Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Asie centrale – Antiquité"

This article describes the historical geography of Central Asia in the era of antiquity. The Greek names of the Central Asian toponyms and hydronyms are given. It also describes the information of Herodotus about the peoples inhabiting the territory of Central Asia.

In 1989 ANTIQUITY published a special section of papers on the archaeology of the steppe zone, to notice the special role of that great sweep of land that links the northern fringes of early prehistoric agriculture in Europe and Asia. A new international team has now returned to Jeitun, the key early agricultural site in Turkmenistan, on the edge of the Kara Kum desert.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of new independentstates has generated great interest among scholars and politiciansin the history and contemporary situation in the region. CentralAsia is not an exception to this case. Viewed in this light, Central Asia: The Rediscovery of History is a welcome contribution towardintroducing the western scholarly community to the politics of CentralAsia.The book is composed of a number of articles published by Turkiclanguage specialists from 1904 to 1990, and of official documents fromCentral Asia and Azerbaijan. The integration processes of the Turkicpeoples, which began during the Soviet period, are now in full force. In1990, the heads of the Central Asian republics signed a treaty for economicand cultural cooperation. The treaty was also signed by Tajikistan,the only representative of the Indo-European family in CentralAsia. The integration envisioned a united economic space betweenKazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgystan. In the 1992 and 1994 summitsheld in Ankara and Istanbul, Turkey and five newly independent Turkicstates confirmed their desire to cooperate in the economic and politicalarenas. Therefore, attention to Central Asian problems and the publicationof several scholarly works from this region are symbolic, to someextent, of the attention being paid to the significance of a commonTurkic tradition and the possibilities of a meaningful integration in the“Great Turan.”The book begins with Ayaz Malikov’s “The Question of the Turk:The Way out of the Crisis.” This chapter actually sets the tone for thewhole book by making a case for the need to attract the attention ofscholarly and political circles from around the world to the problems ofthe Turkic nations and their suffering under Soviet rule. His statementthat “our peoples do not have their own history” seems to be true, forall of the nations (not only the Turkic ones) in the former Soviet Unionhad to study mainly the history of the Russian state at the expense ofdeveloping their own historical consciousness. No doubt the author isright in his claims about Soviet violations of the rights of Turkic communitiesin Russia, especially the right to study in their own languagesat schools and universities and even the right to listen to programsbroadcast by western radio stations in their native languages. Arguingthat the political history of the Turkic nations extends backwards formore than two thousand years (p. 4), Malikov calls for the right ofTurkic peoples to seek unification without fear of being charged withadvocating “Pan-Turkism” (p. 6). The author appeals for the formationof a terminological commission that will be entrusted with seeking theunification of the Turkic language.All of the other chapters-Muhammad Ali’s “Let Us Learn about OurHeritage: Get to Know Yourself,” Zeki Togan’s “The Origins of theKazakhs and Ozbeks,” and Kahar Barat’s “Discovery of History: TheBurial Site of Kashgarli Mahmud”-are attempts to prove the Turkic originsof Central Asia since antiquity. Ali’s attempt to connect the term“Turan” with the ethnic term “Turkic” by referring to the Shah-ndma ofAbul Qasem Firdousi is quite novel, if not eccentric, as is his attributionof the Iranian language’s dominance in Central Asia as being the result ...

In this article, the authors highlighted the historical aspects of the formation and development of the principles of tolerance in the socio-political and spiritual life in antiquity and the early Middle Ages among the peoples of Central Asia. The historical aspects of this problem have not yet been published in international publications

AbstractAlexander von Humboldt’s method is comparative in nature – on a global scale. In his Vues des Cordillères et monumens des peuples indigènes de l’Amérique (1810–1813), Humboldt compares the indigenous civilisations of the Americas with those of European antiquity. In Asie centrale (1843), he perceives Russia and Siberia against the backdrop of his experience in the ʻNew Worldʼ. As a natural scientist, he correlates global data, for example in his plant geography and mountain studies, as a vulcanologist or climatologist. After the Berne edition of his Complete Writings (2019), we can discuss Humboldt’s comparativist practices on a new material basis.

This article considers the study of wood and dung fuel use in antiquity across Southwest Asia by anthracologists and archaeobotanists. In recent years, the socially conditioned nature of fuel use has been highlighted and many scholars are stressing the central importance of fuel to pre-modern societies as on par with subsistence and tool use. By elevating and unifying the study of ancient fuel through anthracological, archaeobotanical, geochemical, and micromorphological studies, detailed insights into cultural practices, decision making, and resource use in the past can be gained. We provide a brief review of studies examining ancient fuel use and reflect on the integration of wood and seed data where seed assemblages are indicative of dung fuel use.

Abstract The worlds of Central Asia and the Indian Ocean have been seen as discrete, seemingly unconnected except by way of the vertical silk roads descending through feeder routes into port cities situated along the Indian Ocean and its many seas, gulfs, and bays. Before Central Asia lost historical centrality and was regarded increasingly as a blank space on the map, it was a dynamic region. The Indian Ocean world with its spice, cotton, and silk routes was more known, having entered European geographical knowledge— and fantasy—from antiquity. The two worlds—terrestrial and oceanic—have been seen as diametrically opposed, with historiography privileging the latter. This essay links the two worlds by evoking people, places, and mobility through the legend of Prester John, a mysterious Christian monarch and putative ally against Muslims.

Soon afterward humankind became conscious of his social importance, heinitiated to comprehend the language’s great benefits, the aspiration to make certain that through the tribes lived in the past, it is attainable to determine the historical roots of the language and to find out what is beyond the reach. Despite of the fear of ignorance, doubt and mistakes, diverse human communities began to study their similarities and differences, because of many reasons, including ethnic, tribal, pedigree, climatic, physiological, linguistic and cultural properties, ending with communicative, competently dialectical skills. The antiquity of the Uzbek language is more outstanding when its appearance and development is considered in closely connection with the history of the formation and development of the native people. Without taking into account the historical laws of tribal and clan estates during the development of the Uzbek language, it is impossible to understand its distinct features, the totality of historically determined changes that have occurred not only in vocabulary, but also in the phonetic system, as well as partially in the grammatical structure of the Uzbek language. Therefore, the study of the Uzbek language at different phases of the historical development of the Uzbek people; the identification of its specific features in the grammatical and lexical structures; the establishment of the relationship between the written language and active spoken language, presented in the form of numerous subdialects and dialects; the definition of thedialect assist to a more correct comprehension of the history of the Uzbek language as a whole.

It was a quarter of a century ago that ANTIQUITY first announced the ‘Pleistocene colonization of Australia’, when Mulvaney (1964) reported secure dates before 12,000 b.p. from Kenniff Cave, Queensland. The last three years alone have seen dates from New Guinea of around 40,000 b.p., early dates from the offshore islands of the Bismarck Archipelago, and dates from Australia itself that show a rapid colonization of both the arid central desert and cold, wet Tasmania – environments very different from the tropical islands of Southeast Asia, whence the first Australasian populations must surely have come. It is a record with great implications for early settlement elsewhere, most plainly of the American continents.

Subsequent to Harper’s review essay centered on Brooke’s Climate Change and the Course of Global History: A Rough Journey, Brooke concedes that he could have focused more attention on the problem of the Malthusian trap. He stresses, nevertheless, that his reservations regarding the concept of Malthusian crises in pre-industrial societies are well placed, given the concept’s prominence in the large-scale environmental histories written during the past several decades. Turning to the impact of climate change in late classical antiquity, Brooke discusses established and new evidence for increasing, sometimes catastrophic, precipitation from the Mediterranean area into central Asia after a.d. 500 and after 1250, as a result of shifts toward the negative mode of the North Atlantic Oscillation. He also surveys the evidence for emerging arguments that this cooling-driven precipitation may have triggered outbreaks of bubonic plague in Central Asia.

