted the natural frontier between the Byzantines and the Arabs. The main communication routes in Central Anatolia, which lie on the northwest-
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34

Al, P. "De Kloosters van Kreta." Het Christelijk Oosten 46, no. 4 (1994): 231–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-04604001.

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The monasteries of Crete The history of Cretan monasteries follows the course and fortunes of the island’s political and ecclesiastical history and can be divided into six periods: the first Byzantine period, the Arab occupation, the second Byzantine period, the Venetian occupation, the Turkish occupation, the period of autonomy and union with Greece. Today there are forty-two monastic communities in the island, thirty of them comprised of monks and twelve of nuns. These monasteries and the aged hermits that inhabit them carry centuries of tradition forward into our own day. Many of them are t
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35

Noble, Samuel. "Byzantine Adab and Falsafah in 11th Century Antioch." Journal of Arabic Literature 53, no. 3-4 (2022): 246–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341460.

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Abstract Both medieval Arab historians and modern Byzantinists have generally ignored the Arabophone cultural life of Antioch during its period under Byzantine rule from 969–1084 CE, preferring to equate Christian rule with Greek culture. Nevertheless, lay intellectuals closely connected to the Melkite Patriarchate of Antioch were active in promoting the translation of Greek patristic works into Arabic during this period. This article examines the career of the deacon ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī, whose translations, compilations, and original works evince close familiarity with contempora
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36

Garnczarska, Magdalena. "The Iconographic Motif of a Griffin and a Hare on the So-called Saracenic-Sicilian Casket from the Wawel Cathedral Treasury in Cracow." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.04.

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The article examines a kind of community of aesthetic tastes that was connecting Arab and Byzantine courtly culture. This community concerned the secular and luxurious works of art. The silver casket, called a Saracenic-Sicilian, from the Wawel Cathedral Treasury in Cracow will serve as the starting point to gain a true appreciation of the complex artistic relationship between the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic world in the Middle Ages. It appears highly probable that the casket was created in the twelfth century. It was published at once after the discovery (8th March 1881) and since then,
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37

Harrison, R. M., and N. Christie et al. "Excavations at Amorium: 1992 Interim Report." Anatolian Studies 43 (December 1993): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642972.

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August 1992 marked the sixth season of survey and excavation at the east Phrygian site of Amorium, located 170 km. south-west of Ankara. Excavation has so far sampled only a tiny part of what was in Roman and Byzantine times an extensive urban site, but results have consistently revealed that an exciting range of data can be drawn from this largely unexplored centre. Indeed, despite evident modern robbing for stone, the trenched areas have revealed that substantial zones may remain archaeologically intact.The ancient site of Amorium comprised two distinct fortified zones: a compact upper town,
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38

Cecota, Błażej, and Konrad Figat. "Islam, the Arabs and Umayyad Rulers According to Theophanes the Confessor’s Chronography." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.09.

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As the Chronography of Theophanes the Confessor includes a lot of information about the foreign states and tribes which were connected with the Byzantine Empire. It is legitimate, in the Author’s view, to analyse the account concerning Islam and the Arabs by this Byzantine author. Theophanes possessed detailed knowledge of the Arabs, Islam and Umayyad caliphs. He used, although presumably indirectly, some Muslim sources in his work. The argument which strongly proves this hypothesis is his precise description of inner clashes between the members of the ruling house, as well as of Arab civil wa
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39

Komatina, Predrag. "The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 79, no. 1 (2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707615.

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40

Gurbanov, Abbas. "ARAB ADMINISTRATION AND SETTLEMENT POLICY IN AZERBAIJAN." Islamic History and Literature 2, no. 2 (2024): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.62476/ihl22.87.

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After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the caliphs who came to power continued the conquests started with the aim of spreading Islam. Some of these activities were related to Azerbaijan. Like every state, the Arab caliphate had its own administrative system, which was more or less the same in all regions. The Arab armies governed the newly conquered territories by appointing governors. From the first day of its capture, Azerbaijan began to be governed by governors appointed here. The first governor who adopted Ardabil as his center, as it was during the Sassanid period, was Hüzeyfa b. al-Yam
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41

Kislinger, Ewald. "Erster und zweiter Sieger. Zum Byzantinisch-Karolingischen bündnis bezüglich Bari 870-871." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-1 (2013): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350245k.

