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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Australian political parties"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 20 de febrero de 2023

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1

Rhiannon, Lee. "Organising, movements and political parties." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.

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The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance betwe

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2

Grimmer, Martin, and Dennis C. Grube. "Political branding: A consumer perspective on Australian political parties." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (May 25, 2017): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817710585.

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Why are voters in advanced democracies turning away from established mass parties to take their electoral chances elsewhere? This article draws on concepts from marketing scholarship, specifically branding and brand equity, to apply a ‘consumer’ lens that assesses the major parties in Australia as failing ‘brands’ being left behind by disillusioned voters. An initial sample of 200 voters were asked what words or phrases came to mind when they thought of each of four Australian federal political parties. The strength of associations for each party, elicited from this sample, was then validated

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3

Gauja, Anika. "Australian Parties Abroad." PS: Political Science & Politics 54, no. 1 (January 2021): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520001109.

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4

Rydon, Joan. "The Federal Structure of Australian Political Parties." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 18, no. 1 (1988): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330387.

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5

Smith, Rodney. "Australian Political Parties: Past, Present and Future." Australian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 501–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.499606.

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6

Cross, William, and Anika Gauja. "Evolving membership strategies in Australian political parties." Australian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2014.958979.

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7

Collett, Peter H., Jayne M. Godfrey, and Sue L. Hrasky. "International Harmonization: Cautions from the Australian Experience." Accounting Horizons 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch.2001.15.2.171.

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Global harmonization of accounting is a challenging and controversial issue currently confronting accounting standard setters and market regulators internationally. To date, Australia is further along in its international harmonization program than any other country with an established standard-setting regime. While no country's national standard-setting arrangements are likely to be subject to political pressures identical to those recently exerted in Australia, there are lessons to be learned from the Australian events. Given the political nature of standard setting, it is not surprising tha

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8

Lehmann, Caitlyn. "Editorial." Children Australia 42, no. 4 (November 29, 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.

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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's h

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9

Ward, Ian. "“Media Intrusion” and the Changing Nature of the Established Parties in Australia and Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (September 1993): 477–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003413.

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AbstractMedia intrusion theory holds that the advent of electronic media, especially television, has accelerated or even precipitated party decline. This is evidently borne out by the declining membership of, and weakening support for, the two major Australian parties which each enthusiastically embraced new forms of political communication. However, “media intrusion” has arguably strengthened rather than weakened Canada's already frail brokerage parties. This different experience may be explained by the dissimilar legislative, federal and media environments in which Canadian and Australian po

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10

Scarrow, Howard A. "Political Parties and the Law." American Review of Politics 16 (January 1, 1996): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.317-320.

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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent

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11

Gauja, Anika. "‘Temporarily’ Abroad: Partisan Organisation and Mobilisation outside Australia." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 4 (July 28, 2020): 874–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa042.

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Abstract This article explores the relationship between partisan organisation outside a country of origin and the voting rights and migration patterns of its citizens. Using Australian political parties operating overseas as case studies, it examines the extent to which the electoral context of expatriate voting influences why and how parties establish organisational structures abroad. Electoral law in Australia allows citizens to vote while living overseas only for a limited period—as long as they intend to return to Australia within six years. Because of this relatively limited opportunity,

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12

Cross, William, and Anika Gauja. "Designing candidate selection methods: Exploring diversity in Australian political parties." Australian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.873769.

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13

Johns, Gary. "Party Democracy: An Audit of Australian Parties." Australian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 3 (November 2000): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713649350.

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14

Tham, Joo-Cheong, and David Grove. "Public Funding and Expenditure Regulation of Australian Political Parties: Some Reflections." Federal Law Review 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.32.3.4.

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15

Tham, Joo-Cheong, and David Grove. "Public Funding and Expenditure Regulation of Australian Political Parties: Some Reflections." Federal Law Review 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x0403200304.

