Literatura académica sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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De Facci, Damiano. "La mise en forme bureaucratique de l’action associative en Tunisie". Emulations - Revue de sciences sociales, n.º 37 (19 de marzo de 2021): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/emulations.037.03.

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À travers les cas de deux associations caritatives de la ville de Sfax, en Tunisie, l’analyse se focalise sur trois instruments d’action – le livre comptable, l’organigramme et la base des données des bénéficiaires –, afin de mettre au jour les tensions et les ambiguïtés des dynamiques de mise en forme bureaucratique de l’action associative. Ces tensions et ambiguïtés montrent que la définition des instruments d’action associative ouvre davantage de marges de manœuvre pour les responsables des associations. Dans ce cadre, la conformité des procédures de l’association aux normes imposées par l’État, qui lui assure la légitimité de son action, semble moins le résultat d’une réelle volonté de collaboration avec l’État qu’une appropriation des logiques étatistes de la part des responsables des associations. Ces responsables jouent un rôle grandissant, en devenant à la fois des managers de la charité et les garants du fonctionnement de la chaîne sectorielle. La mise en forme bureaucratique de l’action associative se révèle ainsi être un processus de passage des associations de la fonction d’intermédiation idéologique et clientéliste à une forme de gouvernement personnalisée, fondée sur les responsables-managers des associations.
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Romagnoli, Michela. "Agency : un concept applicable aux associations féminines en Tunisie et au Maroc ?" Rives méditerranéennes, n.º 41 (29 de febrero de 2012): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rives.4123.

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Ferré, Nathalie. "La fabrique de la « société civile » entre évitement du politique et politisation : usages d’un dispositif de l’action extérieure européenne en Tunisie". Revue Gouvernance 15, n.º 1 (12 de febrero de 2019): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056259ar.

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Les soulèvements de 2011 en Tunisie ont projeté la « société civile » sur le devant de la scène, à la fois comme catégorie d’action publique des bailleurs internationaux et comme catégorie de présentation de soi et d’action pour un ensemble d’acteurs hétéroclites dont des d’organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) et associations. Le soutien à la « société civile » dans une logique partenariale fait partie de la rhétorique et de l’ingénierie politique conventionnelles de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne (UE). Celui-ci correspond à un ensemble de programmes et lignes de financement, présentés comme une interface « dépolitisée » de l’action extérieure de l’Union et permettant de sélectionner, labelliser et financer des organisations en tant que vis-à-vis de l’action extérieure européenne. À partir d’une focale sur les entrepreneurs de la « société civile », reconnus et financés par la délégation de l’UE en Tunisie, cet article étudie les usages militants et professionnels des financements européens ainsi que les formes de conformation induites. Ces intermédiaires négocient leur position au sein du « dialogue avec l’Union européenne et la Tunisie » en fonction de réseaux militants préexistants, de clivages perçus entre « islamistes » et « gauchistes » et procèdent ainsi à une politisation des enjeux du « dialogue ».
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Ben Abdesselam-Mahdaoui, Sonia, Mohamed Benzaggagh, Saloua Razgallah, Alouani Rebah y Benzarti Rakia. "Les associations des calpionelles du Berriasien et du Valanginien inférieur de la Tunisie septentrionale. Comparaison avec les associations du Rif externe (Maroc)". Comptes Rendus Palevol 10, n.º 7 (octubre de 2011): 527–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.crpv.2011.05.006.

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de Facci, Damiano y Ester Sigillò. "Associations et chômage en Tunisie. Politiques de l’emploi et stratégies d’insertion dans l’arène du développement de Kasserine". Maghreb - Machrek N°242, n.º 4 (2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr.242.0019.

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Sigillò, Ester. "Ennahdha et l’essor des associations islamiques en Tunisie : revendiquer l’islam politique au-delà de la dimension partisane ?" L'Année du Maghreb, n.º 22 (14 de julio de 2020): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.6363.

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Ridha, Abdmouleh. "Les associations écologiques en Tunisie : lacunes, obstacles et défis. Étude sur l'impact de la société civile dans le monde arabe". Pensée plurielle 17, n.º 1 (2008): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pp.017.0139.

