Bibliografías temáticas / Authoritarianism Civil society

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 14 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Giersdorf, Stephan y Aurel Croissant. "Civil Society and Competitive Authoritarianism in Malaysia". Journal of Civil Society 7, n.º 1 (abril de 2011): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2011.553401.

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Qiaoan, Runya. "Civil Society under Authoritarianism. The China Model". Europe-Asia Studies 67, n.º 8 (14 de septiembre de 2015): 1343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1076119.

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Mah, Kate. "The Silent Gatekeeper: Authoritarianism and Civil Society in China". Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, n.º 2 (15 de febrero de 2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur40.

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This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.
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Benjamins, Malte P. "Book review: Civil Society under Authoritarianism: The China Model". China Information 29, n.º 1 (marzo de 2015): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x15574652a.

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Teets, Jessica C. "Let Many Civil Societies Bloom: The Rise of Consultative Authoritarianism in China". China Quarterly 213 (23 de enero de 2013): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001269.

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AbstractIn this article, I analyse civil society development in China using examples from Beijing to demonstrate the causal role of local officials' ideas about these groups during the last 20 years. I argue that the decentralization of public welfare and the linkage of promotion to the delivery of these goods supported the idea of local government–civil society collaboration. This idea was undermined by international examples of civil society opposing authoritarianism and the strength of the state-led development model after the 2008 economic crisis. I find growing convergence on a new model of state–society relationship that I call “consultative authoritarianism,” which encourages the simultaneous expansion of a fairly autonomous civil society and the development of more indirect tools of state control. This model challenges the conventional wisdom that an operationally autonomous civil society cannot exist inside authoritarian regimes and that the presence of civil society is an indicator of democratization.
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Flere, Sergej y Miran Lavric. "Predicting civil religion at a cross-cultural level". Psihologija 42, n.º 2 (2009): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902159f.

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The concept of civil religion has caught major attention among scholars studying the junction of religion and politics (J.-J. Rousseau, E. Durkheim, R. Bellah). The notion focuses on the phenomenon of cultural contents sacralizing and ritualizing the ruling political institutions of a society, extending support to the integration of the political and social system at a cultural level. The notion of civil religion has recently been operationalized crossculturally, but light has not been shed upon its predictors. In this paper authoritarianism is tested as a predictor of civil religion cross-culturally. Four student samples of Bosnian, Serbian, Slovenian and US students were analyzed. Very strong, significant associations between authoritarianism, as operationalized by a modified Lane scale, and civil religion were found in all cases. Moreover, upon introducing femininity, anxiety and gender into the analysis, a strong, dominant and significant impact on the part of authoritarianism was still found when civil religion was observed crossculturally. When the same predictors were applied to explaining general religiosity, authoritarianism fell short of being a significant predictor in most of the environments observed. Such results suggest an especially close link between civil religion and authoritarianism.
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Robertson, Graeme B. "Managing Society: Protest, Civil Society, and Regime in Putin's Russia". Slavic Review 68, n.º 3 (2009): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900019719.

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Postcommunist Russia has become a paradigmatic case of contemporary authoritarianism in which elections coexist with autocratic rule. In this paper, Graeme B. Robertson argues that it is vital for the stability of such hybrid regimes for incumbents to maintain an image of political invincibility. This means intensively managing challenges both during elections and in the streets. To do this, Vladimir Putin's regime has built on the Soviet repertoire of channeling and inhibiting protest, creating a new system for licensing civil society and crafting ersatz social movements that rally support for the state. This contemporary style of repression has become a model for authoritarian regimes in the post-Soviet space and elsewhere.
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Perry, Elizabeth J. "Citizen Contention and Campus Calm: The Paradox of Chinese Civil Society". Current History 113, n.º 764 (1 de septiembre de 2014): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.764.211.

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O'Brien, Thomas. "Civil society under authoritarianism: the China model, by Jessica Teets". Democratization 23, n.º 3 (20 de julio de 2015): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1058362.