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16

McCrea, Rod, Zoe Leviston, Iain Walker, and Tung-Kai Shyy. "Climate Change Beliefs Count: Relationships With Voting Outcomes at the 2010 Australian Federal Election." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.376.

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Climate change is a political as well as an environmental issue. Climate change beliefs are commonly associated with voting behaviour, but are they associated withswingsin voting behaviour? The latter are arguably more important for election outcomes. This paper investigates the predictive power of these beliefs on voting swings at the 2010 Australian federal election after controlling for a range of other related factors (demographic characteristics of voters, different worldviews about nature and the role of government, and the perceived opportunity cost of addressing climate change). Drawin

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17

Zernetsky, Pavlo, and Olena Kucherova. "Cognitive maps of discourses of British conservative and Australian liberal political manifestos." Language: classic - modern - postmodern, no. 7 (November 24, 2021): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/lcmp2522-9281.2021.7.35-49.

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The research endeavors to study and determine the influence of cognitive maps on production of political manifestos discourse. The research has been conducted in the framework of Sociocognitive Discourse Studies. The results show that discourse cognitive structure of British Conservative Party and Australian Liberal Party manifestos is characterized by different sets of cognitive maps on the level of communicative strategies and somewhat similar sets of cognitive schemas on the level of communicative tactics. Applying the method of interpropositional semantic analysis, the communicative strate

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18

Ng, Yee-Fui. "Political Constitutionalism: Individual Responsibility and Collective Restraint." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (September 10, 2020): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955100.

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Australia’s Constitution has been shaped by a blend of legal and political constitutionalism; yet there is limited attention given to political mechanisms of control in Australia. With the recent developments in the United Kingdom and the turmoil of Brexit that shifted the balance between legal and political constitutionalism, it is timely to examine how political constitutionalism has evolved in Australia. This article argues that Australian political constitutionalism is distinct from the United Kingdom as it is shaped not by internal conflict about the nature of the constitution but rather

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19

Nugus, Peter. "Rhetorical strategies of political parties and organized movements." Journal of Sociology 45, no. 3 (August 20, 2009): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783309335649.

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Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much rese

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20

DEEMING, CHRISTOPHER, and PAUL SMYTH. "Social Investment after Neoliberalism: Policy Paradigms and Political Platforms." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279414000828.

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AbstractThe concept of the ‘social investment state’ refocuses attention on the productive function of social policy eclipsed for some time by the emphasis on its social protection or compensation roles. Here we distinguish between different social investment strategies, the Nordic ‘heavy’ and the Liberal ‘light’, with particular reference to the inclusive growth approach adopted in Australia. In 2007, social democrats in Australia returned to government with a clear mandate to reject the labour market deregulation and other neoliberal policies of its predecessor, and to tackle entrenched soci

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21

, Spinnbarkeit. "The Australian Trench flows southby Spinnbarkeit (Dr)." Faculty Dental Journal 6, no. 3 (July 2015): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsfdj.2015.156.

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22

F. Recher, Harry. "Australian Elections, Wilderness and the Lost Billions." Pacific Conservation Biology 4, no. 3 (1998): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980177.

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As I write this editorial, Australia is in the final week of national elections. Apart from the appearance of a strongly nationalistic, and minority, party which the media has promoted as racist, it is unlikely that Australia's election has received much notice outside Australia. Yet there are aspects to this election which should disturb anyone interested in achieving global ecological sustainability and the conservation of global biodiversity. First, there has been a conspicuous silence from the major political parties concerning environmental issues. To be sure, the sitting conservative gov

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23

Macnamara, Jim, and Gail Kenning. "E-Electioneering 2010: Trends in Social Media Use in Australian Political Communication." Media International Australia 139, no. 1 (May 2011): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1113900104.