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The growth of Arab power in Southern Italy and even Dalmatia menaced the Byzantine Empire as well as Carolingian Italy and led both to an alliance in 869/870. Their attempt, however, to conquer Bari in a joint attack failed in 870 (not 869) due to a lack of coordination. An exchange of letters, which followed between Basil I and Louis II, reveals cultural and ideological alienation between christian East and West.
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42

Brzozowska, Zofia Aleksandra. "The image of a muslim arab woman in medieval rus’ literature." Studia Historica. Historia Medieval 39, no. 2 (2021): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/shhme392131152.

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Rus’ medieval authors drew information about the history and culture of the Arabs mainly from Byzantine sources, translated into Old-Church-Slavonic. The image was supplemented by observations made by residents of medieval Rus’ in the course of direct contacts with the Arabs (e.g. during their travels to the Holy Land) or ideas about other Islamic peoples, whose customs could be known to old Rus’ authors from personal experience (e.g. Turks or Mongols/Tatars). The aim of this paper is to analyze the image of Arab women emerging from old Rus’ works. We will be interested in people from Muhammad
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43

Garrood, William. "The Byzantine conquest of Cilicia and the Hamdanids of Aleppo, 959–965." Anatolian Studies 58 (December 2008): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006615460000870x.

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AbstractBetween 959 and 965, Byzantine forces, directed and most often led by Nikephoros Phokas, launched a series of successful campaigns of conquest, particularly in the east. Although little studied, these conquests are significant. The subject of this article, the conquest of the Cilician plain in 965, represents the culmination of a century of Byzantine pressure on the Arab border states, of which Tarsos was the last. Simultaneously, the elimination of the Hamdanid emirate of Aleppo as a threat to the Empire helped to lay the groundwork for further successes in Syria after 965. It is the
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44

Kirabaev, Nur S., and Olga V. Chistyakova. "Anthropological Tradition: Byzantine Orthodoxy and Islam." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 6 (2023): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-6-164-175.

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The article examines the formation of religious-anthropological traditions formed within the framework of Byzantine Christianity and medieval Arab-Muslim philosophy. The views of the Greek-Byzantine theologian and thinker Maximus the Confessor (580–662) regarding man in the Church Fathers’ theo­logical development of the main Christian dogma of the Divine Incarnation of Jesus Christ are presented. In terms of philosophical comparativism, the an­thropological concepts of St. Maximus and the most outstanding representative of Islam, the founder of the Sufi philosophical-theological system of the
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45

Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.

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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Gre
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46

Beylot, Robert. "Du Kebra Nagast." Aethiopica 7 (October 22, 2012): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.7.1.281.

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Starting from the reflexion on the legend of the Queen of Sheba’s hairy leg, the author tries to disentangle the inextricable network of traditions – Egyptian, Jewish, Byzantine and Arab – and to find an historical thread which may explain the many syncretic rehandlings that lead to the original redaction of Kebra Nagast, the «Glory of the Kings», the Ethiopian dynasty’s founding text. All this network of traditions seems to converge towards the gulf of Akaba and the Nubian border of the Red Sea.
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47

Wolińska, Teresa. "Synowie Hagar. Wiedza bizantyńczyków o armii arabskiej w świetle traktatów wojskowych z IX i X wieku." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3571.

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Arab military expansion was a real challenge to the Byzantine Empire. The defeats sustained in wars with the Arabs, whom the Byzantines called sometimes Hagarenes to refer to Biblical Hagar, forced new method of war waging. That knowledge was taken predominantly directly from battlefield. The Arab menace increased during the reign of Leo VI the Wise (886-912). Albeit not a soldier himself, he took an attempt to reorganize the Byzantine army and navy. Although it did not bring an immediate effect, the Empire gradually be­gan to initiative. The situation changed for better during the reign of Co
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48

Cutler, Anthony. "Gifts and Gift Exchange as Aspects of the Byzantine, Arab, and Related Economies." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55 (2001): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291821.

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49

Bonner, Michael. "Some Observations concerning the Early Development of Jihad on the Arab-Byzantine Frontier." Studia Islamica, no. 75 (1992): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595619.

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50

Cvetkovic, Milos. "The settlement of the Mardaites and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West: A chronology." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 54 (2017): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1754065c.

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The paper discusses questions about the chronology of the settlement of Mardaite soldiers in the Balkans and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West: Peloponnesus, Cephalonia and Nicopolis. It presents arguments in favor of the hypothesis of the Mardaite settlement in Peloponnesus as the result of the colonization policy of Nicepho?rus I in the early 9th century. This view largely rests on information contained in the Chronicle of Monemvasia, a source hereto unused in discussions about the Mardaites. The Mardaites were moved in the territory of the themata of Nicopoli
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