A two-day conference on material culture in the Islamic Middle F.astand Central Asia with special reference to the innovation and diffusonof technology in the areas of engineering, architecture, carpet manufacture,and medicine, among others, was held in London between 5-6 May1994. It was hosted by the School of Oriental and African Studies(SOAS), University of London, United Kingdom. As conveners of theconference, Keith McLachlan (SOAS, University of London, UK) andRichard Tapper (SOAS, University of London, UK) pointed out that itwas the latest in a series of conferences to be held at SOAS on variousaspects of material culture. Earlier ones were entitled "Culinaty Culturesof the Middle Fat" (April 1992)," The Language of Dress in the MiddleEast" (November 1992), and the first conference on #Material Culture inCentral Asia and the Middle Fast" (June 1993).Participants reviewed nomadic, pastoralist, cultivator, and urban systemsand assessed the regions' role as centers for innovation and the diffusionof technologies, principally during the Islamic period. The firstscsmon of the conference's keynote speech was chaired by GhaziAlgosaibi (Saudi Arabian ambassador to the United Kingdom) andincluded a revealing paper titled "Arab and Islamic Contributions to Euro­pean Civilization." Rifat Ebied (professor of Semitic Studies, Universityof Sydney, Australia, and currently Visiting Fellow, Trinity Hall, Cambridge,UK) elaborated upon the historical issues concerning the productionof knowledge in the Muslim world and its transmission to Europe viaeducational establishments. Ebied pointed out that the Arabs inherited thescientific tradition of late antiquity, preserved and expanded it withvaluable additions, and finally passed it on to Europe. He outlined themajor segments of the Muslim world's massive contribution to westerncivilization, focusing on the influence of the Islamic legacy on Europe inthe various fields of knowledge, with particular emphasis on the Islamicorigins of the system of higher education (i.e., the creation of the universityas an institution). In the second session, Donald Hill read a paperentitled "Science and Technology in Islamic Building Construction,* inwhich he examined some of the scientific and technological content of ...

AbstractDiring Yuriakh, an archaeological site on the highest terrace of the Lena River in subarctic eastern Siberia, provides evidence for the oldest and northern-most Early Paleolithic occupation in Asia. Stratigraphic and sedimentological studies at the site show that artifacts occur on a single eolian deflation surface that is underlain by fluvial sediments with inset cryogenic sand wedges and overlain by eolian deposits. Thermoluminescence ages on the fine-grained extracts from the eolian sediments and sand wedges that bound the artifact level indicate that the occupation occurred >260,000 yr B.P. and may possibly date between 270,000 and 370,000 yr B.P. This study documents that the artifacts from Diring Yuriakh are an order of magnitude older than artifacts from any previously reported site from Siberia. The antiquity and subarctic location of Diring Yuriakh indicates that people developed a subsistence strategy capable of surviving rigorous conditions in Siberia by ≥260,000 yr B.P.

The Iranian peoples, or Aryans as they called themselves, are the indisputable characters of the last millennium of the history of the Ancient Near East. How they began to take part in the history of Central Asia to become some of the most eminent rulers of Late Antiquity, is still difficult to follow today. Our intention in this paper is to collect the work on this subject of Soviet scholars and relate it with those carried out by archaeologists from different countries in cooperation with the Central Asian republics, particularly with our research within the frame- work of the Turkmen-Spanish archaeological Mission in Dahistan (Southwestern Turkmenistan). Through archaeological data, as well as through written sources, we will focus on the faunas that lived with these people, and put them in connection with the re-writing of the history of the so- called Median Empire.

Purpose. This article considers and analyzes the information, contained in ancient and medieval sources, about residence areas of the Yenisei and Central Asian Kyrgyz during particular historical periods, including late Antiquity, Early and High Middle Ages. These periods are related to the time of existence of political and military domination in the Central Asian Region of the ancient and medieval Turkic and Mongolian nomads, including Xiongnu, Xianbei, Turkic, Teles and Khitan nomadic ethnic groups. Results. During one of those historical periods, after the defeat of the Uyghur Khaganate, the Kyrgyz themselves dominated over Central Asian steppes. Resettlement areas of the Kyrgyz in Central Asia and Southern Siberia changed considerably on several occasions. During various historical periods, the Kyrgyz resided in the territory of Eastern Tian Shan, within the bounds of modern Xinjiang and during the following historical periods in Minusinsk Basin as well, followed by the vast territories of the Sayan and Altai Mountains and a major part of Central Asia, as well as within the bounds of the Western Tian Shan mountain range. The article analyzes the available informative historical data in ancient and medieval sources about the main resettlement areas of the Kyrgyz in different territories in definite time periods of their residence within the bounds of the Central Asian historical and cultural region. Conclusion. Since their repeated resettlement into the eastern Tian Shan region in the era of the Kyrgyz Great Power, the Old Kyrgyz descendants could have reclaimed the mountains and valleys of Tengir-Too. They could have also restored their statehood at the turn of historical modernity, firstly in its capacity as a republic within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and during the last decades by way of the independent state of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Commonwealth of Independent States. Despite all existing current complexities, the Kyrgyz keep their State.

This paper is a study of transformations and mutations of a natural human desire, to be buried in one grave with one’s beloved. Most partners don’t die simultaneously, and burial-practices needed to provide flexibility for the dead and for the living. At the same time, religions had Views about the grave and the afterlife, and about the survival of the individual. Judaism and especially Christianity featured an astonishing doctrine, the Resurrection of the Flesh. Starting from Roman antiquity and in its epitaphic practices, the paper analyzes an intriguing early 4th C. Gallic poem, the Carmen de Laudibus Domini and its account of how the corpse of a dead woman was momentarily reanimated to greet her husband’s corpse. The poem reworks the resurrection of Lazarus with a little help from Juvencus. But a crucial (and unrecognized) source is (perhaps indirectly) Tertullian’s De Anima. These texts somehow generated a Late Antique urban legend about the mini-Resurrections of lovers’ bodies than can be traced into the central Middle Ages and beyond. It proved astonishingly lively and adaptable—to mariages blancs, to homosocial monastic situations, and to grave robbery, to name a few. This deeply sentimental legend needed to elbow aside darker phenomena, charnel (and also erotic) horrors from the pagan past, including zombies, vampires, and revenants, in order to preach its Christian message and help lovers who had been separated by death. Such resurrections were a down-payments on The Resurrection.

In this article, the origins of the cult of the ritual drink known as soma/haoma are explored. Various shortcomings of the main botanical candidates that have so far been proposed for this so-called “nectar of immortality” are assessed. Attention is brought to a variety of plants identified as soma/haoma in ancient Asian literature. Some of these plants are included in complex formulas and are sources of dimethyl tryptamine, monoamine oxidase inhibitors, and other psychedelic substances. It is suggested that through trial and error the same kinds of formulas that are used to make ayahuasca in South America were developed in antiquity in Central Asia and that the knowledge of the psychoactive properties of certain plants spreads through migrants from Central Asia to Persia and India. This article summarizes the main arguments for the botanical identity of soma/haoma, which is presented in my book, The Tawny One: Soma, Haoma and Ayahuasca (Muswell Hill Press, London/New York). However, in this article, all the topics dealt with in that publication, such as the possible ingredients of the potion used in Greek mystery rites, an extensive discussion of cannabis, or criteria that we might use to demarcate non-ordinary states of consciousness, have not been elaborated.

