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Medani, Khalid Mustafa. "Teaching the “New Middle East”: Beyond Authoritarianism". PS: Political Science & Politics 46, n.º 02 (28 de marzo de 2013): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000176.
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In 2011 the protests in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) were not only unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences for the region, they also highlighted a number of long-standing analytical and theoretical misconceptions about Arab politics. In particular, the conventional thesis privileging the idea of a “durable authoritarianism” in the Arab world was partially undermined by a cross-regional civil society that confronted the formidable security and military apparatus of the state. Although in some countries democratic transitions have continued, since they first occurred in Tunisia, other Arab states continue to witness a resilient authoritarianism and strong state repression of civil society activism. These historic events have also set the stage for a new teaching agenda in important ways. Specifically, an agenda for teaching the “new Middle East” must incorporate two important general components: first, a critical review of the influential scholarship on persistent authoritarianism with the objective of addressing past theoretical and methodological misconceptions, and second, the introduction of new conceptual and analytical frameworks relevant to contemporary political developments in the Arab world and the MENA region more generally.
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism". American Journal of Islam and Society 26, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.
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The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theauthoritarian mode of governance is surveyed through an assessment of thedurability of regimes, the role of Islamist political parties, intra-regimedynamics, and the economic aspects of political reform. Divided into foursections, the book’s structure incorporates key elements of Arab authoritarianism:“State-Society Relations and Political Opposition,” “The Regimes,”“The Economy and the Polity,” and “The InternationalArena.” That the sectionsretain a subtle reluctance to address the link between the repressivecapacities ofArab states and their longevity, as well as the concept that Islamis incompatible with democracy, is conspicuous, yet prudent. Far fromretreadingworn theories, the contributors provide fresh conceptual and comparativeanalyses of individual countries and the region on a wider level, inaddition to prospects for the respective regimes ...
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Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society". China Quarterly 137 (marzo de 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.
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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.
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Al-Najjar, Baqer Salman. "Civil society in the Arab world: a reality that needs reforming1". Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2008): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910701773127.
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Arab experience of civil society is new, and because of the nature of the Arab state, it is difficult to find a single case in the region that is independent of the state and able to exert pressure on it. The case of Lebanon, when the Karami government was forced to resign in February 2005, will remain unique for some time to come. However, the fear of similar repetitions elsewhere has led to greater restrictions on civil society organizations, or it has led some Arab regimes to install their own organizations (GONGOS) to defuse the pressure from other organizations or to weaken their demands for democracy and transparency. The GONGOS were a typically Eastern and Russian phenomenon, and they quickly spread to a number of Arab countries that had experienced totalitarian regimes in the past and also to some of the countries in the Arab Mashreq and Maghreb, which have recently under gone a political transformation towards democracy.
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Dursun, Hatice Rümeysa. "Bin Ali Authoritarianism and International Factors in Tunisia (1987-2008)". Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 11, n.º 3 (15 de septiembre de 2021): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0628.
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Despite being shaken by the Arab Spring, authoritarian structures still exist in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Th is situation highlights the importance of studying the continuity of authoritarian structures more comprehensively. In addition to approaches that reduce authoritarianism to intra-state factors, literature has developed over the last decade emphasizing the importance of international factors. This literature in particular emphasizes the politics, economics, and diplomacy established by the West and that ties are effective in the continuity of authoritarianism in non-Western countries. This study attempts to explain Ben Ali’s period and the continuity of authoritarianism in Tunisia in the context of this developing new literature. Although Tunisia underwent a relatively positive transformation process after the Arab Spring, Ben Ali’s authoritarian rule was supported by the West as a model of an economic miracle and democratic stability; this administration managed to survive for 23 years. The study’s main argument can be expressed as follows: While the economic liberalization process imposed on Tunis by Western actors caused an increase in socio-economic inequalities, the instrumentalization of democracy by the West again served to suppress civil and political freedoms. Instead of focusing on the obstacles and opportunities in front of the transition to democracy in the post-Arab Spring period, examining theinternational factors influencing the continuity of authoritarianism in the Ben Ali period will shed light on how authoritarian structures still survive in MENA.
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Schulz, Michael. "ALongue DuréeApproach to the Role of Civil Society in the Uprisings against Authoritarianism in the Arab world". Journal of Civil Society 11, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2015): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1110906.
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Hrycak, Alexandra. "Orange Harvest?: Women's Activism and Civil Society in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia since 2004". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, n.º 1-2 (2010): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x512840.
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AbstractRising authoritarianism throughout post-Soviet countries has met with responses ranging from small-scale revolts to “electoral revolutions.” This article analyzes women's activism to explore the impact of domestic political opportunity dynamics on the trajectory of civic organizing in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. The extent and form of state repression are shown to affect the development of women's activism by influencing the number, scope and capacity of women's nongovernmental organizations.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity". Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, n.º 3 (20 de diciembre de 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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Jordan, Bill. "Authoritarianism and Social Policy". Social Policy and Society 19, n.º 2 (3 de diciembre de 2019): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746419000411.
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Authoritarianism seems to be emerging as the default mode of global capitalism. In the absence of reliable economic growth, and with working-class incomes in long-term stagnation, both liberal and social democratic parties have lost support in many countries, and authoritarian regimes have come to power in several. But poor people in the USA, UK and Europe have long experienced coercion, being forced to accept low-paid, insecure work or face benefits sanctions. As a growing proportion of workers have come to rely on supplements such as tax credits, the working class has been divided, and opportunistic authoritarian politicians have mobilised the anxiety and resentment of those on the margins of poverty. This article argues that only an active civil society, with voluntary agencies uncompromised by involvement in coercive policies, along with universal, unconditional Basic Incomes for all citizens, can reverse these trends.