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Knani, L., F. Gatfaoui, A. Mahjoub, M. Ghorbel, H. Mahjoub y F. Ben Hadj Hamida. "Étude préliminaire de la qualité de vie des patients glaucomateux dans la région de Sousse (Tunisie) : associations sociodémographiques et cliniques". Journal Français d'Ophtalmologie 40, n.º 3 (marzo de 2017): 196–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfo.2016.11.010.

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Kharrat, N., S. Al'Fadhli, M. Rebaï, M. S. Aifa, I. Kallel, A. Khabir, T. Sellami-Boudawara, M. Frikha y A. Rebaï. "(AC) Dinucleotide Repeat Polymorphism in Intron 1 of Human EGFR Shows Ethnic Specificities and High Evidence for Association with Breast Cancer". International Journal of Biological Markers 22, n.º 4 (octubre de 2007): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/172460080702200404.

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A polymorphic AC repeat in intron 1 of the EGFR gene was genotyped on 352 healthy individuals and 118 women with breast cancer sampled from the Kuwaiti and Tunisian populations. We compared allele frequencies in these populations with published data on various ethnic groups. We found very close similarity between Tunisian and Kuwaiti populations for both allelic and genotypic frequencies and in both control and patient groups. Our analysis revealed clear interethnic differences between populations; in Europeans, allele 16 occurred predominantly, whereas in Tunisia and Kuwait allele 17 was the most frequent and allele 20 predominated in Asians. One hundred twenty-three healthy women, matched with the 118 breast cancer patients, were used as controls to test for associations between AC repeat and cancer risk. Strong evidence for such an association was found for allele 18 when considered alone (χ2=27.04, corrected p=0.0000016, OR=3.94) or with longer alleles (>17 repeats) (χ2=20.21, p=0.0005, OR=2.30). This contrasts with Asian populations where allele 16 was identified as the risk allele, showing allele heterogeneity depending on ethnicity.
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Marzougui, Salem, Mohamed Kharrat y Mongi ben Younes. "Marker-trait associations of yield related traits in bread wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) under a semi-arid climate". Czech Journal of Genetics and Plant Breeding 55, No. 4 (23 de septiembre de 2019): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/154/2018-cjgpb.

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Identifying QTLs (quantitative trait loci) that control yield related traits under a stressed environment is very useful for marker-assisted selection (MAS). Marker-trait associations (MTA) for several agro-morphological traits were performed with 130 Tunisian and exotic spring bread wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) accessions under a semi-arid climate in El Kef, Tunisia. Grain yield and other important traits were evaluated. A population structural analysis identified two sub populations. In total, 29 MTAs were detected at –log P ≥ 3 using an MLM (mixed linear model), and only 5 MTAs with –log P ≥ 4. The locus on chromosome 4A was detected to control the heading date accounting for up to 22% of the trait variance. Two other loci located on chromosomes 3B and 7B were found to be stable during the two cropping seasons and have a pleiotropic effect on the heading date, yield, internodes length and grain per spike. These two regions are candidates for further genetic analysis.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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Romagnoli, Michela. "Avant et après la révolution en Tunisie de janvier 2011 : rôle des associations féminines". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0778.