AbstractThis article attempts a long-term perspective on cities and water from Late Antiquity to the early Islamic centuries (until ca. 1000 CE). It focuses on the question of how cities and their agricultural hinterland were supplied with water. The topography of the site, its geomorphological features, are shown to influence both the setup and subsequent history of the cities. The article uses two sets of examples, one chosen from the Iranian plateau where qanāt irrigation predominates, and the other one from Persianate Central Asia (Transoxiana), where water is derived from larger and medium-sized rivers. The type of irrigation influences the ways in which the city grows, and more generally, the layout of the city is also determined by the water supply. Cities tend to grow towards the source of water, and it can also be observed that in many cases, the political and administrative centre is located where the best water is available. One of the major questions is whether imperial will was behind the construction of irrigation systems or whether local players such as landlords were the decisive factor.The article combines archaeological research and the study of textual sources but is mostly based on recent archaeological fieldwork.

AbstractThe Iranian Empire emerged in the third century in the interstices of the Silk Road that increasingly linked the markets of the Mediterranean and the Near East with South, Central, and East Asia. The ensuing four centuries of Iranian rule corresponded with the heyday of trans-Eurasian trade, as the demand of moneyed imperial elites across the continent for one another's high-value commodities stimulated the development of long-distance networks. Despite its position at the nexus of trans-continental and trans-oceanic commerce, accounts of Iran in late antiquity relegate trade to a marginal role in its political economy. The present article seeks to foreground the contribution of trans-continental mercantile networks to the formation of Iran and to argue that its development depended as much on the political economies of its western and eastern neighbours as on internal Near Eastern factors.

ABSTRACT From antiquity to today, tissue repair and wound healing have played a central role in health. Over the past generation, negative pressure wound therapy (NPWT) has shown itself to be a valuable adjunct in wound healing, with effects that are superior to many traditional wound treatment modalities. Applications of NPWT are widespread, with use seen in management of severe soft tissue loss, prevention of surgical site infections, treatment of diabetic foot ulcers, and improving skin graft survival. This article reviews the biology, mechanics, and therapeutic effects of NPWT, while also discussing social and economic aspects of use. Finally, various possible adjustments and modifications to NPWT are addressed, all of which contribute to the continual evolution of NPWT at the frontier of modern wound healing and surgery. How to cite this article Hatch DC, Sauciuc V, Wagler EC, Schenavar B, Armstrong D. Negative Pressure Wound Therapy: Past, Present, and Future. J Foot Ankle Surg (Asia-Pacific) 2016;3(2):80-87.

Past responses to ancient literature and the reading practices of previous centuries are of central relevance to the contemporary exegesis of Greek and Roman authors. Professional classicists have at last come to recognise this. However, accounts of reception still tend to engage in a traditional form ofNachleben, as they unselfconsciously describe the extent of classical influences on later literary production. This process of influence is not as straightforward as it may first seem. It is often taken for granted in practice, if not in theory, that the movement is in one direction only – from antiquity to some later point - and also that the ancient text which ‘impacts on’ on the culture of a later period is the same ancient text that we apprehend today. Of course it isneverthe same text, even leaving aside the problems of transmission. The interaction between a text and its reception in another place, in another time, in another text, is really a dynamic two-way process. That interaction (which has much in common with intertextuality) involves, or is rather constituted by, our own interpretation of it.

AbstractWhen historians explain the end of empires, they often follow a ‘decline and fall’ paradigm which owes its fame to Edward Gibbon's great book on the Roman Empire. Recent historians of Late Antiquity, however, have tended to doubt its validity. This article considers the reasons for the end of the Mongol Empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It examines the division of the empire into four khanates, the eventual collapse of each of which is then studied. It suggests that the khanates which retained more of their original nomadic ethos – the Golden Horde in the Pontic steppes and the Chaghatai Khanate in Central Asia – were able to survive longer than those – in the Ilkhanate in Persia and the Great Khanate in China and Mongolia – which had their centres in sedentary lands. It concludes that in all cases, ‘fall’ was the result of internal factors, about which there was nothing that was inevitable, and that there is little evidence of a long ‘decline’. Hence the ‘decline and fall’ paradigm does not seem to provide an adequate explanatory framework.

The paper is on the history of the Northwestern Caucasus between the turn of the eras and the 13th century. From among the many ethnic groups inhabiting this region since the times of Greek and Roman Antiquity, the Alans were probably the best known. Settling down first in the submontane tracts of the Northern Caucasus, they gradually ascended the accessible valleys and rendered themselves as masters of the whole area north of the Caucasus main ridge. Constantly having to find their way between the ambitions of Byzantium and the Khazar Khanate of the steppes, the Northwestern Caucasians successfully exploited the region’s natural resources and engaged in long-distance trade along a side artery of the Silk Road. In the 10th century, Alans embraced Christianity and created their own state, a staunch ally of Byzantium. Alania perished in consequence of the Mongol invasion at the beginning of the 13th century. Most of its inhabitants followed their new masters into Central Asia, some have found new homes in Byzantium, Hungary and their vicinity.

As it is frequently the case in the modern world, the term ‘Silk Road’ or ‘Silk Roads’ is of colonial provenance. The elaborate network of ancient routes originating in the fourth millennium bc and linking various parts of the Eurasian landmass through Central Asia was re-imagined and reinvented in the late nineteenth century as a ‘Silk Road’ connecting China with the Roman Empire, thereby undermining the role of the steppe with its various nomadic and oasis cultures which had always been at the heart of this Eurasian system of trade and other exchange. Ever since, historiography has focussed on the role of sedentary civilisations in this system of exchange, with a particular emphasis on China and the West, thus undermining the role of other sedentary civilisations such as India. Contrary to the dominant narrative, the antiquity of the Eurasian trade network goes back to several millennia before the rise of either the Han Empire or Rome. Whereas this network did connect the agrarian civilisations, this happened primarily through the agency of central Asian intermediaries whose culmination is represented by the rise of the vast Mongol Empire in the thirteenth century. The idea of the ‘Silk Road(s)’ is thus anachronistic in the sense that it is a backward projection of present into the historical past, especially in view of the fact that silk was only one among several important items of exchange, such as horses, cotton, precious stones, and furs.

The «Geodesy» tractate written by prominent encyclopedic scientist Abu Rayhan Mu?ammad ibn Ahmad Al-Biruni in 1018–1025, is in fact the instruction on the instruments and methodology of astronomical determinations of latitudes and longitudes of cities, measurements of distances between cities and specifying the Earth size. In the same tractate al-Biruni demonstrates the practical appliance of the described methodology to the determination of coordinates of certain localities situated now at the territories of several Middle-East and Central Asia states. For that purpose, the geodetic polygon of around 5400 km in perimeter was devised by al-Biruni with Bagdad as its starting point. Using the Nishapur city lying inside the polygon as the example, al-Biruni shows the possibility of further thickening of the geodetic network. The polygon in whole is bound to the point of Alexandria in Egypt being well-known astronomical center of the antiquity. Described in the tractate are several terms and methods that closely correspond to the modern instructions for devising the state geodetic network. The practical part of the tractate has never been investigated by the researches, and the tractate as a whole is the important source for the history of geodesy, especially in connection with the millennium jubilee of its creation.