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Mitrakhovich, S. P. "TRANSFORMATION AND CONTRADICTIONS OF THE IDENTITY POLITICS IN MODERN WESTERN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE OF THE CIVIL SOCIETY". Vestnik Universiteta, n.º 1 (23 de marzo de 2020): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-171-176.
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Identity politics has become a crucial feature of the transformation of modern social and political relations in many countries around the world. Representatives of “progressive” structures actively engaged in such a struggle, trying to undermine the foundations of the existing conservative social system and the established balance of institutions and relative powers of actors. Largely initiated by civil society organizations representing social minorities, this policy has become an instrument for the realization of the tasks of the state power. At the same time, identity politics, showing disparity approach to various social groups, while demanding the increasing powers of the State in its implementation, remains deeply contradictory and generates ideological hybrids such as “eco-authoritarianism” or “liberal authoritarianism”.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, n.º 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Obasanjo, Iyabo. "Social conflict, civil society, and maternal mortality in African countries". Leadership 14, n.º 5 (21 de agosto de 2018): 543–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715018793742.
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This study looks at the association between social conflicts, civil society freedom, and democracy, and how social conflicts impact maternal mortality in African countries as a first step toward understanding how to use civil society to pressure Sub-Saharan African governments into improving maternal mortality ratios and other human development indicators. Pro-Government riots were negatively associated with civil society freedom. Organized Demonstrations and Organized Riots were positively associated with civil society freedom when North African countries were included in the data, but when they were excluded, only Organized Riots were associated with civil society freedoms. The period under study included the Arab Spring, which was characterized by high numbers of Organized Demonstrations in North African countries. I theorized that Organized Demonstrations occur less often in Sub-Saharan African countries due to lower levels of internet connectivity (used to organize) or because government forces use severe suppression, which escalates demonstrations into riots more in Sub-Saharan Africa. The fewer Pro-Government riots there are, the freer the civil society, and the more Organized Demonstrations and Organized Riots, the freer the civil society. This indicates that Pro-Government riots tend to be organized as part of the government repression of civil society. The analyses used democratization levels of countries as a control variable and found that as autocracy level increases, the level of civil society freedom decreases. Organized Demonstrations were the only form of social conflict associated with maternal mortality. It was a negative association, with rising maternal mortality associated with fewer Organized Demonstrations. The finding therefore suggests that democratic governance, with associated civil society freedom, that allows Organized Demonstrations provides the best scenario for health outcomes in African countries.
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Sika, Nadine. "Civil Society and the Rise of Unconventional Modes of Youth Participation in the MENA". Middle East Law and Governance 10, n.º 3 (23 de octubre de 2018): 237–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003002.
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Why are there variances in young people’s civic and political participation in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, and what are the implications of these types of participatory modes on authoritarian rule in the region? Based on quantitative and qualitative fieldwork from five countries in the Middle East – Egypt, Palestine, Morocco, Tunisia and Lebanon – this paper demonstrates that young people in the region are increasingly drawn to independent and unconventional forms of participation to varying degrees, depending on each country’s authoritarian structure and institutional arrangements. Though the rise of unconventional participation is a manifestation of the presence of a vibrant Arab street, these participatory modes lead to civil society’s weakness and fragmentation. This adds to the volatility of new civic and political actors and provides the regimes with more authoritarian strategies for resilience.
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al-Shatti, Isma’il. "The state of democracy and human rights in the Arab ummah (nation)1". Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2016): 523–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1241531.
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Arab constitutions, for the most part, specify and guarantee human rights in their wordings. However, the reality of the individual in the Arab nation reveals something quite different from that which is written in the constitutions. The state is charged with providing citizens with sufficient opportunities by granting them the right to participate in political, economic, social and cultural life in addition to rendering the private life and private affairs of individuals inviolable. Arab regimes' commitment to democracy is tenuous and in the main, these regimes preserve reference to democracy in their constitutions simply as a means for improving the image of the regime and as a pro-forma attempt at applying a modus operandi of a modern state. Despite the fact that laws are promulgated to regulate political work, the press and media, and the institutions of civil society, they are deprived of their function and impact through superficial or highly restricted legislation. For more than five decades, academic researches and writings on the obstacles to transitioning to democracy have increased and multiplied; and various ideas and opinions on the subject have been advanced. This article attempts an explanation of the phenomenon of Arab authoritarianism which fostered the crisis of the ‘Arab Spring’ and explores the reasons for the failure of democracy in the region.
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García-Rivero, Carlos. "Democratisation, State and Society in the Middle East and North Africa". Comparative Sociology 12, n.º 4 (2013): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341273.
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Abstract The so-called “Arab spring” has swept throughout Middle East and North Africa against authoritarian forms of government, overthrowing regimes from West to East. After several aborted and repressed attempts, by Islamic parties, to access the institutions through the elections, mainly in the early 2000, the society rose in arms against the Arab State. In the forms of revolt, anger against the State repression has shaken the whole region. This article analyses the bases of confidence in the State institutions in five Arab countries in an attempt to evaluate if the current events are taking the region in the correct direction for democratic stability, according to citizens expectations about state reforms. The study is a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data gathered from the region. Conclusions reached indicate that, more than Islamisation of societies, citizens demand more respect for human rights and a higher participation and development of civil society.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Democracy Towards Authoritarianism Under Illiberal Populist Leaders in Hungary and Poland". Central and Eastern European Review 13, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2019): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2020-0002.