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Le projet de recherche s'est concentré sur les rôles des associations féminines en Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays au lendemain de la révolution de janvier 2011. Sur le plan conceptuel, je reprends la notion de « agency » en tant que cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’engagement et les moyens de mobilisation des individus qui militent dans les associations féminines. Dans la mesure où ce concept de « agency » indique un engagement dans la société, cette notion se prête parfaitement aux démarches épistémologiques dans mes enquêtes auprès des personnalités des associations féminines. Cette notion de « agency » me donne un cadre pour penser à la fois les actions des femmes et des hommes qui agissent au sein des associations étudiées mais aussi au niveau de l’influence qu’elles/ils laissent dans la société de par leurs actions. J’ai cherché à comprendre si l’agency, en tant que capacité individuelle de s’imposer dans des domaines de la vie sociale, politique ou économique pour apporter des innovations et modifications, pourrait s’appliquer à un groupe et donc pourrait être utile pour comprendre un pouvoir collectif. En analysant les entretiens que j’ai conduits avec les membres des associations féminines, j'ai cherché à suivre l’histoire de ces organisations et leur impact dans la société tunisienne durant le dernier demi-siècle depuis l’indépendance de la Tunisie à nos jours, et cela dans les domaines économique, social, politique et légal afin de répondre à ma question principale : quel est le rôle des associations féminines en Tunisie postcoloniale, notamment avant et après la révolution de 2011, surtout à l’égard du processus de la démocratisation dans le pays ?
The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?
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Sugita, Seiko. "Politique familiale en Tunisie : l'apport du mouvement associatif dans la restructuration de la société". Nantes, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004NANT3012.

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La modernisation, la démocratisation et la mondialisation, tels sont les défis rencontrés par la société Tunisienne. Si la sphère familiale évolue en taille et en forme au rythme du changement de la société, elle continue à résister et à agir dans un cadre de valeurs solidement ancrées : la religion et la tradition patriarcale. Dès l'indépendance en 1956, l'Etat tunisien s'est appuyé sur la famille en tant que groupement solidaire pour construire une stratégie politique de développement socio-économique. Depuis les années 1980, le milieu associatif est devenu le nouveau relais à cette politique familiale de l'Etat. En créant des liens sociaux sur le plan local, national et international, les acteurs associatifs, bénévoles et/ou professionnels sont plus à même de répondre aux besoins d'une certaine population en marge du développement et, de ce fait, délaissée par l'Etat et l'institution familiale. Ils contribuent ainsi pleinement à la restructuration de la société
Tunisian society is undergoing a process of restructuring, challenging modernization, democratization and globalization. The family has evolved in number and in structure according to the rhythm of change within the society. However, the family continues to endure as a solidarity group on which the strategic policy in social and economic development is built. In spite of the modernization of the way of life, the family sphere remains in the framework of values relevant to religion and the patriarchal tradition. The Tunisian State, since its independence in 1956, has imposed itself in the private sphere of individuals through its several channels of family policy, namely the codification of Personal Status and family planning, If the development of the Civil Society Organizations since the 1980s has brought some fresh air into the relationship between politics and the society, the interaction of different players in the field of family policy has contributed to a restructuring of the society. The relationship between politics and the family remains a relevant issue
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Tainturier, Pierre. "Associations et révolution au prisme du local : le cas de Tozeur en Tunisie". Thesis, Paris, CNAM, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CNAM1108/document.

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La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires
Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities
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Sechter, Funk Iris Maria. "Le traitement social des mères célibataires par des associations en Tunisie et au Maroc : mobilisation, compassion et défense de l´ordre moral". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0117.