This bibliometric analysis deals with research on the decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire in connection with climate change. Based on the Web of Science (WoS) database, we applied a combination of three different search queries for retrieving the relevant literature: (1) on the decline and fall of the Roman Empire in general, (2) more specifically on the downfall in connection with a changing climate, and (3) on paleoclimatic research in combination with the time period of the Roman Empire and Late Antiquity. Additionally, we considered all references cited by an ensemble of selected key papers and all citing papers of these key papers, whereby we retrieved additional publications (in particular, books and book chapters). We merged the literature retrieved, receiving a final publication set of 85 publications. We analyzed this publication set by applying a toolset of bibliometric methods and visualization programs. A co-authorship map of all authors, a keyword map for a rough content analysis, and a citation network based on the publication set of 85 papers are presented. We also considered news mentions in this study to identify papers with impacts beyond science. According to the literature retrieved, a multitude of paleoclimatic data from various geographical sites for the time of late antiquity indicate a climatic shift away from the stability of previous centuries. Recently, some scholars have argued that drought in Central Asia and the onset of a cooler climate in North-West Eurasia may have put Germanic tribes, Goths, and Huns on the move into the Roman Empire, provoking the Migration Period and eventually leading to the downfall of the Western Roman Empire. However, climate is only one variable at play; a combination of many factors interacting with each other is a possible explanation for the pattern of long-lasting decline and final collapse. Currently, the number of records from different locations, the toolbox of suitable analytic methods, and the precision of dating are evolving rapidly, contributing to an answer for one of the most classic of all historical questions. However, these studies still lack the inevitable collaboration of the major disciplines involved: archeology, history, and climatology. The articles of the publication set analyzed mainly result from research in the geosciences.

From the American West to the steppes of Eurasia, the domestic horse transformed human societies, providing rapid transport, communication, and military power, and serving as an important subsistence animal. Because of the importance of oral equipment for horse riding, dentistry is an essential component of modern horse care. In the open grasslands of northeast Asia, horses remain the primary form of transport for many herders. Although free-range grazing on gritty forage mitigates many equine dental issues, contemporary Mongolian horsemen nonetheless practice some forms of dentistry, including the removal of problematic deciduous teeth and the vestigial first premolar (“wolf tooth”). Here, we present archaezoological data from equine skeletal remains spanning the past 3,200 y, indicating that nomadic dental practices have great antiquity. Anthropogenic modifications to malerupted deciduous central incisors in young horses from the Late Bronze Age demonstrate their attempted removal, coinciding with the local innovation or adoption of horseback riding and the florescence of Mongolian pastoral society. Horse specimens from this period show no evidence of first premolar removal, which we first identify in specimens dating to ca. 750 BCE. The onset of premolar extraction parallels the archaeological appearance of jointed bronze and iron bits, suggesting that this technological shift prompted innovations in dentistry that improved horse health and horse control. These discoveries provide the earliest directly dated evidence for veterinary dentistry, and suggest that innovations in equine care by nomadic peoples ca. 1150 BCE enabled the use of horses for increasingly sophisticated mounted riding and warfare.

This article continues the series of the works devoted to the study of the ethnic composition of the Buryat and Khamnigan departments of the 19th century. One of the self-government bodies of indigenous of the Transbaikal in the 19th century was the Urulginskaya Steppe Duma, the main population of which was the Tungus of the Manchu tribe, as they were characterized by the Russian administration. One of the boards of this Duma was the Olovskaya indigenous Council. The department is of particular interest in terms of the ethnic composition of its population and its origin. The ethnic composition of the Urulga Steppe Duma revealed the extensive contacts of the Upper Amur – Shilka population with the vast area of the Transbaikal-Amur subregion, including the territories of Inner Asia, North Asia and Amur region. Different groups of horse and deer Tungus, on the one hand, and various groups of the Mongolian population, including the Khingan Mongols, Daurians and Buryats, on the other hand, took part in its formation. Also more ancient contacts of the Tungus with the Yukagirs were found. The composition of the Urulga Steppe Duma initially included five indigenous authorities. One of them was the Olovskaya indigenous Authority (Uprava). The Khitan, and subsequently Daurian population, which came into close contact with both the Tungus-Manchu tribes and the Bargy-Buryat groups of the population, created a special layer of the population – Khamnigan people. However, in Russian documents the entire population of the Urulga Steppe Duma, a part of which also was the Olovskaya indigenous Authority (Uprava) recorded as Tungus. The ethnic composition of the Olov Khamnigans shows that the population of the upper Amur – Shilka, has incorporated various ethnic elements not only from the Middle Ages, but also from antiquity. The article suggested the authors’ vision of origin of ethnonyms of the population of authority and their development. A number of ethnonyms such as Duligar, Bayagir, Kylteger discovers the presence of the Tungusic and Mongolic strata in the face of Khamnigan-Mongols, Daurs, Buryats. The Mongolic stratum is also represented by the bearers of the ethnonym Üzön, which has analogies in eastern and central Mongolia, among the Selenga Buryats and among the Kipchak tribe, which is part of the Kazakhs of Middle Juz. A detailed map of the settlement of the Olov Khamnigans was compiled, based on the census tables.

The subject of this study was a poorly readable 66 years old typewritten text. This is a transcript of twenty lectures by the outstanding Russian anthropologist Georgy Debets (1905–1969), a record of his training course “Anthropology of the Peoples of USSR”. In 1954, he taught it at the Department of Anthropology at Moscow State University. Initially G. F. Debets had intended to write a textbook based on this lectures, but he did not fulfill this idea. The characteristics of the training course are given in general terms. The main attention is paid to how G. F. Debets saw the history of anthropological study of the peoples of Russia. At the same time, certain changes were taken into account both in the theory and practice of anthropological studies that have taken place since the early 1950s. The 1st lecture was delivered on September 6th, 1954, the last lecture was dated to the end of December of the same year. The lecture transcripts are mainly 30–40 pages long, with the exception of lectures on the peoples of Kazakhstan and Central Asia, which fit in 50 pages. The first two lectures were devoted to the study of the history of the peoples of the USSR from ancient antiquity to the present, the 3–5th lectures dealt with the methodology of studying the modern and fossil population, meaning racial somatology and craniology. The 6th lecture outlined the principles of the classification of modern human races and described the various existing classifications. Five lectures (7–11th) were devoted to the review of the country's population paleoanthropology from the Paleolithic era until the Middle Ages, inclusive. The next nine lectures covered the anthropology of peoples living in separate geographical areas. G. F. Debets pointed that the course he taught was not about the history of Russian anthropology, so he would not touch on many works of the 19th century. The first lectures outline the stages of development of anthropological research of the peoples of the USSR and state the results of isolated stages, which are reflected unevenly. Both this periodization and the characteristics of the stages do not always coincide with the periodization that was presented in the university textbooks of anthropology that appeared later. For this reason, the transcript of lectures of 1954 is a valuable source both for the history of physical anthropology as a whole and for understanding the scientific views of one of the founders of modern anthropology.