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Ding, Sheng. "Jessica C. Teets. Civil Society Under Authoritarianism: the China Model". Journal of Chinese Political Science 20, n.º 3 (19 de agosto de 2015): 351–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-015-9367-x.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Aydin, Gulsen. "Authoritarianism Versus Democracy In Uzbekistan: Domestic And International Factors". Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604690/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.
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Maseng, Jonathan Oshupeng. "The state, civil society and underdevelopment: the case of Zimbabwe / Jonathan Oshupeng Maseng". Thesis, North-West University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/8507.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The relationship between the state and civil society is discussed under the categories of the concepts democratisation, good governance and sustainable development. The nature of the relationship between the state and civil society in Africa is examined to set out parameters for state-civil society debate in Zimbabwe. The discussion of the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe is synthesised into three parts, the post-independence era, the post-1990s and the post-2000. From these discussions it is argued that the relationship between the state and civil society was peaceful in the first decade of independence and this was because the state maintained dominance and control over all sectors of civil society. However, the 1990s saw a collapse of peaceful relations between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The collapse of the peaceful relationship between the state and civil society came as a result of the country’s economic decline and the authoritarian practices in Zimbabwe, which saw the emergence of a confrontational civil society towards the state. In the early 2000s, it is observed that the state became repressive towards civil society through the introduction of repressive laws which include Access to Information and Privacy Act (AIIPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). For peaceful relations between the state and civil society to exist in a sustainable manner, the state must continuously promote and practice democracy and good governance. In addition, the state should play a pivotal role of enhancing sustainable development in a manner that meets the socio-economic realities of its population.
Thesis (M.A. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011
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Becker, Peter y Alexander Kopp. "Transformationsziel Demokratie : Zivilgesellschaft und Dezentralisierung in Kamerun". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/7188/.

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Die nachfolgende Länderstudie ist während eines längeren Arbeitsaufenthaltes im Rahmen der internationalen Zusammenarbeit in Kamerun entstanden. Mit ihr versuchen wir, unsere persönlichen Eindrücke und täglichen Beobachtungen in einem Land zu verarbeiten, in dem offenbar alle Hoffnung darauf beruht, dass der alternde Staatspräsident Paul Biya seinen Abschied von der politischen Bühne nimmt und damit ein autokratisches, korruptes Regime sein Ende findet. Diese Hoffnung scheint mit der Erwartung von Francis Fukuyama verbunden zu werden, der 1992 nach dem Zusammenbruch des Sowjet-Imperiums das „Ende der Geschichte“ erklärte, in der Überzeugung, dass das demokratische Gesellschaftsmodell bald überall Einzug halten würde. Bekanntlich hat sich diese Erwartung als zu optimistisch erwiesen. Mit unserer Untersuchung versuchen wir aufzuzeigen, warum sich die Hoffnung auf eine gerechtere Gesellschaft trotz langjähriger Bemühungen westlicher Geber um die Stärkung der Zivilgesellschaft und die Dezentralisierung staatlicher Aufgaben auch in Kamerun kaum erfüllen wird. Ein „Ende der Geschichte“ lässt sich auch für die Zeit nach Paul Biya nicht prognostizieren.
After more the thirty years in office, the political career of the elderly Cameroon President Paul Biya seems to have come to an end. After gaining independence in 1960 Cameroon was quickly turned into a dictatorial police state under Paul Biya’s predecessor, Mr Ahmadou Ahidjo. A forced political liberalisation at the beginning of the 1990’s removed the existing one-party-system. However, in reality, little has changed regarding the country’s political situation as the newly granted democratic rights exist only on paper. Not only is Mr Biya the sole and unchallenged ruler of Cameroon, he is also the “glue” that binds the country together. Despite the country’s wealth of natural resources, government corruption and mismanagement has resulted in an elite with much wealth and a majority of people living in poverty. In spite of this, and even in face of ethnic and religious diversity, Cameroon is one of the most stabile countries in Africa. Civil war did not occur and Christians and Muslims live peacefully side by side. Therefore, the end of the rule of Paul Biya seems to offer both an opportunity as well as a threat to this nation’s future. The opportunity could be realized if democratically minded segments of the society succeed in installing a pluralistic regime that abolishes corruption and nepotism. In order to make this scenario more likely, western donors have begun to support the establishment of a civil society and, through decentralisation programs, strengthened the concept of democratic local self-governance. The treat is that with the disappearance of Paul Biya from the stage a dangerous political vacuum may result. As no successor seems to be in sight who is capable of leading the people and democratizing the country, there is a danger that Cameroon might follow the path of other African nations and fall into a state of turmoil and decay. This book offers an analysis of the mechanisms which have resulted in Cameroon remaining a fragile state even after fifty years of independence. At the same time - on the basis of examining the findings of transformation theories - the book explores the possibility of bringing about democratic changes to the country by critically examining the impact of the activities of the international donor community. Cameroon is often called the „Afrique en miniature“. This is why a great part of the results of this analysis are also useful for judging the political circumstances in other francophone countries in Africa. Therefore the significance of the book goes beyond the context of the situation in Cameroon.
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Repnikova, Maria. "Limited political liberalisation in authoritarian regimes : critical journalists and the state in China". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4673810-ca89-4642-a463-851ca50627f0.