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Abstract A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope that the post-Cold War era would be one of peace and stability in Europe, including (most importantly) the expansion of Europe’s democracy. A turning point came in 2014, however, when the Syrian refugee crisis hit the EU and caused a political ‘about face’. The European refugee and migrant crisis have strengthened right-wing populism among the European countries, including the Visegrád group. Obviously there are certainly similarities between the populist rhetoric of Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz, and the Law and Justice party (known as PiS) which is governing the Republic of Poland. The two countries appear to be following the same path of becoming ‘illiberal democratic’ states. The templates of authoritarianism which both countries have adopted involve the following: the restriction of civil society and the independence of the media, control of the judiciary and the court system, together with the transformation of the constitutional framework and electoral law in order to consolidate power. This paper analyses two examples of authoritarian populist leaders: first, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary of the Fidesz Party and, second, Jarosław Kaczyński, a leader of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A brief description of each is provided as a background for the discussion which follows.
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Hawamdeh, Mazen Hussien Faleh y Ahmad Saher Ahmad Al-Qteishat. "Political reforms in Jordan following the events of the Arab Spring". RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, n.º 1 (15 de diciembre de 2019): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-1-12-17.
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Following the events of the Arab Spring and the popular protests that broke out in some countries in the Arab world in 2011, including Jordan, extended political reforms were carried out in Jordan, including major constitutional amendments and developments in political life, political parties and civil society institutions. The study aims to identify the reality of the political reform process in Jordan that took place after the events of the Arab Spring. The importance of the study stems from the depth of the effects of the variables of this period on Jordan and its reform programs and its transformations towards democracy. The study aims to achieve the following objectives: To identify the nature of the factors and reasons that contributed to the outbreak of the current Arab revolutions, and identifying the reality of the process of political reform in Jordan before the events of the Arab Spring, and to study and analyze the political reforms in Jordan after the events of the Arab Spring.
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Alkubaisi, Huda y Noorjahan Rasool. "Financing Higher Education in Arab Countries: Challenges, Constraints and Solutions". Journal of Education and Training Studies 8, n.º 8 (20 de julio de 2020): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v8i8.4708.
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This study related to the HE finance system aims primarily to systematically identify, summarize, examine and critically analyze the key challenges and constraints confronting HE finance as investigated in the research on this subject and propose solutions for further improvement. The findings from the defined sample of 24 relevant studies showed that major constraints and challenges facing HE financing certainly affects the flow of adequate finance provided to HEIs, including brain drain, existence of a gap between educational outcomes and labor market, reliance on policy learning and dependency on others, financial crisis, shortage of governmental resources, and poor participation of the private sector and civil society. The constraints and challenges were identified based on insightful theoretical constructs that highly characterized by principles and concepts which may not allow us to practicably develop a clear understanding of how to inspire the development of HE finance that would be a concern of policymakers and speedily acts on policy-making. However, the integration of such theoretical constructs (or others) and the introduction of serious attempts or thoughtful scenarios towards practical applications are mostly ignored. The need to acknowledge the constraints associated with limits on finance is fundamental for declining the hazardously high levels of unemployment for a sustainable economic growth. Finally, quantitative and mixed method research designs, and cross-sectional and panel analysis data are recommended to assess the influence of the HE finance systems and to identify the best opportunities and ways to meet challenges confronted by the countries, given their social and political paradigms.
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Khan, Raid, Amna Mahmood y Asif Salim. "Arab Spring Failure: A Case Study of Egypt and Syria". Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, n.º 1 (7 de septiembre de 2020): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.1.5.
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The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.
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Burdah, Ibnu. "New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries". Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, n.º 2 (20 de diciembre de 2014): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.
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The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
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Sakbani, Michael. "The spring that has not flowered: what went wrong with the Arab Spring". Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2015): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1024983.
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It is now more than four years since the Arab Spring erupted in Tunisia. The results have been rather disappointing, but the events remain potentially among the grand turns of history. The fruition of the Arab Spring has been impeded by a variety of factors cultural, institutional, political, and historical. And in this mix, there are external and internal factors specific to certain countries. In all the countries involved there were lacunae of institutional infrastructure at the public and civil society levels to govern and participate in governance. The cultural traditions of the Arab world in the wake of the spread of fundamentalist Salafist thinking in recent years, created popular perceptibility for the Islamists, who turned out to be either without programmes and experience or extremists with anti-democratic beliefs and a penchant for terror and violence. In addition, there were beneficiary classes tied to the ancient regimes and soldiers accustomed to domination and privileges, who presented structural impediments to change. Despite the great humanitarian disasters in countries like Syria and Libya, the international community proved incapable of decision and indifferent to the suffering of the populace. Still, the Arab Spring needs time to bring about its aspired transformation and modernization and this might carry with it the type of virtual dynamics we have seen in human history.
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Al-Kasasbeh, Mohammed Mufaddy. "Possibility of Applying Arabian Management Theory". International Journal of Business and Management 11, n.º 10 (18 de septiembre de 2016): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v11n10p270.