В культуре народов Евразии существует игра альчики, известная также как кости, бабки и пр. Целью статьи является изучение географии распространения игры в кости и ее компаративный анализ. Материалами исследования послужили историко-этнографические труды, фольклорные сборники, привлекались материалы живописи и скульптуры. Были использованы два метода работы — сравнительно-сопоставительный и историко-географический. Для проведения сравнительно-сопоставительного анализа вводится понятие игровой сюжет, или элемент, образующий структуру игры и определённую последовательность правил проведения. Игровой сюжет выступает универсальным понятием, что и позволяет сделать его единицей для сравнения элементов культуры. Историко-географический подход выявляет относительно чёткие географические границы. Игровой инвентарь состоял из большого числа суставных косточек мелких животных, обговоренное число которых игроки и выбивали особой костью — битой. Кости, упавшие выигрышной стороной, забирались победителем. Самые ранние археологические свидетельства отсылают нас к третьему тысячелетию до нашей эры (династия Ур). Игра в кости была известна на всем пространстве Евразии от Атлантики до Тихого океана, от Кольского полуострова до Малой Азии. Зафиксирован один эпизод в Северной Америке. Игра была чрезвычайно популярна у скотоводческих народов Евразии, а также на Кавказе; в Средней Азии в ней принимали участие не только дети, но и взрослые мужчины. Исключительно мужской характер игры, наказания за проигрыш и некоторые другие моменты позволяют утверждать происхождение игры из ритуала. Выдвинута гипотеза, что подобный игровой сюжет мог появиться из обряда, появившегося в период приручения животных. Записи игры у народов, проживающих в удалении от евразийского пояса степей и не имеющих прямого отношения к овцеводству, позволяют проследить возможные контакты в древности, до освоения ими современных территорий расселения. In the culture of the peoples of Eurasia, there is a game of alchiki, also known as a game of dice, dice, etc. The purpose of the article is to study the geography of the distribution of dice games and its comparative analysis. The research materials were historical and ethnographic works, folklore collections, materials of painting and sculpture were used. Two methods of work were used — comparative-comparative and historical-geographical. To carry out a comparative analysis, the concept of a game plot is introduced — an element that forms the structure of a game and a sequence of rules for conducting. Game plot is a universal concept, and we make it a unit for comparing elements of culture. The historical-geographical approach identifies geographical boundaries. The game equipment consisted of the joint bones of small animals. The agreed number of dice was put on the game, the players knocked them out with the main dice — the bat. The bones that fell on the «right» side were taken by the winner. The earliest archaeological evidence goes back to the third millennium BC (Ur dynasty). The dice game was known throughout Eurasia from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, from the Kola Peninsula to Asia Minor. One episode recorded in North America. The game was extremely popular among the pastoralists of Eurasia, as well as in the Caucasus; in Central Asia, children and adult men took part in it. The exclusively masculine character of the game and the punishment for losing allow us to assert the origin of the game from the ritual. It has been hypothesized that such a game plot could have appeared from a rite that appeared during the period of animal domestication. Recordings of the game among peoples living at a distance from the Eurasian belt of the steppes and not directly related to sheep breeding — allow us to trace possible contacts in antiquity, to the development of modern territories of settlement.