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En Tunisie et au Maroc, les tournants sociopolitiques, depuis 2011, confèrent une nouvelle force au mouvement associatif. Ils contribuent en effet à faire émerger et rendre visibles des questions sociales, autrefois passées sous-silence. Ainsi, les « mères célibataires » deviennent, par la mobilisation associative, non seulement une catégorie d’intervention mais également un problème public. Or, l’État, en refusant de s’investir directement « pour ne pas encourager des conduites déviantes », délègue à ce secteur la contention du problème moral des femmes pauvres ayant des enfants illégitimes. Le traitement social des mères non mariées, conduit par ces associations avec leur interface internationale, prend alors la forme de care fondé sur le maternalisme et la normativité. De surcroît, ces organisations s’engagent dans la “réinsertion” des femmes qui, sans soutien familial, sont en marge de la protection sociale et juridique. En utilisant une sémantique compassionnelle sur la vulnérabilité et le besoin, elles veulent gagner l’opinion publique afin de produire des droits et des politiques publiques, montrant ainsi l’intentionnalité politique du care. Toutefois, ces actions reproduisent et creusent des inégalités le long des lignes de genre, de classe et de statut. Grâce à une ethnographie de longue durée auprès d’organisations de protection de l’enfance et d’associations de soutien aux mères célibataires, ainsi que par une approche sociohistorique, cette thèse permet de suivre l’évolution du droit de la famille et des processus qui participent à la transformation des rapports sociaux entre les sexes dans ces sociétés du Maghreb. La comparaison entre les deux pays montrera les similitudes, les différences et les injonctions aussi bien morales que politiques propres à chacun en ce qui concerne le traitement social des femmes et des enfants en dehors du cadre du mariage
In Tunisia and Morocco, the social and political turning points since 2011 have given new strength to the associative movement, highlighting social issues that were previously passed over in silence. Thus, "unmarried mothers" become, through associative mobilization, not only an intervention category but also a public problem. However, the State, by refusing to become directly involved to "not encourage deviant behaviors," it by default delegate to these associations the containment of the moral problem of poor women with illegitimate children. The social treatment of non-married mothers, done by these associations with their international connections, take the form of care programs based on maternalism and normativity. In addition, these organizations engage to "reintegrate" women who, without family support, are marginalized from social and legal protection. Using compassionate semantics on vulnerability and need, they aim to win public support in order to create rights and public policies, showing the political intentionality of care. However, these actions reproduce and deepen inequalities along gender, class and status lines. Through a long-term ethnography with child protection organizations and single mothers' support associations, using a socio-historical approach, this thesis tracks the evolution of family law and the processes involved in the transformation of social relations between the sexes in these Maghreb societies. The comparison between the two countries will show the similarities, the differences and the moral as well as the political injunctions of each one with regard to the social treatment of women and children outside marriage
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Jalali, Jihen. "Contribution à la gestion environnementale des zones de stockage des phosphogypses en Tunisie : traitement par association bioaugmentation / phytoextraction". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Nantes, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NANT4104.

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Ce travail contribue à la résolution du problème environnemental posé par les phosphogypses (PG), grâce à une approche potentiellement peu invasive et peu coûteuse qui repose sur l’utilisation d’organismes vivants (plantes et microorganismes). Deux objectifs ont été poursuivis : i) extraire les contaminants des PG pour réduire le risque environnemental et ii) valoriser les terres rares. La méthode de phytoextraction associée à la bioaugmentation a été appliquée au Cd et Sr (objectif environnemental) et au Ce, La, Nd et Y (objectif économique). Dans un premier temps, une évaluation de l’impact environnemental de tous les sites de dépôts des PG en Tunisie a été réalisée, avec l’analyse physico-chimique des sols jouxtant les dépôts de PG ainsi que les communautés bactériennes et végétales colonisant naturellement les sites. Parmi les espèces végétales présentes, Zygophylum album accumule le plus les éléments traces métalliques (ETM). Dans un deuxième temps, l’aptitude des bactéries isolées à partir de prélèvements effectués sur sites, à tolérer les ETM étudiés a été évaluée. Leurs capacités à les mobiliser grâce à la production de sidérophores, dont la pyoverdine, et à stimuler la croissance des plantes grâce à la production d’acide indole acétique (AIA) et la dégradation d’ACC désaminase ont été investiguées. Les isolats les plus performants ont été associés à des plantes commerciales (Trifolium pratense et Helianthus annuus) cultivées sur un mélange PG-Terreau. Les deux plantes ont surtout accumulé le Sr et dans une moindre mesure les Ce, La et Nd. Le couplage bactéries-plantes a permis de stimuler la croissance des plantes et d’augmenter la biodisponibilité de ces ETM, sauf le Cd
The present work aims at solving the environmental problem raised by phosphogypsum (PG), thanks to a potentially invasive and cheap approach which relies on the use of living organisms (plants and microorganisms). Two objectives are pursued: i) extracting contaminants from PG to reduce the environmental risk and ii) valuing rare earths. The phytoextraction method associated with bioaugmentation are applied to Cd and Sr (environmental objective) and Ce, La, Nd and Y (economic objective). As a first step, an assessment of the environmental impact of all PG depository sites in Tunisia is carried out, with the physico-chemical analysis of soils adjoining PG deposits, as well as the bacterial and plant communities which naturally colonize sites. Among the present plant species, The Zygophylum album accumulates the most metal trace elements (MTE). As a second step, the isolated bacteria from on-site samples are evaluated for their ability to tolerate the studied MTE, their ability to mobilize MTE through the production of siderophores, including pyoverdine, and to stimulate the plants growth through the production of indole acetic acid (AIA) and degradation of the ACC deaminase. The most successful bacteria are associated with commercial plants (Trifolium pratense and Helianthus annus) which are grown on a PG-Compost mixture. Both plants mainly accumulated Sr and to a lesser extent Ce, La and Nd. The coupling of Bacteria-plant help stimulate plant growth and increase the bioavailability of the studied MTE, except for Cd
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Libros sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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Munīr, Saʻīdānī, ed. al-Tanẓīmāt al-siyāsīyah wa-al-madanīyah fī al-intiqāl al-dīmuqrāṭī. Ṣafāqis: Dār Muḥammad ʻAlī lil-Nashr, 2012.