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<p>The research aims at examining the possibility of applying Arabian management theory by measuring the impact of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) on employees' performance. A survey questionnaire was distributed to 385 employees at private, public, civil society, and regional organizations in 22 Arabian countries by e-mail to collect the relevant data about research constructs, and test the study hypotheses, where 202 valid questionnaires were retrieved from 14 Arabian countries (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, UAE, and Yemen); which represents 52.47% from distributed questionnaires and 63.64% from Arabian countries.</p><p>The study has detected the following findings:</p><p>- The perceptions of respondents about all items of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) are high.</p><p>- There is a statistical impact of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) on employees' performance.</p><p>- There are no statistically differences at significant P-value < 0.05 in perceptions of respondents towards Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) attributable to nature of organization.</p><p>- There are no statistically differences at significant P-value < 0.05 in perceptions of respondents towards Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) attributable to their countries.</p>Based on the findings of the study, private, public, civil society, and Arab regional organizations in Arab world are advised to apply Arabian management theory pillars in order to enhance its role in employees' performance through recruiting and hiring leaders who believe in Islamic values and Arab culture. Future studies could be conducted in terms of Arabian management theory on job satisfaction and other related constructs.
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Alley, April Longley. "Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring: The Case of Yemen". PS: Political Science & Politics 46, n.º 04 (30 de septiembre de 2013): 721–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001182.
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In January 2011, youth and civil society activists, inspired by protests in Tunisia, took to Yemen's streets calling for regime change. As in other Arab Spring countries, conditions were ripe for mobilization as large sections of the population had become increasingly frustrated with corruption, dwindling economic prospects, and a concentration of power and wealth in the hands of the ruling clique. Following Hosni Mubarak's resignation in Egypt, protests mounted across Yemen, and, although President Ali Abdullah Saleh promised reform, it was too little, too late, to satisfy the demonstrators (see ICG 2011a). After proregime gunmen fired on unarmed protesters in Sanaa on March 18, 2011—killing more than 50 demonstrators—a series of high-level defections began, including long-time regime insider and powerful military commander, Major General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar.
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Marta, Auradian, Utang Suwaryo, Affan Sulaeman y Leo Agustino. "The Crisis of Democratic Governance in Contemporary Indonesia". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 8, n.º 1 (30 de enero de 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v8i1.368.
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This article attempts to discuss the practice of democratic governance in contemporary Indonesia. This study is essential since Indonesia is one of the countries transitioning from authoritarianism towards democracy following the fall of Suharto’s regime. This study shall answer whether democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis, with a focus of analysis on the four dimensions of democratic governance, namely: (1) rule of law, (2) human rights, (3) civil society, and (4) elections and political process. This study applies a qualitative method by collecting data from document studies and literary studies. The findings in this study indicate that democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis as evidenced by the remaining-weak legal supremacy in Indonesia, and the existence of violations of the implementation of human rights, eventually led to horizontal conflicts. The inability of civil society organizations to carry out their functions in democratization as an intermediary between the community and the state as well as to influence government policies for the public interest. Another recent weakness is there are still strong issues related to primordialism in the occasion of General Elections. This crisis of democratic governance shall bring Indonesia to "the decline of democracy" instead of democratic consolidation.
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ELJAROSHI, Aisha. "OTTOMAN REFORMS AND THEIR EFFECTS ON THE LEVANT ARAB STATES AS A MODEL". RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, n.º 06 (1 de julio de 2021): 350–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.6-3.31.
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he period of Ottoman reforms had been begun in the 18th Century precisely in1839 during the reign of Sultan Abdul Majid. That period was distinguished by several attempts to upgrade the entire system and the bill of rights and modernize the Ottoman Empire where also attempts were made to include and integrate Muslims and foreigners into Ottoman society by improving their civil liberties and granting them, some other rights and equality, self-reliant and equal opportunities with citizens in the Ottoman Empire. European countries took advantage of that gap and tried to interfere in the country's internal affairs country. Moreover, and at that time, the reign of Sultan Abdul Majid was comprehensively more opening to the reforms aiming at preserving the empire and showed the powers of the national government as desired by the predecessors.It is definitely known that the line of Sharif Kalkhana and Sherif Humayun in 1839 and 1956 respectively had incredible impacts on the Arab states specifically in the Levant countries, where the Ottoman Empire was able to implement its quite huge reforming protocol especially in the state of Syria.
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Ahmed, Amel y Giovanni Capoccia. "The Study of Democratization and the Arab Spring". Middle East Law and Governance 6, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2014): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00601002.
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This paper proposes and illustrates a framework for analysis of the recent events in Middle Eastern and North African countries (the so-called Arab Spring) by bringing into dialogue recent theoretical advances in democratization theory with the comparative-historical literature on the political development of the MENA region. We advocate two analytical shifts from conventional approaches in the analysis of the Arab Spring: first, reconsider the temporalities of democratization processes; second, focus on struggles over specific institutional arenas rather than over the regime as a whole. The former recommendation draws attention both to the strategies used by key actors in the political, economic, and civil society spheres, and to the historical legacies that built the influence and resources of these actors over time. The latter allows us to consider the institutional safeguards for old elites that are likely to be included in the post-authoritarian regimes emerging in the region. Even though some of these safeguards are clearly anti-democratic, historical examples show that they do not necessarily preclude democratization. Indeed, in some cases, their introduction might be necessary to achieve democratic openings in other arenas. We illustrate these theoretical points with reference to the case of Egypt.