Christianity was the religion of spirit (and freedom), and critiqued Islam as a religion of flesh (and slavery); later, Christianity was the religion of reason, and critiqued Islam as the religion of fideism; later still, Christianity was the religion of the critique of religion, and critiqued Islam as the most atavistic of religions. Even now, when the West has critiqued its own Chris- tianity enough to be properly secular (because free, rational, and critical), it continues to critique Islam for being not secular enough. In contrast to Christianity or post-Christian secularism, then, and despite their best ef- forts, Islam does not know (has not learned from) critique. This sentiment is articulated at multiple registers, academic and popular and governmen- tal: Muslims are fanatical about their repressive law; they interpret things too literally; Muslims do not read their own revelation critically, let alone literature or cartoons; their sartorial practices are unreasonable; the gates of ijtihād closed in 900CE; Ghazali killed free inquiry in Islam… Such claims are ubiquitous enough to be unremarkable, and have political traction among liberals and conservatives alike. “The equation of Islam with the ab- sence of critique has a longer genealogy in Western thought,” Irfan Ahmad writes in this book, “which runs almost concurrently with Europe’s colonial expansion” (8). Luther and Renan figure in that history, as more recently do Huntington and Gellner and Rushdie and Manji.Meanwhile in the last decade an interdisciplinary conversation about the stakes, limits, complicities, and possibilities of critique has developed in the anglophone academy, a conversation of which touchstones include the polemical exchange between Saba Mahmood and Stathis Gourgouris (2008); the co-authored volume Is Critique Secular? (2009), by Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Mahmood; journal special issues dedi- cated to the question (e.g. boundary 2 40, no. 1 [2013]); and Gourgouris’s Lessons in Secular Criticism (2013), among others. At the same time, the discipline of religious studies remains trapped in an argument over the lim- its of normative analysis and the possibility of critical knowledge.Religion as Critique: Islamic Critical Thinking from Mecca to the Mar- ketplace seeks to turn these debates on their head. Is critique secular? Decidedly not—but understanding why that is, for Ahmad, requires revising our understanding of critique itself. Instead of the object of critique, reli- gion here emerges as an agent of critique. By this account, God himself is the source of critique, and the prophets and their heirs are “critics par ex- cellence” (xiv). The book is divided into two parts bookended by a prologue and epilogue. “Formulation” comprises three chapters levying the shape of the argument. “Illustration” comprises three chapters taking up the case study of the South Asian reformer Abul-A‘la Maududi and his critics (es- pecially regarding his views on the state and on women) as well as a fourth chapter that seeks to locate critique in the space of the everyday. There are four theses to Ahmad’s argument, none of them radically original on their own but newly assembled. As spelled out in the first chap- ter (“Introduction”), the first thesis holds that the Enlightenment reconfig- uration of Christianity was in fact an ethnic project by which “Europe/the West constituted its identity in the name of reason and universalism against a series of others,” among them Islam (14). The second thesis is that no crit- ic judges by reason alone. Rather, critique is always situated, directed, and formed: it requires presuppositions and a given mode to be effective (17). The third thesis is that the Islamic tradition of critique stipulates the com- plementarity of intellect (‘aql, dimāgh) and heart (qalb, dil); this is a holistic anthropology, not a dualistic one. The fourth thesis is that critique should not be understood as the exclusive purview of intellectuals (especially when arguing about literature) or as simply a theoretical exercise. Instead, cri- tique should be approached as part of life, practiced by the literate and the illiterate alike (18).The second chapter, “Critique: Western and/or Islamic,” focuses on the first of these theses. The Enlightenment immunized the West from critique while subjecting the Rest to critique. An “anthropology of philosophy” approach can treat Kant’s transcendental idealism as a social practice and in doing so discover that philosophy is “not entirely independent” from ethnicity (37). The certainty offered by the Enlightenment project can thus be read as “a project of security with boundaries.” Ahmad briefly consid- ers the place of Islam across certain of Kant’s writings and the work of the French philosophes; he reads their efforts to “secure knowledge of humani- ty” to foreclose the possibility of “knowledge from humanity” (42), namely Europe’s others. Meanwhile, ethnographic approaches to Muslim debates shy away from according them the status of critique, but in so doing they only maintain the opposition between Western reason and Islamic unrea- son. In contrast to this view (from Kant through Foucault), Ahmad would rather locate the point of critical rupture with the past in the axial age (800-200BCE), which would include the line of prophets who reformed (critiqued) their societies for having fallen into corruption and paganism. This alternative account demonstrates that “critical inquiry presupposes a tradition,” that is, that effective critique is always immanent (58). The third chapter, “The Modes: Another Genealogy of Critique,” con- tests the reigning historiography of “critique” (tanqīd/naqd) in South Asia that restricts it to secular literary criticism. Critique (like philosophy and democracy) was not simply founded in Grecian antiquity and inherited by Europe: Ahmad “liberates” critique from its Western pedigree and so allows for his alternative genealogy, as constructed for instance through readings of Ghalib. The remainder of the chapter draws on the work of Maududi and his critics to present the mission of the prophets as critiquing to reform (iṣlāḥ) their societies. This mandate remains effective today, and Maududi and his critics articulate a typology of acceptable (tanqīd) and unacceptable (ta‘īb, tanqīṣ, tazhīk, takfīr, etc.) critiques in which the style of critique must be considered alongside its object and telos. Religion as Critique oscillates between sweeping literature reviews and close readings. Readers may find the former dizzying, especially when they lose in depth what they gain in breadth (for example, ten pages at hand from chapter 2 cite 44 different authors, some of whom are summarizing or contesting the work of a dozen other figures named but not cited di- rectly). Likewise there are moments when Ahmad’s own dogged critiques may read as tendentious. The political purchase of this book should not be understated, though the fact that Muslims criticize themselves and others should come as no surprise. Yet it is chapters 4–6 (on Maududi and his critics) which substantiate the analytic ambition of the book. They are the most developed chapters of the book and detail a set of emerging debates with a fine-grained approach sometimes found wanting elsewhere (espe- cially in the final chapter). They show how Islam as a discursive tradition is constituted through critique, and perhaps always has been: for against the disciplinary proclivities of anthropologists (who tend to emphasize discon- tinuity and rupture, allowing them to discover the modern invention of traditions), Ahmad insists on an epistemic connection among precolonial and postcolonial Islam. This connection is evident in how the theme of rupture/continuity is itself a historical topos of “Islamic critical thinking.” Chapter 4 (“The Message: A Critical Enterprise”) approaches Maududi (d. 1979) as a substantial political thinker, not simply the fundamentalist ideologue he is often considered to be. Reading across Maududi’s oeuvre, Ahmad gleans a political-economic critique of colonial-capitalist exploita- tion (95), a keen awareness of the limits of majoritarian democracy, and a warning about the dispossessive effects of minoritization. Maududi’s Isla- mism (“theodemocracy”), then, has to be understood within his broader project of the revival of religion to which tanqīd (“critique”), tajdīd (“re- newal”), and ijtihād (“understanding Islam’s universal principles to de- termine change”) were central (103). He found partial historical models for such renewal in ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyya, Ahmad Sirhindi, and Shah Wali Ullah. A key element of this critique is that it does not aim to usher in a different future. Instead it inhabits a more complicated temporality: it clarifies what is already the case, as rooted in the primordial nature of humans (fiṭra), and in so doing aligns the human with the order of creation. This project entails the critique and rejection of false gods, in- cluding communism, fascism, national socialism, and capitalism (117). Chapter 5 (“The State: (In)dispensible, Desirable, Revisable?”) weaves together ethnographic and textual accounts of Maududi’s critics and de- fenders on the question of the state (the famous argument for “divine sov- ereignty”). In doing so the chapter demonstrates how the work of critique is undertaken in this Islamic tradition, where, Ahmad writes, “critique is connected to a form of life the full meaning of which is inseparable from death” (122). (This also means that at stake in critique is also the style and principles of critique.) The critics surveyed in this chapter include Manzur Nomani, Vahiduddin Khan, Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Amir Usmani, Sadrud- din Islahi, Akram Zurti, Rahmat Bedar, Naqi Rahman, Ijaz Akbar, and others, figures of varying renown but all of whom closely engaged, defend- ed, and contested Maududi’s work and legacy in the state politics of his Jamaat-e Islami. Chapter 6 (“The Difference: Women and In/equality”) shows how Maududi’s followers critique the “neopatriarchate” he proposes. Through such critique, Ahmad also seeks to affirm the legitimacy of a “nonpatri- archal reading of Islam” (156). If Maududi himself regarded the ḥarem as “the mightiest fortress of Islamic culture” (159)—a position which Ahmad notes is “enmeshed in the logic of colonial hegemony”—he also desired that women “form their own associations and unbiasedly critique the govern- ment” (163). Maududi’s work and legacy is thus both “disabling” and “en- abling” for women at the same time, as is borne out by tracing the critiques it subsequently faced (including by those sympathetic to his broader proj- ect). The (male) critics surveyed here include Akram Zurti, Sultan Ahmad Islahi, Abdurrahman Alkaf, and Mohammad Akram Nadwi, who seriously engaged the Quran and hadith to question Maududi’s “neopatriarchate.” They critiqued his views (e.g. that women were naturally inferior to men, or that they were unfit for political office) through alternative readings of Islamic history and theology. Chapter 7 (“The Mundane: Critique as Social-Cultural Practice”) seeks to locate critique at “the center of life for everyone, including ordinary sub- jects with no educational degrees” (179). Ahmad writes at length about Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (d. 1988), the anticolonial activist who led a massive movement against colonial domination, and whose following faced British brutality with nonviolence. The Khudai Khidmatgār movement he built was “a movement of critique” (195), Ahmad writes, composed of or- dinary men and women, peasants and the unlettered. The brief remainder of the chapter suggests that the proverbs which punctuate everyday life (for example, in the trope of the greedy mullah) also act as critiques. By the end of Religion as Critique it is difficult not to see critique na- scent in every declaration or action. This deflates the analytic power of the term—but perhaps that is one unstated aim of the project, to reveal critique as simply a part of life. Certainly the book displaces the exceptional West- ern claim to critique. Yet this trope of exposure—anthropology as cultural critique, the ethnographer’s gaze turned inward—also raises questions of its own. In this case, the paradigmatic account of critique (Western, sec- ular) has been exposed as actually being provincial. But the means of this exposure have not come from the alternative tradition of critique Ahmad elaborates. That is, Ahmad is not himself articulating an Islamic critique of Western critique. (Maududi serves as an “illustration” of Ahmad’s ar- gument; Maududi does not provide the argument itself.) In the first chap- ters (“Formulation”) he cites a wide literature that practices historicism, genealogy, archeology, and deconstruction in order to temper the universal claims of Western supremacists. The status of these latter critical practices however is not explored, as to whether they are in themselves sufficient to provincialize or at least de-weaponize Western critique. Put more directly: is there is a third language (of political anthropology, for example) by which Ahmad analytically mediates the encounter between rival traditions of cri- tique? And if there is such a language, and if it is historically, structurally, and institutionally related to one of the critical traditions it is mediating, then what is the status of the non-Western “illustration”? The aim of this revision of critique, Ahmad writes, is “genuinely dem- ocratic dialogue with different traditions” (xii). As much is signalled in its citational practices, which (for example) reference Talal Asad and Viveiros de Castro together in calling for “robust comparison” (14) between West- ern and Islamic notions of critique, and reference Maududi and Koselleck together in interpreting critique to be about judgment (203). No matter that Asad and de Castro or Maududi and Koselleck mean different things when using the same words; these citations express Ahmad’s commitment to a dialogic (rather than dialectical) mode in engaging differences. Yet because Ahmad does not himself explore what is variously entailed by “comparison” or “judgment” in these moments, such citations remain as- sertions gesturing to a dialogue to come. In this sense Religion as Critique is a thoroughly optimistic book. Whether such optimism is warranted might call for a third part to follow “Formulation” and “Illustration”: “Reckoning.” Basit Kareem IqbalPhD candidate, Department of Anthropologyand Program in Critical TheoryUniversity of California, Berkeley

Изучались антропологические материалы из закрытых погребальных комплексов джетыасарской культуры. Они датируются отрезком времени от поздней античности до раннего средневековья (III–VIII вв). Суммарная краниологическая выборка включает 284 черепа (149 мужских и 135 женских). Выявлено, что все палеопопуляции джетыасарской культуры рассматриваемого периода имеют довольно близкий морфологический состав. Эти популяции имели морфологические и генетические связи, с одной стороны, с местным оседлым и скотоводческим населением Средней Азии и Южного Казахстана, а с другой – с савроматами и сарматами Устюрта и Западного Казахстана, поздними сарматами Нижнего Поволжья и Южного Приуралья. Предлагаемый археологами подход отдельного рассмотрения закрытых погребальных комплексов как наиболее информативных для их датировки, с точки зрения полученных нами результатов является приемлемым. Anthropological materials from closed burial complexes of the Jetyasar culture were studied. They date back to the time span from late antiquity to the early Middle ages (III-VIII centuries). The total craniological sample includes 284 skulls (149 male and 135 female). It was revealed that all the paleopopulations of the Jetyasar culture of the period under consideration have a fairly close morphological composition. These populations had morphological and genetic ties, on the one hand, with the local sedentary and pastoral population of Central Asia and South Kazakhstan, and on the other, with the Savromats and Sarmatians of Ustyurt and Western Kazakhstan, the late Sarmatians of the Lower Volga and Southern Urals. The approach proposed by archaeologists to consider separately closed burial complexes as the most informative for their dating is acceptable, according to our results.