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Michael, Bruno, Mundlak Yair 1927-, Cohen Daniel 1953- y Wolf Holger C, eds. Contemporary economic issues: Proceedings of the eleventh World Congress of the International Economic Association, Tunis. London: Macmillan in association with the International Economic Association, 1998.

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International Economic Association. World Congress. Economic development in SubSaharan Africa: Proceedings of the eleventh World Congress of the International Economic Association, Tunis. Houndmills, Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave, in association with African Economic Research Consortium and International Economic Association, 2001.

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Sadiki, Larbi y Brieg Powel. Europe and Tunisia: Democratization Via Association. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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Brieg, Powel y Sadiki Larbi, eds. Europe and Tunisia: Democratization via association. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.

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Wolf, Anne. Tunisia’s Muslim Brotherhood? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190670757.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 shows that religious forces flourished as a reaction to Bourguiba’s modernising efforts. They initially organised themselves as a loose association, al-Jamaʿa al-Islamiyya (the Islamic Group), a movement focusing on public morality, which quickly became politicized and in 1979 established the Islamic Tendency Movement (Mouvement de la Tendence Islamique, MTI; Harakat al-Ittijah al-Islami). The author demonstrates the importance of three factors leading many devout Muslims to embrace political Islam: the increasing amount of Egyptian Brotherhood literature reaching Tunisia; the Iranian Revolution; and, particularly, an active religious student body.The MTI’s rapprochement with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood led a faction of the movement advocating a ‘Tunisian Islam’ to split from it.
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Tunisia. Secretariat of State to the Prime Minister in charge of Women and Family Affairs., ed. Women of Tunisia: Directory of women's organizations and associations. [Tunis?: Secretariat of State to the Prime Minister in Charge of Women and Family Affairs, 1993.

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Moghadam, Valentine M. Women’s Rights and Democratization in Morocco and Tunisia. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198788553.003.0011.

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The chapter examines the activities of women’s rights networks and associations in Morocco and Tunisia since the early 1990s, their relations to both transnational feminist networks and the UN’s global women’s rights agenda, the major campaigns and coalitions they have launched or joined, and their contributions to policies, practices, and discourses of democratization in their respective countries. How the women’s rights movements and “modernizing women” were situated in the Arab Spring, the constitutional and societal implications of the demand for women’s full and equal citizenship, and differences with the Islamist discourse will be a focus of the chapter, which draws on secondary sources as well as the author’s visits to the two countries and interviews with participants in the Arab Spring.
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Ndulu, B. J. y Ibrahim Elbadawi. Economic Development in Subsaharan Africa: Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress of the International Economic Association, Tunis (International Economic Association Series). St. Martin's Press, 2001.

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Sultany, Nimer. Popular Sovereignty. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198768890.003.0008.