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Naumkin, V. V., I. A. Zaripov, V. A. Kuznetsov y V. V. Orlov. "The strategies of building relations between the State and Islam in Russia and in the Arab World". Minbar. Islamic Studies 14, n.º 1 (7 de abril de 2021): 13–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2021-14-1-13-49.
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This article is dedicated to the issues of relations between the state and Islam in Arab countries (Algeria, Egypt, Syria) and in Russia in the contemporary era. Despite the fundamental diff erences between political systems and diff erent experiences in relations between the state and religion, all these societies are facing similar threats and challenges in recent years, causing certain parallels between policies towards Islam. This work is based on both published materials and around 20 interviews with experts, politicians and religious leaders from the researched countries recorded by the authors. The research allowed to defi ne common and diff erent traits of implemented political strategies, made it possible to show the infl uence of such processes as securitization of religion administrating, growing individualization of faith practicing, integration of religious institutions in the civil society structures on the transformation of StateIslam relationship models.
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Weiss, Dieter. "Ibn Khaldun on Economic Transformation". International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, n.º 1 (febrero de 1995): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061560.
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A number of Arab countries have been exposed to structural adjustment programs. Under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, these programs are aimed at making various kinds of Arab socialist and mixed-economy regimes more “market-friendly,” a policy that started in the 1950s and 1960s in countries like Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, and Egypt. Considering the mounting social tension that results from continuing population growth, urban agglomeration, and unemployment, it would be naive to expect—with Fukuyama—an “end of history” as most countries try to adopt market regimes and to strengthen civil society and parliamentary democracy. As Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) well knew, economic and social change is a never-ending process. In the search for viable and sustainable strategies it may be stimulating to consider the insights of this great scholar of the Arab world who wrote 600 years ago.IBN KHALDUN'S SOCIAL SYSTEMS THEORYIbn Khaldun was born in Tunis into an influential clan of South Arabian origin with substantial influence in Islamic Spain and, after the fall of Seville in 1248, in north-western Africa. He was exposed to the turmoils of his time. He held his first position in 1352 at the court at Tunis at the age of 20 and then went on to high political, administrative, diplomatic, and judicial posts in the service of various rulers in the Maghrib, Spain, and Egypt.
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Thieux, Laurence. "Experiencias de incidencia política de la sociedad civil en el Norte de África". Trabajo Social Global-Global Social Work 4, n.º 6 (25 de junio de 2014): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/tsg-gsw.v4i6.2185.
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Este artículo analiza el papel de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en los procesos de transformación política de varios países del Norte de África. A través de diferentes casos de estudios se analizan experiencias concretas de incidencia política así como su rol en los procesos de movilización colectiva que han impulsado los procesos de reforma o transformación política en estos países. Lejos de presentar un panorama homogéneo, las “primaveras” han acentuado las disparidades y la heterogeneidad que caracteriza la evolución política de las sociedades norteafricanas. Mientras que algunos países han mantenido sus sistemas políticos autoritarios (Argelia), otros han conseguido mantener las estructuras y equilibrios de poderes al adoptar reformas sin cambiar la naturaleza del sistema (Marruecos). Otros (Túnez y Egipto) están inmersos en complejos procesos de transición en los cuales las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han tenido mayor o menor influencia según el caso. This article analyses the role of civil society in the process of political transformation in several countries in North Africa. Through different case studies, concrete experiences of advocacy strategy and the role of CSO in the mobilization of collective actions that have driven reform processes or political transformation in these countries are highlighted. Far from presenting a homogeneous scenario, "Arab Springs" have accentuated disparities and divergences in the political evolution of the North African societies. While some countries have maintained their authoritarian political systems (Algeria), others have managed to maintain the structures and balances of powers and they have tried to adopt reforms without changing the nature of the system (Morocco). Others (Tunisia and Egypt) are involved in complex processes of transition in which civil society organizations have had varying influence accordingly.
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Waśko-Owsiejczuk, Ewelina. "American Plans to Build Democracy in the Middle East After 9/11: the Case of Iraq". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 21, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2018): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.21.02.
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The “Freedom Agenda” of President George W. Bush for the Middle East assumed that the liberation of Iraq from the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein and the start of political change would trigger the process of democratization of the entire region. Encouraged by financial and economic support, Arab countries should have been willing to implement political and educational support, which would lead to the creation of civil society and grass-roots political changes initiated by society itself. A number of mistakes made by the Bush administration in Iraq has not only caused the mission of the democratization of Iraq to be a failure, but also influenced the situation that today Iraq is closer to being a failed state than a democracy.
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Wiest, Dawn. "A Story of Two Transnationalisms: Global Salafi Jihad and Transnational Human Rights Mobilization in the Middle East and North Africa". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2007): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.2.d415836827r2851u.
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Into the 1990s, Arab countries witnessed a rise in the number of terrorist attacks perpetrated by Islamist militants against governments, foreign targets, and citizens. In response to terrorism, governments throughout the Middle East and North Africa suppressed the civil and political rights of all citizens. This clampdown on civil society transpired on the heels of political reforms in several countries and coincided with the increasing integration of these states into international treaty regimes, signaling a willingness to comply with world standards on human rights. Engaging the literatures on terrorism, world polity, and social movements, I first analyze the relationship between political regime type and movement mobilization. Next I examine the impact of transnational terrorism on human rights mobilization. I use network analysis to show that, contrary to expectations of world polity theory and the boomerang hypothesis, activists' ties to the transnational rights network thinned over the same time period (1980-2000) that these states became more integrated into international society through treaty ratification and memberships in intergovernmental organizations. The findings indicate that while the globalization of human rights has empowered human rights movements in nondemocratic societies, state power continues to set limits on mobilizing capacities.