Философия смерти, как и философия жизни, в системе религиозных воззрений древних обществ и загадочна, и доминирующе, и это обусловливает схожесть некоторых религиозных представлений иранцев и осетин, в которых прочитывается как идея тесной связи жизни и смерти, так и бессмертие души и вечной жизни. Все средства, используемые в погребальном обряде, подчиняются задаче: интерпретировать душераздирающее явление, сделать данный устойчивый пласт традиционной духовной культуры максимально понятным и распознаваемым. Исследователями замечено, что чувство общности сообщества ощутимо усиливается во время обязательных ритуалов и обрядов, связанных с культом предков и поминанием душ усопших, а также верой в воссоединение с ними после смерти. Более того, иранцы всегда считали, что на всех праздниках и торжествах присутствуют души умерших предков, которые радуются вместе с живущими. Новруз празднуют и в Иране, и на Кавказе, и в Средней Азии, что подтверждает предположение С. П. Толстова о том, что связи народов Средней Азии с переднеазиатским этнографическим миром уходят в глубокую доиндоевропейскую древность. В статье рассматривается один из аспектов погребального обряда культ почитания предков, потому что он более стоек, чем религиозные воззрения. В ней предпринимается попытка найти схождения между празднованием наступления Нового года (Новрузом) и праздниками почитания умерших предков у иранцев и осетин, а также выявить связь культа фравашей с культом умирающей и воскресающей природы. The philosophy of death, as well as the philosophy of life, in the system of religious views of the ancient societies is both mysterious and dominant, and this determines the similarity of some religious ideas of the Iranians and the Ossetians, testifying to the idea of close connection between life and death, and to the immortality of the soul and eternal life. All the means used in the funeral rite comply with the task: to interpret the heartbreaking phenomenon, to make this stable layer of traditional spiritual culture as clear and recognizable as possible. The researchers have noted so far, that the sense of community is significantly enhanced during the obligatory rituals and ceremonies associated with the cult of ancestors and remembrance of the souls of the dead, as well as the belief in reunion with them after death. Moreover, the Iranians have always believed that the souls of dead ancestors attend all holidays and celebrations, where they rejoice with the living. Novruz is celebrated in Iran, the Caucasus, and Central Asia, which confirms the presumption of S. P. Tolstov, that the relations of the peoples of Central Asia with the Near Eastern ethnographic world go back to pre-Indo-European antiquity. The article considers one of the aspects of the funeral rite the cult of veneration of ancestors, which is more resistant than religious views. The attempt is undertaken to find convergence between the New Year (Novruz) and the holidays of veneration of the deceased ancestors of the Iranians and the Ossetians, as well as to identify the relationship between the cult of the Fravas and the cult of the dying and resurrecting nature.

Essential selenium and zinc deficiencies biochemistry and physiology is reviewed to impact neurobiology and Alzheimer’s significantly whilst metal pollutants impact early Alzheimer’s progression. A predictive bio-geospatial tool for such impacts considers Taranjebin-Mannagum selenium, by way of the Polygonal Vortex Mineralization Model (PVM) in the central Asian Metallogene. Manna becomes Taranjebin on selenium hyper-accumulation, then highly valued ethnomedically for immune disorders, hyperbilirubinemia, also mitigating diabetes, including Alzheimer’s risk, combating low birth weight known to influence diabetes. Diabetes mitigation source regions of hyper accumulating organic selenium are described within deficient desert terrains. PVM was initially developed as a predictive mineral exploration tool. It is proposed for the first time a novel use as a geological framework of potential public health risks including diabetes. PVM is now intended to cover all forms of mineralization and anthropogenic by products. Similarly, to mineral exploration targeting, PVM can help ‘prospect’ for health risks. That’s helpful, as most communities never undergo geogenic epidemiological studies. PVM defines mineralization fluid pathways, often in polygonal fracture sets, from microscopic to macro fractal niche scaled, as previously reported, providing high fracture surface activity. Essential minerals and or pollutants are then geologically remobilization to biota, impacting health through food bowl, water and air quality. Significantly, PVM-geogenic models may provide mappable ‘Medical Geology indicators’ of essential elements or pollution when qualified biogeochemically, as “Geogenic Public Health Indices” (PVM-HI). Ideally, they and other indices help produce “The Medical Geology Map of The Globe”, supporting public health in developing countries and where epidemiological and Metallogene supervision of it is sparse. One should add warfare and industrial metalliferous debris ‘indices’. The author’s expectation is this paper will engender PVM-HI debate on such “prospecting” utilities for unrecognized Alzheimer’s, other health risks, and help unravel their core pathways through bio-geospatial analysis. Taranjebin selenium biogeochemical-ethnomedical qualified data varying with geology provide PVM-HI examples. Selenium-bio-fertility is herein linked to plate subduction beneath former Iran-Pakistan-Afghanistan micro plate collision boundaries. Interestingly, present country borders conform to former micro plate boundaries, though cultural aspects follow geological features. This has physiographic-geogenic mobility implications for selenium and community Medical Geology. Selenium, sourced primarily from evolving calc-alkaline to alkalic Cenozoic magmatism and fault fracture networks (PVM), confers Taranjebin ethnomedical quality, transitioning higher towards back arc environments respectively. The Cimmerian orogenesis responsible effected the Eurasian plate between Turkey and Thailand since the Mesozoic, widening PVM-HI Medical Geology ‘prospecting’ scope. Gondwana micro continent collation included the Central East Iran Microplate (CEIM), where the Fabaceae manna gum hosts, and Alhagi maurorum was studied. Taranjebin selenoglycoproteins are considered the active selenium species utilized by primal desert communities. Taranjebin with other manna gums are still widely traded, as they were in antiquity. With demographic changes underway it is essential primal confounding physicochemical environment factors and metal speciation impacting Alzheimer’s are studied soon, with epidemiology, genetics and anthropology. Mediterranean to Central Asia manna selenium studies are recommended before modern life completely overshadow primal geogenic factors in diabetes. This Medical Geology perspective will help unravel some confounding factors in type 3 diabetes (Alzheimer’s disease).