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In the wake of the ‘turning point’ 2004 US presidential election, the Obama campaign of 2008, the 2010 UK election and e-democracy movements globally, Australians went to the polls in 2010 in a media-hyped flurry of tweeting, YouTube videos, Facebook befriending and ‘liking’, blogging and other social media activities. Following a study showing that the 2007 Australian election was not a ‘YouTube election’, as claimed by many media and commentators, and that social media use in the campaign was mostly non-interactive promotional messaging, a study was undertaken during the 2010 federal electio

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24

Bennett, India. "Political Barriers to Reform: Analysing Australia’s Legitimation of Its Guardianship Framework." Journal of Refugee Studies 35, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab108.

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Abstract The guardianship of unaccompanied asylum-seeker children is a contentious aspect of Australian asylum-seeker law and policy. The current legislative framework for guardianship is curtailed by migration legislation and policy and is ineffective for realizing the rights of these children under international law. This paper contributes to existing scholarship on guardianship by critically examining political discourse on child asylum seekers. It combines the discourse-historical approach with doctrinal analysis to uncover the historical and political context and outcomes of the legislati

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25

Gauja, Anika, Stephen Mills, Narelle Miragliotta, Joo-Cheong Tham, Zim Nwokora, and Malcolm Anderson. "The Impact of Political Finance Regulation on Party Organisation." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 1 (July 12, 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy028.

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Abstract Political finance regulations require political parties to engage with a complex and multi-faceted regulatory environment. This article develops a framework to understand how political finance regulation impacts on party organisation and applies it to a diverse grouping of six parties from the Australian State of New South Wales. We find that all parties seek to capture the benefits of compliance, and minimise their exposure to the risks of non-compliance, by centralising and professionalising their organisation. However, the intensity of these responses is moderated by party characte

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26

Jakubowicz, Andrew. "Empires of the Sun." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2011): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1850.

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“The Chinese” have been Australia’s Other since before Federation, and a major driver behind both the creation and abolition of White Australia. The complex and multiple layers of engagement of the Chinese (an omnibus term with many strands and contested perspectives which the paper will explicate) in the Australian political system, from the government to government machinations, to their involvement in a wide range of political parties, indicates something important occurring that transcends the problematic of multiculturalism. The paper argues they help us understand the challenges of globa

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27

Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.

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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both m

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28

WARE, ALAN. "Anti-Partism and Party Control of Political Reform in the United States: The Case of the Australian Ballot." British Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000016.

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This article examines critically an explanation, first propounded by Austin Ranney, as to the causes of party reform in the United States. Ranney argued that there is an ambivalent attitude to parties in the United States; while there is evidence of popular support for parties, the political culture is also infused by anti-party values. Periodically this has facilitated the enactment of legislation, promoted by anti-party reformers, constraining parties. Focusing on the Australian Ballot, the article argues that its rapid adoption in the United States resulted from its seeming to solve problem

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29

Winger, Richard. "How Ballot Access Laws Affect the U.S. Party System." American Review of Politics 16 (January 1, 1996): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.321-350.

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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent

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30

Colvin, R. M., and Frank Jotzo. "Australian voters’ attitudes to climate action and their social-political determinants." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (March 24, 2021): e0248268. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0248268.

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Australia is a relative laggard on climate policy, amidst social and political fractures despite rising support for climate policy in opinion polls. In the 2019 Australian federal election, which was dubbed the ‘climate election’, the opposition campaigned on comparatively ambitious climate action but the government was returned on a status quo policy. We explore the social-political determinants of climate attitudes and how they are positioned in relation to voting behaviour, in the context of the 2019 election. We use a large nationally representative survey of Australian voters (n = 2,033),

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31

Nelson, Tim. "Australian climate change policy—where to from here?" APPEA Journal 55, no. 2 (2015): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj14053.

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In the past decade, Australia’s approach to climate change policy has been erratic. Both major political parties announced support for a domestic emissions trading scheme (ETS) in 2007, but bipartisan agreement evaporated in 2009. An ETS was established in 2011, but was repealed in 2014. The Commonwealth Government has subsequently introduced a Direct Action climate change policy. There is absence of bipartisan agreement about the best long-term policy approach. This extended abstract provides some insights for future Australian climate change policy using the lessons provided from previous po

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32

Goodman, James. "Organising for power: solidarities and transformation." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1087.