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Grauel, Jonas y Daniel Gotthardt. "Carbon disclosure, freedom and democracy". Social Responsibility Journal 13, n.º 3 (7 de agosto de 2017): 428–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/srj-08-2016-0151.
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Purpose Wide differences in response rates to the Carbon Disclosure Project’s (CDP’s) climate change program between countries have been explained by legal origins and the varying extent of environmental regulation. This paper seeks to enhance the explanation by examining the relevance of two dimensions of “democratic capital” – both the influence of countries’ experiences with democratic government recruitment are considered, as well as experiences with civil liberties. In addition, it is examined whether these forms of democratic capital are mediated by environmental regulation. Design/methodology/approach The authors draw upon the literature on the relationship between political regime form and environmental policy and the environmental disclosure literature debate. Hypotheses are based on institutional and stakeholder theory. Methodologically, multilevel regression analysis is used. Findings Results show that the history of democratic government recruitment is a relevant factor to explain firms’ disclosure decisions. The amount of freedom in civil society seems to also matter, but results are less clear in this regard. The hypothesis concerning the mediation effects of environmental regulation could not be corroborated. Findings, thus, corroborate the claim that standards of informational transparency flourish best in countries with a pluralistic political culture. Practical implications The results imply that voluntary carbon transparency may thrive as democratization advances, but its success may also be endangered by the recent revitalization of authoritarianism. Originality/value The authors deliver the first paper which tests the hypotheses on the influence of the “democratic capital” on the countries-of-origin on the firms’ carbon disclosure decisions, based on a multilevel analysis.
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Luizard, Pierre-Jean. "Conflicts and Religions: The Case of Syria and Iraq". ETHICS IN PROGRESS 10, n.º 1 (30 de mayo de 2019): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2019.1.8.
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Religion is at the heart of the lacerating conflicts in Iraq and Syria today. In both countries the matter at hand is the fracture between the two main branches of Islam. This fracture escalated into a religious war after the Arab Springs in 2011, even though the violent conflict between Shia and Sunni started in Iraq in 2003, after the American invasion of the ancient Mesopotamia. The reason for both the foreign occupation and the insurrection of the civil society leading to the same chaos is that, in both countries, the State does not raise enough legitimacy to open a public space able to welcome a unitary citizenship. Such a phenomenon calls back to the history of the two states and at the British (Iraq) and French (Syria) establishing mandates of the two institutions, which never succeeded in imposing their legitimacy for most people (Shia in Iraq and Sunni in Syria), left out of the ruling bodies for a long time. The Shia-Kurdish combination, which is the leading force in Iraq since 2003, conducted to the refusal of the Arab Sunni minority to live marginalized and powerless.
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Mohamed, Enaam Abdullah. "The impact of political reform on the stability of the state of Kuwait since 2010". Journal of Humanities and Applied Social Sciences 2, n.º 2 (3 de octubre de 2019): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhass-06-2019-0001.
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Purpose The study aims to deal with three theoretical approaches to answer the research question: Does political reform in rentier States (Kuwait as a model) lead to political stability? The first approach: Following the steps of political reform in rentier States leads eventually to political stability. The second approach: Political stability in rentier States does not necessarily lead to political reform. The third approach: In rentier States, the decisive factor in interpreting the correlation between political reform and political stability requires explaining other intermediary factors. Design/methodology/approach David Easton’s input-output model: Easton defined the political system as the interactions related to the authoritarian allocation of values in society, that is, the distribution of resources by decisions adopted by individuals, and provided a framework for analysis of the political system in which it sees an integrated circuit of a dynamic nature that starts with inputs and outputs feedback, input and output. Inputs refer to the effects of the environment on the system. Outputs are the effects of the system on the environment, which are the decisions and policies taken by the system to meet the demands. Reverse feedback is the flow of information to the system about the results of its actions, the results of its decisions and policies. Generate new inputs in the form of a demand or support, and the system’s feedback feeds a kind of movement. Findings It can be said that the future of the rentier state is particularly dangerous in the Arab countries where the problem today is the sharp drop in oil prices, which requires the need to enter into the stage of major transformations and work to bring about fundamental changes and enter into radical constitutional, economic, political and social reforms before turning them from the state rent to countries that lack political stability. Research limitations/implications The aim of this research is to present a theoretical study of political reform. The study began to consolidate the concept of political reform, which was and still is the goal of many political and social reform leaders and movements, in addition to being a major topic in political theories. Reform can be carried out by violence and by peaceful change. In any case, reform remains a humanitarian need that cannot be ignored or avoided, because the alternative is worsening and deteriorating political and social conditions. Practical implications The Arab Spring revolutions set many challenges for the Arab countries. These countries had to start political reforms. The State of Kuwait was one of the most important rentier countries that, after the Arab Spring revolutions, was concerned with ensuring that individuals and groups exercised their political rights through political participation in decision-making. It guarantees the human existence of society and protects it through the law and its legislation, and grants rights and freedoms and does not oppose it. Social implications Political reforms lead to accommodating the demands of the opposition, increasing the political participation of citizens, activating the political role of women, activating the role of civil society and increasing political mobility. Originality/value The importance of the research paper is to emphasize the term rentier state and confirm the importance of reform in rentier countries and the paper asks whether the expansion of political rights, citizenship and participation will lead to stability or instability in these countries.