Фольклорные мотивы «внешней души» (персонаж умирает, когда уничтожены какой-то предмет или существо) и «ахиллесовой пяты» (уязвимое место персонажа находится на его теле, а не во внутренних органах) используются для объяснения смертности/бессмертия персонажа. Как и 2700 других, мировое распределение которых отражено в нашей электронной базе данных, эти мотивы являются не порождением универсального «первобытного сознания», а продуктом конкретных исторических процессов и обстоятельств. Цель статьи – определить эпоху и регион их первоначального распространения. Для этого сопоставлены материалы по Новому и Старому Свету. В Центральной и Южной Африке, в Австралии и Меланезии данные мотивы редки или вовсе отсутствуют, поэтому их появление уже в эпоху выхода-из-Африки невероятно. «Ахиллесова пята» обычна в текстах северо- и южноамериканских индейцев, включая огнеземельцев, тогда как ее евразийский ареал сильно разрежен. «Внешняя душа» популярна в пределах большей части Евразии, но в Америке встречается только к северу от Рио-Гранде. В последние тысячелетия на территории Старого Света мотив «ахиллесовой пяты» был, по-видимому, в основном вытеснен мотивом «внешней души», а в Америке сохранился благодаря ее изоляции от Евразии. Оба мотива были принесены в Новый Свет на ранних этапах его заселения. Их почти полное отсутствие в северо-восточной Азии и на северо-западе Северной Америки исключает позднюю диффузию через Берингов пролив. Соответственно возраст данных мотивов в Евразии должен превышать 15 тыс. лет, причем «ахиллесова пята», вероятно, древнее. Отсутствие или редкость этих мотивов в фольклоре народов северо-востока Сибири, где они должны были быть известны накануне их переноса в Новый Свет, согласуется с данными о значительных изменениях в генофонде населения Сибири в течение голоцена. Усложненный вариант «внешней души» с последовательным вложением животных и предметов, являющихся ее вместилищами, в Америке отсутствует. Он распространился лишь после античной эпохи в контексте волшебной сказки.The “external soul” (person dies when some object or creature is destroyed) and the “Achilles heel” (The only vulnerable spot is near the surface of person’s body and not in his inner organs) are folklore motifs used to explain why a particular person cannot be killed or how he can be killed. As other 2700 motifs which global distribution is demonstrated in our database, the “external soul” and the “Achilles heel” are a product not of the universal “primitive mind” but of particular historical processes and circumstances and we try to reveal the age and region of their initial spread. In Central and South Africa, Australia and Melanesia both motifs are rare or totally absent. This makes improbable their origin in the Out-of-Africa time. The “Achilles heel” is often found in North and South America but its Eurasian area is sporadic. On the contrary, the “external soul” is very popular across most of Eurasia but in the New World it, is found only in North but not in South America. It looks plausible that in the Old World the motif of “Achilles heel” was mostly ousted by the “external soul” being preserved in the New World thanks to its isolation from Eurasia. The lack or rarity of these motifs in the Northeast Asia and in Alaska and American Arctic excludes, possibility of their late diffusion across Bering Strait. Because both motifs were brought to America by the early migrants, their age in Eurasia must exceed 15,000 years, the “Achilles heel” being probably older. At the time of the peopling of America, both motifs had to be well known to the oral traditions of the Northeast Asia. Their rarity or absence there in historic time is in conformity with significant differences between genetic samples of Early and Late Holocene populations of Siberia. The complicated version of the “external soul” according to which a life essence is hidden in a series of objects and beings, one inside the other, is absent in America. Such a variant probably spread across the Old World after the end of antiquity being used in fairytales.

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(Fabian Schulze, Elchingen / Augsburg) Zirr, Alexander, Die Schweden in Leipzig. Die Besetzung der Stadt im Dreißigjährigen Krieg (1642 – 1650) (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Leipzig, 14), Leipzig 2018, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 939 S. / Abb., € 98,00. (Philip Hoffmann-Rehnitz, Münster) Fehler, Timothy G. / Abigail J. Hartman (Hrsg.), Signs and Wonders in Britain’s Age of Revolution. A Sourcebook, London / New York 2019, Routledge, XVII u. 312 S. / Abb., £ 110,00. (Doris Gruber, Wien) Dorna, Maciej, Mabillon und andere. Die Anfänge der Diplomatik, aus dem Polnischen übers. v. Martin Faber (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 159), Wiesbaden 2019, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 287 S. / Abb., € 49,00. (Wolfgang Eric Wagner, Münster) Kramper, Peter, The Battle of the Standards. Messen, Zählen und Wiegen in Westeuropa 1660 – 1914 (Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London / Publications of the German Historical Institute London / Publications of the German Historical Institute, 82), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, X u. 599 S., € 69,95. (Miloš Vec, Wien) Schilling, Lothar / Jakob Vogel (Hrsg.), Transnational Cultures of Expertise. Circulating State-Related Knowledge in the 18th and 19th Centuries (Colloquia Augustana, 36), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, X u. 201 S., € 59,95. (Justus Nipperdey, Saarbrücken) Carhart, Michael C., Leibniz Discovers Asia. Social Networking in the Republic of Letters, Baltimore 2019, Johns Hopkins University Press, XVI u. 324 S. / Abb., $ 64,95. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Wolf, Hubert, Verdammtes Licht. Der Katholizismus und die Aufklärung, München 2019, Beck, 314 S., € 29,95. (Wolfgang Reinhard, Freiburg i. Br.) Holenstein, André / Claire Jaquier / Timothée Léchot / Daniel Schläppi (Hrsg.), Politische, gelehrte und imaginierte Schweiz. Kohäsion und Disparität im Corpus helveticum des 18. Jahrhunderts / Suisse politique, savante et imaginaire. Cohésion et disparité du Corps helvétique au XVIIIe siècle (Travaux sur la Suisse des Lumières, 20), Genf 2019, Éditions Slatkine, 386 S. / Abb., € 40,00. (Lisa Kolb, Augsburg) Williams, Samantha, Unmarried Motherhood in the Metropolis, 1700 – 1850. Pregnancy, the Poor Law and Provisions, Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XV u. 270 S. / graph. Darst., € 96,29. (Annette C. Cremer, Gießen) Wirkner, Christian, Logenleben. Göttinger Freimaurerei im 18. Jahrhundert (Ancien Régime, Aufklärung und Revolution, 45), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VIII u. 632 S. / Abb., € 89,95. (Helmut Reinalter, Innsbruck) Göse, Frank, Friedrich Wilhelm I. Die vielen Gesichter des Soldatenkönigs, Darmstadt 2020, wbg Theiss, 604 S. / Abb., € 38,00. (Michael Kaiser, Bonn) Querengässer, Alexander, Das kursächsische Militär im Großen Nordischen Krieg 1700 – 1717 (Krieg in der Geschichte, 107), Berlin 2019, Duncker & Humblot, 628 S. / graph. Darst., € 148,00. (Tilman Stieve, Aachen) Sirota, Brent S. / Allan I. Macinnes (Hrsg.), The Hanoverian Succession in Great Britain and Its Empire (Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History, 35), Woodbridge 2019, The Boydell Press, IX u. 222 S. / graph. Darst., £ 65,00. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal / Potsdam) Petersen, Sven, Die belagerte Stadt. Alltag und Gewalt im Österreichischen Erbfolgekrieg (1740 – 1748) (Krieg und Konflikt, 6), Frankfurt a. M. / New York 2019, Campus, 487 S., € 45,00. (Bernhard R. Kroener, Freiburg i. Br.) Lounissi, Carine, Thomas Paine and the French Revolution, Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, IX u. 321 S., € 96,29. (Volker Depkat, Regensburg) Kern, Florian, Kriegsgefangenschaft im Zeitalter Napoleons. Über Leben und Sterben im Krieg (Konsulat und Kaiserreich, 5), Berlin [u. a.] 2018, Lang, 352 S., € 71,95. (Jürgen Luh, Potsdam)