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This dissertation examines the process of limited political liberalisation in China by analysing the coexistence between critical journalists and the party-state under the Hu-Wen leadership. In contrast to the scholarship on authoritarianism and Chinese politics, which tends to analyse the perspectives of societal actors and the state separately from one another, this study brings the two together, unveiling the intricacies of their interactions. In the past decade, critical journalists and the party-state maintained a partnership which can be best described by a jazz ensemble metaphor. The players—critical journalists and the party-state—share a common purpose: improving their performance or governance within the existing political system. They overcome the limitations on their collaboration with ad hoc creative adjustments made in response to one another. The party-state acts as a band leader, setting the key by establishing a framework within which creative manoeuvring can take place. The study is based on unique access to politically sensitive material, including 120 in-depth interviews with critical journalists, media and crisis management experts, and government officials. It also includes multilayered textual analysis of the Chinese Communist Party journal, Qiushi, and investigative reports in two outspoken media outlets, Caijing and Nanfang Zhoumo. The data is employed to analyse the boundaries for limited political liberalisation of the media as well as how it manifests itself during major crisis events. More broadly, the dissertation draws the attention of both China and authoritarianism scholars to the significant yet neglected feature of interactive improvisation as a force that can sustain coexistence between critical actors and authoritarian states. It shows that by engaging in actor-driven analysis and illuminating the process of their interactions, we can better grasp the dynamics of authoritarianism in China and beyond. A step is made towards applying the analytical framework distilled in the China case on other authoritarian regimes by including a limited comparison to media–state relations under Gorbachev and under Putin. It shows that the variables of collaboration and improvisation are useful in explaining the different outcomes of political liberalisation reform.
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Owen, Catherine Anne May. "'Obshchestvennyi Kontrol' [public scrutiny] from discourse to action in contemporary Russia : the emergence of authoritarian neoliberal governance". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15887.

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This thesis explores the emergence and proliferation of public consultative bodies (PCBs) in contemporary Russia. Created by the government and regulated by law, PCBs are formal groups of NGO leaders, academics, journalists, entrepreneurs and public figures selected by the state, that perform advisory, monitory and support functions to government departments and individuals at federal, regional and municipal levels. The concept of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ (public scrutiny) is employed by Kremlin to refer to the dual activities of oversight and assistance, which PCBs are intended to enact. First appearing ten years ago with the foundation of the Federal Public Chamber in 2004, there are now tens of thousands of PCBs in operation across the country. This thesis constitutes the first systematic analysis of PCBs in English. It uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach in order to explore the extent to which the portrayal of PCBs in government discourse corresponds to the practices enacted through these institutions in three regional case studies of Moscow, St Petersburg and Samara. It finds that although PCBs are presented by federal and regional leaders as means for citizens merely to assist the authorities in the performance of tasks decided by the state, in practice PCBs can enable citizens modestly to influence policy outcomes and occasionally to shape public agendas. They therefore cannot be dismissed as mere ‘window dressing’ for the authorities. The thesis shows that PCBs were created as part of the market reform of the Soviet-era public sector, in which processes of privatisation, outsourcing and decentralisation reduced the state’s ability to make public policy without input from domestic non-state actors. It argues that the limited participation in governance afforded to citizens through PCBs exemplifies practices of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’, a concept that captures the attempts by the state to control policy outcomes produced through new public participatory mechanisms arising from the marketization of state bureaucracy. Although the thesis focuses on the case of Russia, the concept of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’ raises the question of the existence of commensurable mechanisms in other non-democratic polities.
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Allal, Amin. "L'autoritarisme participatif : politiques de développement et protestations dans la région minière de Gafsa en Tunisie 2006-2010". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1128.