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Viviani, Paola. "The Requests of Syrians in America to End the Enduring Indifference of the Ottoman Authorities". Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 19 (31 de diciembre de 2019): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jais.7750.
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The migration of Syrians to America in the 19th and 20th centuries is a major issue which has been widely covered in both fictional and non-fictional literature. Over the same period, many Arab magazines were founded both in North and South America, or “migrated” to those countries. An example is al-Jāmiʿa, which was relocated from Alexandria, Egypt, to New York in 1906, where its founder, the renowned intellectual Faraḥ Anṭūn, was able to undertake a profound study of Western society. Not only did this give him a better insight into that society, but also helped him to better understand the critical issues in his native milieu and the tensions between Turks and Arabs, which often came to the fore, especially when the latter expected the former to help them through important phases of their social, civil, and economic life even in the land they migrated to.
This paper analyses an article in al-Jāmiʿa by Nāṣīf Shiblī Damūs, previously published in the epony-mous newspaper, in which Syrian migrants in the United States, with Anṭūn supporting them, lament the indifference of the Ottoman authorities toward them and put forward a number of specific requests, using the magazine as a means of making themselves heard by the entire Arab and Ottoman community throughout the world.
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Amineh, Mehdi P. y Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus. "Rethinking eu Energy Security Considering Past Trends and Future Prospects". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 13, n.º 5-6 (8 de octubre de 2014): 757–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341326.
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euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.
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Kuran, Timur. "Islam and Economic Performance: Historical and Contemporary Links". Journal of Economic Literature 56, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 1292–359. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20171243.
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This essay critically evaluates the analytic literature concerned with causal connections between Islam and economic performance. It focuses on works since 1997, when this literature was last surveyed comprehensively. Among the findings are the following: Ramadan fasting by pregnant women harms prenatal development; Islamic charities mainly benefit the middle class; Islam affects educational outcomes less through Islamic schooling than through structural factors that handicap learning as a whole; Islamic finance has a negligible effect on Muslim financial behavior; and low generalized trust depresses Muslim trade. The last feature reflects the Muslim world’s delay in transitioning from personal to impersonal exchange. The delay resulted from the persistent simplicity of the private enterprises formed under Islamic law. Weak property rights reinforced the private sector’s stagnation by driving capital from commerce to rigid waqfs. Waqfs limited economic development through their inflexibility and democratization by keeping civil society embryonic. Parts of the Muslim world conquered by Arab armies are especially undemocratic, which suggests that early Islamic institutions were particularly critical to the persistence of authoritarian patterns of governance. States have contributed to the persistence of authoritarianism by treating Islam as an instrument of governance. As the world started to industrialize, non-Muslim subjects of Muslim-governed states pulled ahead of their Muslim neighbors, partly by exercising the choice of law they enjoyed under Islamic law in favor of a Western legal system.( JEL N25, N45, O43, O53, P51, Z12)
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Yangyue, Liu. "Crafting a Democratic Enclave on the Cyberspace: Case Studies of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore". Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000402.
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As an antithesis of “authoritarian enclave” which has been well-established in the comparative politics literature, “democratic enclave” points to the institution of a state or the unambiguous regulatory space in society “where the authoritarian regime's writ is substantively limited and is replaced by an adherence to recognizably democratic norms and procedures” (Gilley 2010). In this sense, the Internet space, embodied by information and communication technologies, has great potential to play such a role, since its “inherited” properties of decentralization and anonymity would inevitably breach the authoritarian rules. However, a closer look at three Southeast Asian states, Malaysia, Singapore and the “New Order” Indonesia whose regimes were characterized by authoritarianism when Internet was initially developed, reveals different trajectories. In the “New Order” Indonesia and Malaysia, the governments consciously left the Internet space uncontrolled; the online media developed independently, vibrantly, and professionally, especially in the Malaysian case; and there were strong connections between online and offline contentious politics. These elements made the Internet space in Indonesia and Malaysia a successful case of democratic enclave. Based on these criteria, however, the Internet space in Singapore has not achieved similar status. This paper analyses the different outcomes of enclave creation on the cyberspace among these countries. It argues that elite conflict and the strength of civil society are the two major factors that shape the differences. In this sense, the political contexts are of great importance for the understanding of Internet's political impacts.
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Bajo, Isaías Barreñada. "Protest continuum in the Arab countries: Social movements, civil society, and citizenship El continuum contestatario en los países árabes movimientos sociales, sociedad civil y ciudadanía Le continuum contestataire dans les pays arabes: Mouvements sociaux, société civile et citoyenneté". Regions and Cohesion 2, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020304.