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Political and social movements are both empowering and power-seeking: they seek both to mobilize civil society and overwhelm state institutions. As organisations they mobilize collective power, generating solidarities and transforming social structures. As such, political organisations both challenge power and exercise power. This article addresses organizational vehicles for political change in Australia, drawing out limits and possibilities. Three organizational forms are discussed - the political party, the non-government organization (NGO), and the social movement - in terms of their capac

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33

Warner, David. "Shale gas in Australia: a great opportunity comes with significant challenges." APPEA Journal 53, no. 2 (2013): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj12087.

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Australia could have shale gas resources several times bigger than the existing conventional gas resource base, which is estimated at about 5,300 BCM (190 TCF) by Geoscience Australia (GA). The Australian Government has no estimate of potential shale gas resources. The US Department of Energy (EIA) in 2011 estimated Australian shale gas resources to be 400 TCF. The quantity of this estimate is supported by an Australian study—which estimates resources of 600 TCF—conducted by Advanced Well Technologies (AWT) in conjunction with DSWPET. While there are significant technical differences between t

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34

Cunningham, Christine, and Stewart Jackson. "Leadership and the Australian Greens." Leadership 10, no. 4 (March 13, 2014): 496–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715013498407.

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This paper examines the inherent tension between a Green political party’s genesis and official ideology and the conventional forms and practices of party leadership enacted in the vast bulk of other parties, regardless of their place on the ideological spectrum. A rich picture is painted of this ongoing struggle through a case study of the Australian Greens with vivid descriptions presented on organisational leadership issues by Australian state and federal Green members of parliaments. What emerges from the data is the Australian Green MPs’ conundrum in retaining an egalitarian and participa

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35

Lewis-Beck, Michael S., and Peverill Squire. "The Politics of Institutional Choice: Presidential Ballot Access for Third Parties in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 3 (July 1995): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007274.

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During the nineteenth century, a presidential voter actually selected a party-prepared candidate list, casting it in full view of others. The ‘Australian’ ballot, adopted in nearly all states by 1900, took away party preparation of the ballot. State officials now prepared overall candidate lists from which the voter picked in secret. The introduction of the Australian ballot was heralded as a blow against political corruption and for ‘good government’. But practical questions arose. With the state itself responsible for the ballot, how should it decide which candidates to list? Some barriers t

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36

Brenton, Scott. "Policy traps for third parties in two-party systems: the Australian case." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 51, no. 3 (July 2013): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.805538.

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37

Junaid Ghauri, Muhammad. "‘Political Parallelism’ and the Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Australian Press: A Critical Discourse Analysis." International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.02.01.

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Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial con

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38

Bruns, Axel. "Tweeting to save the furniture: the 2013 Australian election campaign on Twitter." Media International Australia 162, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16669001.

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Past years have seen continuing experimentation in the use of social media for political campaigning. By the time of the 2013 Australian federal election, social media of various forms had become comparatively mainstream in Australia and were widely used by members and candidates: more than 350 candidates operated Twitter accounts during the campaign, for instance. This article explores the key patterns both in how politicians and their parties campaigned on Twitter during the 2013 federal election campaign and in how the public responded to and engaged with these campaigns. It documents signi

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39

Moon, Jeremy, and Greg Harvey. "State budget outcomes and Australian state politics revisited: The impact of parties." Australian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (November 1990): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269008402121.

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40

Liu, Feifei, and Susan Hood. "Rhetorical strategies of political persuasion: The play of irrealis and realis meaning in re/aligning readers in newspaper editorials." Text & Talk 39, no. 5 (September 25, 2019): 589–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2019-2041.