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L’injonction à la "participation" des populations n’est pas propre aux démocraties. Dans des situations autoritaires comme en Tunisie, des politiques de développement affichent aussi la "participation de la société civile". Cette thèse analyse ces dispositifs participatifs et leurs appropriations à partir d’un matériau ethnographique et proposopographique recueilli dans la région minière de Gafsa entre 2006 et 2010, via une démarche inductive et une "description dense" des rapports ordinaires au politique. Les politiques "participatives" contribuent à la construction des figures symétriques des "bons pauvres" et des "bons experts", rôles auxquels les acteurs tendent à se conformer. Ici, la "participation" n'est pas tant l’objet de la recherche qu’un analyseur des effets de la domination du régime et des capacités des acteurs à la contourner (ou pas). Sortir des référentiels cognitifs de la "participation démocratique" – implique alors d'analyser les (contre-)conduites des acteurs et organisations concernés autant au sein qu'en dehors de ces dispositifs : le choix d'un nombre relativement réduit d'enquêtés permet une étude longitudinale des variations de ces rapports au politique. L'oxymore d'autoritarisme participatif désigne ici à la fois le type de domination autoritaire analysé et les formes des différents registres de participations politiques que cette domination tend à encourager, cadrer et canaliser, ou au contraire à interdire et à réprimer. Nous contournons par cette démarche deux oppositions par trop naturalisées : d'une part, la dichotomie entre consentement et révolte ; d'autre part, une opposition d'échelle entre individus (ou petits groupes) et structures
Injunction to “participation” isn’t specific to democratic regimes. In authoritarian situations, such as in Tunisia, development policies also claim “civil society’s participation”. This dissertation analyses the participatory devices and their appropriations from an ethnographical and prosopographic material collected in the Gafsa mining region between 2006 and 2010, through an inductive approach and thick descriptions of ordinary relations to politics. “Participatory” policies contribute to the building of the symmetric figures of the “good poors” and the “good experts” – roles to which actors tend to conform to. Here, “participation” isn’t so much the object of an investigation than an analyzer of the effects of the regime’s domination and of the capacities actors have (or haven’t) to bypass it. Breaking with the cognitive frameworks of “democratic participation” implies to analyze actor’s and organization’s (counter)behaviors within as well as outside of those devices: the choice of a relative small number of actors opens way for a longitudinal study of the variation of theirs relations to politics. The “participatory authoritarianism” oxymoron describes here both the type of the analyzed authoritarian domination and the forms of the diverse types of political participations that this domination tends to support, frame and channel; or to forbid and suppress. This enables us to avoid two oppositions which have been too much naturalized : on the one hand, the dichotomy between consent and rebellion, and, on the other, the opposition of scales between individuals (or small groups) and structures
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Awad, Samir. "Persistence of authoritarianism in the Middle East : international politics, civil society, and democracy in Palestine /". 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3088292.

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Martin, Geoff. "Instrument or Structure? Investigating the Potential Uses of Twitter in Kuwait". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/6676.

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This thesis examines if and how Twitter can be used to organize protests by activists. Theoretically, it addresses several debates about Internet technology in approaches to Social Movement Theory, Network Theory, and Digital Politics Theory and synthesizes them to create an analytical framework to address Internet technologies effects, or lack thereof, on civil society. Through a case study examining protests in Kuwait empirical results indicate that Twitter does not have a significant impact on collective action efforts as it is not used to connect activists or create a forum for dialogue. Instead it is used to promote slogans and provide on-the-ground-reports of events, which do not have significant effects on organizing collective action. The reason for its relative insignificance is largely due to political, social and economic obstacles that polarize and fragment online collective action efforts.
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Ahmed, Sarah Saad Mohmed. "Aktivity organizací podporujících občanskou společnost na Blízkém východě: Případ Egypta a Turecka". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387357.

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CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations Master's Thesis 2018 Sarah Ahmed CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt and Turkey Master's thesis Author: Sarah Ahmed Study programme: International Relations Supervisor: PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Year of the defence: 2018 Declaration 1. I hereby declare that I have compiled this thesis using the listed literature and resources only. 2. I hereby declare that my thesis has not been used to gain any other academic title. 3. I fully agree to my work being used for study and scientific purposes. In Prague on 31.07.2018 Sarah Ahmed References AHMED, Sarah. The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East. Praha, 2018. 106 pages. Master's thesis (Mgr.). Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Relations. Department of International Relations. Supervisor PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Length of the thesis: 198,979 Characters. Abstract First, this thesis will be focused on democracy promotion and civil society as concepts that emerged and occupied a large scholarly literature. I deem...
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Libros sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Istibdād va iqtidārʹgirāyī: "vīzhagīʹhā-yi shakhṣīyat-i ʻaqabʹmāndah" : majmūʻah-i maqālāt. Tihrān: Nashr-i Hamrāh, 2004.

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Civil society activism under authoritarian rule: A comparative perspective. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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The war in Chechnya and Russian civil society: June 17, 2004, briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Washington: Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 2006.

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Violencia y autoritarismo en el Perú: Bajo la sombra de Sendero y la dictadura de Fujimori. 2a ed. Lima: IEP, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2011.