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This chapter argues that the “rule of law” is saturated with conflicting notions of the social order. In particular, judicial deployments of rival visions of the community within the concept of “popular sovereignty” (liberal and republican) exposes law’s incoherence. It argues that the coexistence of these two opposing views of the community further undermines the image of a binary opposition between legal continuity and revolutionary rupture. It traces these transformations of popular sovereignty through examining a variety of Tunisian and Egyptian rulings that relate to the political rights of former regime officials and the banning of political parties and associations. This exposition of popular sovereignty discloses a dialectical concept that is internally contradictory, the contradiction of which is momentarily resolved through its legal transformations.
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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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Blondel, T. J. A., G. E. Gorin y R. Jan Du Chene. "Sequence Stratigraphy in Coastal Environments: Sedimentology and Palynofacies of the Miocene in Central Tunisia". En Sequence Stratigraphy and Facies Associations, 161–79. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444304015.ch9.

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Ben Nsir, Sana, Mabrouk Boughdiri, Ichrak Cherif, Néjib Bahrouni, Rafika Ferchichi y Asma Zrelli. "Berriasian Ammonite and Calpionellid Associations from the North-South Range of Central Tunisia: Updated Biozonation, Regional Geodynamic Context and Paleobiogeography". En Paleobiodiversity and Tectono-Sedimentary Records in the Mediterranean Tethys and Related Eastern Areas, 83–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01452-0_20.

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Belaid, Habib. "Logique ethnique et logique coloniale à travers les associations en Tunisie entre les deux guerres". En La Tunisie mosaïque, 199–210. Presses universitaires du Midi, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pumi.4970.

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Ben Achour, Sana. "Société civile en Tunisie : les associations entre captation autoritaire et construction de la citoyenneté". En Les sociétés civiles dans le monde musulman, 293–312. La Découverte, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dec.bozzo.2011.01.0293.

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"Les médias locaux et associatifs, vecteurs de la voix citoyenne en Tunisie". En Voix citoyenne en Tunisie, 81–101. OECD, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/20678236-fr.

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Ziadi, Jameleddine y Abderrazzak Ben Salah. "Electronic Commerce Reality in Tunisia". En Emerging Markets and E-Commerce in Developing Economies, 319–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-100-1.ch015.

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This chapter has as an aim the identification of the present reality of the e-commerce activity in Tunisia and the challenges its faces. After giving an overview on the e-commerce birth in the country, it focuses on two distinct experiences: First, the e-commerce transactions via the Tunisian Post Office (known as the ONP) and secondly the e-commerce operations via the Banking Association (known as the SMT). While exploring the general scheme of the two different techniques notably concerning the relation with the merchants’ commercial Websites (CWS), it gives statistics related to the evolution of transactions in this field. We depart from that point to discuss the general situation of the Tunisian e-commerce activity, to explore the problems it faces and to give potential solutions for its real expansion and development in the country. In this regard, we believe that the spread of use of bank cards and other forms of electronic payments would make citizens used to those forms and would constitute therefore the real takeoff point of the e-commerce activity.
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Mansar, Adnen. "Tunisia and the Association Agreement with the EU: Expectations of Tunisian Civil Society". En Mediterranean Policies from Above and Below, 288–303. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co KG, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845220444-288.

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Hopkins, Nicholas S. "Water-User Associations in Rural Central Tunisia". En Anthropology and Development in North Africa and the Middle East, 74–94. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042737-5.

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Khoufi, Nouha. "Accounting Information Quality and Investment Decisions". En Investment Strategies in Emerging New Trends in Finance. IntechOpen, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93980.

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Accounting information quality has been said to play an important role in reducing information asymmetry. Thus, firms with high accounting information quality may enhance more investors’ decisions. This paper aims to empirically examine the association between accounting information quality and investment decisions among firms in Tunisia. The sample of this study consists of 50 firms listed on the Tunis Stock Exchange covering 2012 to 2016. The findings imply that accounting information quality is significantly negatively related to investment inefficiency. The inclusion of control variables and the use of alternative models to measure accounting information quality provide consistent findings. This paper has several important contributions. First, this paper provides new empirical evidence in an emerging market. Although emerging markets make up the vast majority of economic activity around the world, they have received limited attention in academic research. Second, this paper can also help researchers to better understand and realize the governance role of accounting information, and push them to investigate the other role of accounting information deeply and broadly.
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Sghari, Amira. "Does the Customers' Use of Mobile Technologies Influence the Number of Both Recruitments and the Branches in the Banking Sector in Tunisia?" En Advances in E-Business Research, 231–48. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7262-6.ch013.