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Abstract Newspaper editorials are acknowledged as having a significant role to play in shaping public opinion on social and political issues. In studies of their persuasive power, the language of these texts is always the focus to some extent. Across a spectrum of methodological approaches, relatively few studies take a dynamic perspective to consider the interaction of linguistic choices in the construction of rhetorical strategies in the flow of meaning in texts. This study draws on Systemic Functional Linguistic (SFL) theory in its analysis and interpretation of the dynamic construction of

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41

Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "Talkback Radio and Australian Politics since the Summer of 1967." Media International Australia 122, no. 1 (February 2007): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712200114.

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This article explores the intersections between Australian party politics and commercial talkback radio from 1967 to 1983. It considers the eagerness of individual politicians such as John Gorton and R.W. Askin to exploit the possibilities of ‘dial-in’ radio, addresses how political parties came to view the usefulness (and the dangers) of talkback radio, and assesses the political interventions of Brian White, Ormsby Wilkins and John Laws. In doing so, the article traces the radio industry's campaign against the ban on pre-election comment, the evolution of the Fairness Code for Broadcasters,

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42

Monro, Dugald. "Populism? Minor parties and independents in the Australian Federal Parliament, 1945–2016." Policy Studies 40, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1581157.

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43

Renouf, Emilia. "Children contact centres in France." Children Australia 22, no. 1 (1997): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s103507720000804x.

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This paper addresses the issue of contact centres, which have evolved to address the needs of children and parents affected by separation and divorce. The author notes the emergence of contact services in Australia and the establishment of the Australian and New Zealand Association of Children’s Contact Services (ANZACCS). The bulk of the paper outlines the development of children contact centres in France, summarises findings from the evaluation of 10 centres, and describes examples of three different French contact centre models. Brief summaries are also included of the situation in the UK a

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44

Jackman, Simon. "Measuring Electoral Bias: Australia, 1949–93." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006888.

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Electoral systems translate citizens' votes into seats in the legislature, and are thus critical components of democracies. But electoral systems can be unfair, insulating incumbents from adverse electoral trends, or biasing the mapping of votes to seats in favour of one party. I assess methods for measuring bias and responsiveness in electoral systems, highlighting the limitations of the popular ‘multi-year’ and ‘uniform swing’ methods. I advocate an approach that incorporates constituency-level and jurisdiction-wide variation in party's vote shares. I show how this method can be used to elab

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45

Gomes, Catherine. "Living in a Parallel Society." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.

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Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often the

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46

dela Rama, Marie J., Michael E. Lester, and Warren Staples. "The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC." Laws 11, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11010007.

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Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and

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Atie, Rosalie, Kevin Dunn, and Mehmet Ozalp. "Religiosity, Attitudes on Diversity and Belonging Among Ordinary Australian Muslims." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (April 9, 2017): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v2i1.27.

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Islamic incompatibility is a core discourse of fringe political parties, mostly from the right of the political spectrum, who have agitated against religious diversity and also against immigration of Muslims, especially from certain parts of the world. Smaller scale political alliances, against mosque developments, private Islamic schools or halal certification, also draw heavily on this pre-supposition. Despite the preponderance of such despondent commentary, there is surprisingly little by way of empirical analysis of this assumption of incompatibility. This paper draws on a community survey

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48

Monnox, Chris. "“Men, money, and motors”: The motor car as an emerging technology in Australian Federal Election Campaigns, 1903–31." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (February 27, 2019): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619831396.

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The appearance of the car in early twentieth-century Australia significantly re-shaped election campaigns. Political parties used cars to bring voters to polling places, and some voters took advantage of elections by making their voting contingent on these free rides. Politicians and other campaigners took exception to the cost of supplying cars and to the attitudes evident in demands for rides. Some saw compulsory voting as a way of forcing voters to provide for their own transportation. Introduced mostly in the 1920s, compulsory voting’s impact was initially muted. But over time it did chang

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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton, and Phillip Baker. "The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia." Public Health Nutrition 23, no. 11 (January 17, 2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.

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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutritio

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Eccleston, Richard, and Ian Marsh. "The Henry Tax Review, Cartel Parties and the Reform Capacity of the Australian State." Australian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 437–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2011.595699.

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