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Burt, Jo-Marie. Violencia y autoritarismo en el Perú: Bajo la sombra de Sendero y la dictadura de Fujimori. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2009.

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Indice cronológico de leyes y eventos relacionados con la moneda y la banca salvadoreña. San Salvador: Editorial de la Universidad Francisco Gavidia, 2002.

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Barriers to democracy: The other side of social capital in Palestine and the Arab world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.

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Ordinary people in extraordinary times: The citizenry and the breakdown of democracy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2003.

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Peñate, Oscar Martínez. El Salvador, la ingobernabilidad. San Salvador, El Salvador, C.A: UFG Editores, 2002.

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Civil Society under Authoritarianism: The China Model. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Heryanto, Ariel. "The Debris of Post-Authoritarianism in Indonesia". En Democracy and Civil Society in Asia, 65–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230285910_4.

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Tai, John W. "Building Civil Society Under the Shadows of Authoritarianism". En Building Civil Society in Authoritarian China, 1–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03665-6_1.

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Clark, Janine A. "FBOs and Change in the Context of Authoritarianism: The Islamic Center Charity Society in Jordan". En Development, Civil Society and Faith-Based Organizations, 145–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371262_7.

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"The Jordanian Civil Society Market". En Promoting Democracy, Reinforcing Authoritarianism, 97–138. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108623681.005.

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"Civil society: activism and friendly authoritarianism". En An Introduction to Japanese Society, 315–44. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108661669.013.

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"Lipset and “Working-Class” Authoritarianism". En Civil Society and Class Politics, 139–68. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315081182-13.

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Ekiert, Grzegorz. "Civil Society Approach". En The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation, 151–60. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0015.

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The idea of civil society resurrected in the 1970s has been one of the most important concepts guiding reflection on political transformations of contemporary societies. This chapter discusses various understandings of the concept and the asserted role civil society has in shaping political and economic outcomes. It points to established consensus on the beneficial role of civil society as a political project and a set of normative principles, but it emphasizes disagreements about how civil society is defined and measured, how it evolves over time, what dimensions of politics and public policy it shapes, and what are the mechanisms through which it affects the quality of democracy and resistance to authoritarianism. It also explores the idea of the civil society strategy as a distinct mode of political transformations as opposed to the revolutionary strategy. Finally, it suggests that civil society can be construed as a discrete analytical optics for analysing political change.
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Ottaway, Marina. "RELIGIOUS CONSERVATIVISM, RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM, AND SECULAR CIVIL SOCIETY IN NORTH AFRICA". En The Lure of Authoritarianism, 15–41. Indiana University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfc54tb.4.

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"‘Everyday citizenship’ under authoritarianism: the cases of". En Civil Society Activism under Authoritarian Rule, 29–49. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203094549-8.

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Park, G. S. "Corporate Authoritarianism and Civil Society Responding in Korea". En The Political Economy of Business Ethics in East Asia, 61–77. Elsevier, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-08-100690-0.00004-x.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Authoritarianism Civil society"

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Abdel Shafi, Essam. "Political Change in Egypt and the Policies of Consolidating ‌Hegemony". En REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp34-48.

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Resumen
The January 25, 2011 revolution that Egypt witnessed was the product of a political and social movement in an ancient civil society, which maintained this characteristic in a stable manner, despite successive bulldozing operations for centuries and extended decades. However, the revolution witnessed fundamental transformations, which led to a military coup in 2013. Repressive policies and practices to consolidate tyranny and authoritarianism, not only in the face of citizens, but also to establish dominance over the state's wealth and capabilities. In dealing with the January revolution, the Egyptian military adopted many policies and practices, whether in the first transitional phase supervised by the Military Council (from February 2011 to June 2012), or during the first year of President Mohamed Morsi's rule, in which he directed matters from The successor, the Military Council, or direct control after the coup of July 3, 2013, until January 2021, and the tasks, roles and functions carried out by the military institution during the ten years (under study) were divided between the policies of consolidating authoritarianism and tyranny, the legal codification of these policies, the systematic violation of rights and freedoms, and the policies of Hegemony and the total militarization of the economy to the extent of what can be called “state ownership,” and the reinforcement of the saying that Egypt is an “army with a state and not a state with an army.” In the face of these considerations, the duality of authoritarianism and the movement emerges, and the transformations and developments between them in Egypt during the ten years that passed after the January 2011 revolution. On political life in Egypt after the January revolution?
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