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Digital determines new practices of companies and customers while touching all sectors of activity. Adaptation to the digital is imperative for banks. In this framework, this chapter explores the question of the influence of the use of mobile technologies by the customers on recruitment in the banking sector and on the number of the branch banking networks. Particularly, the authors seek to answer the following question: What are the effects of the use of mobile technologies by customers on recruitments and the number of branches in the banking sector in Tunisia? In order to answer this question, they analyze the annual reports of the last seven years published by Tunisia's Professional Association of Banks and Financial Institutions. Contrary to the findings observed in foreign countries concerning the reduction of the number of branches and recruitments following the digital transformation in the banking sector, in Tunisia the number of branches and recruitments has not stopped increasing.
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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Associations – Tunisie"

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Hamdan, Abeer y Manar Abdel-Rahman. "Child Disciplinary Practices in relation to Household Head Education and beliefs in Five Middle East and North African (MENA) countries: Cross Sectional study-Further analysis of Multiple Indicator Cluster survey data". En Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0168.

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Introduction:Internationally, eight out of ten children are exposed to violent discipline by their caregivers. To reduce the prevalence of violent discipline against children, we should understand the social and economic factors that affect the choice of disciplinary methods. Despite the high prevalence of violent discipline in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, only a few studies explored disciplinary methods in this region. Aim: This study aims to determine the prevalence of positive and violent disciplinary practices in five selected MENA countries and assess their association with household head education and beliefs of physical punishment. Methods: This is a cross-sectional study design based on available secondary data from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey on its fourth round (MICS-4). A child was selected randomly from the household, and the Parent-Child Conflict Scale (CTSPC) tool was used to report disciplinary methods the child encountered during the last month period preceding the survey. Univariate and multivariable logistic regression were used to investigate the association between disciplinary practices with household head education and respondent's beliefs of physical punishment. The analysis was conducted using pooled data from all selected surveys and also for individual countries. Result: The overall prevalence of positive discipline was only 15% (95% CI: 14.4-15.8), in the five countries, while the prevalence of violent discipline was 80% (95% CI: 79.0 -80.5). The prevalence of positive discipline was highest in Qatar (40%; 95% CI: 35.0-44.4) and lowest in Tunisia (5%; 95% CI: 4.3-5.9) while the prevalence of violent discipline was highest in Tunisia (93%; 95% CI: 92.1-94.1), and lowest in Qatar (50%; 95% CI: 44.7-55.0). Overall, the household head education was not significantly associated with either positive or violent discipline after adjusting for covariates. However, respondents believe of disciplinary methods was significantly associated with both positive and violent discipline (OR=5.88; 95% CI: 4.97-6.96) and (OR=6.27; 95% CI: 5.40-7.28), respectively. Conclusion: High rates of violent discipline in the MENA region might indicate an increase in mental, behavioral, and social problems and disorders in our future generation. Rapid action is needed to reduce the worsening of violent discipline, and it is consequences. There is a need for educational programs for caregivers to teach them alternative non-violent methods of discipline. Besides, these numbers should inform policymakers about the importance of the existence and the implementations of laws, policies, and regulations to protect children from all forms of violence to protect our future youths and ensure their health and wellbeing.
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Ballı, Esra y Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries". En International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Moalla, Myriam, Ines Mahmoud, Imen Sfar, Aicha Ben Tekaya, Olfa Saidane, Rawdha Tekaya, Saloua Aouini et al. "AB0392 ASSOCIATION BETWEEN FCGRIIA R131H, FCGRIIIA NA1/NA2 AND FCGRIIIB V158F POLYMORPHISM AND RESPONSIVENESS TO BIOLOGICS IN RHEUMATOID ARTHRITIS TUNISIAN PATIENTS". En Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, EULAR 2019, Madrid, 12–15 June 2019. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2019-eular.7753.

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