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The popular demonstrations triggered by the so-called Arab Spring can be explained by a combination of the multiple reasons of political, social, cultural, and economic orders. But previous mobilizations become relevant as a precedent to the Arab Spring protests given their scope; in several countries in recent years, an unusual intensification of the protest was experienced. The massive character of the protests would not have been possible without the intervention of certain experienced actors that served as catalysts and facilitators of these dynamics. Regardless of their achievements and singularities, the 2011 demonstrations have to be regarded as part of a protest continuum, being the inheritors of previous resistance, and protest movements, as well as of preceding organizational experiences and constituting a turning point in collective action. This continuum goes on.Spanish Las movilizaciones populares que desencadenaron las llamadas “primaveras árabes“ se explican por la combinación de múltiples razones de orden político, social, cultural y económico. Pero las dimensiones adquiridas por las protestas ponen de relieve cómo éstas tenían antecedentes; en varios países en los últimos años se vivió una intensificacioacute;n inusitada de la contestación. El carácter masivo de las protestas no hubiera sido posible sin la intervención de determinados actores que contaban con experiencia y que lograron actuar como catalizadores y facilitadores de esta dinámica. Independientemente de sus logros y de sus singularidades nacionales, las manifestaciones del 2011 se inscribieron así en un continuum contestatario, siendo herederas de experiencias de resistencia, protesta y organización previas, y constituyeron un punto de inflexión en el proceso. Este continuum prosigue en las transiciones políticas en curso.French Les mobilisations populaires déclenchées par les dénommés “printemps arabes“ s'expliquent par la combinaison de multiples raisons d'ordre politique, social, culturel et économique. Mais les dimensions a eintes par les protestations me ent en relief leurs antécédents; dans plusieurs pays, durant ces dernières années, a eu lieu une intensification inusitée de la contestation. Le caractère massif des protestations n'aurait été a eint sans l'intervention de certains acteurs qui comptaient avec de l'expérience y qui purent jouer un rôle de catalyseurs et de facilitateurs de ce e dynamique. Indépendamment de leurs réussites et de leurs singularités nationales, les manifestations de 2011 se sont ainsi inscrites dans un continuum contestataire, étant héritières d'expériences de résistance, de protestation et d'organisations antérieures, et elles constituèrent un moment d'inflexion dans le processus. Ce continuum se prolonge dans les transitions politiques en cour.
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Calipha, Rachel y Benjamin Gidron. "The Evolution of the Israeli Third Sector: A Conceptual and Empirical Analysis". Voluntaristics Review 5, n.º 4 (8 de marzo de 2021): 1–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24054933-12340034.
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Abstract The expansion and development of the nonprofit sector worldwide in the 1980s and 1990s did not bypass Israel, and, as in other countries, sparked an interest for study to uncover its characteristics and major features. The Israeli population—both Jewish and Arab—has a rich tradition of voluntaristic activity on the individual as well as on the collective (organizational) levels, mostly in the communal context. The modern welfare state created new opportunities and new challenges for such activity within the broad framework of the nonprofit sector. This article aims to review the development of the nonprofit sector in Israel and analyze it within existing nonprofit theories. It takes a historical perspective in looking at its evolution, in light of political, social, ideological, and economic changes in the world and in the country. It discusses the development of policy and government involvement on the one hand and the unique features of Israeli philanthropy, both Jewish and Arab, on the other. It analyzes Israel’s civil society and social movements, as well as social entrepreneurship and their expression in the Third Sector. The article also covers the development of research and education on the Third Sector; it includes a review of research centers, databases, journals, and specific programs that were developed by Israeli universities. Finally, this article summarizes the characteristics of the nonprofit sector in Israel.
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Clemens, Walter C. "China: alternative futures". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, n.º 1 (15 de diciembre de 1998): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00019-1.
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What alternatives are available to China in the next one or two decades? ‘More of the same’ is not a likely scenario, because one-party rule is not optimal for coping with the challenges of modernization and global interdependence. A second model, Singapore's authoritarian capitalism, appeals to many CCP leaders. But Singapore's scale and way of life are so different that its example cannot be very relevant to China. Nor does the Soviet imperial model fit, because China does not suffer from imperial overreach as did the USSR. The post-Soviet Russian model—a move from rigid hierarchy to free enterprise anarchy—could await China. Both countries have lacked institutions of civil society that could stabilize the country if central authority collapses. Another alterative would be a return to regionalism, spurred by economic and ethnic differences within China. Some PRC leaders hope to find a Chinese way that transcends other models, but this is not realistic. The most useful model for China and the world would be a gradual transition from authoritarianism to multi-party democracy, as has taken place in Taiwan. In one or two decades, China could edge in that direction. If so, animosities between the mainland and Taiwan would also diminish, removing a thorn from U.S.–Chinese relations. Opportunities for mutual gain may then overshadow present tensions.
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Aslan, Zaki y Monica Ardemagni. "Awareness, communication and decision-sharing: how involving civil society in heritage conservation. the ICCROM guide “Iniciating the young in the management and protection of heritage assets in arab countries”". Treballs d'Arqueologia 18 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tda.19.
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Dris-Aït-Hamadouche, Louisa y Yahia Zoubir. "The Maghreb: Social, Political, and Economic Developments". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, n.º 1-3 (2007): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207757.
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AbstractDue to its geographical position, events in the Middle East, the Sahel, and Europe have consequential effects on the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia). Hence, recent economic, political, and cultural changes are more or less inspired or encouraged by those developments taking place in the surrounding environment. Together with Mauritania, the four countries founded in 1989 the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), which aimed at regional integration. Unfortunately, the UMA remains a distant wish; the conflict over Western Sahara and the political differences between Algeria and Morocco have prevented the UMA's advance.Each Maghrebi country witnessed particular events and reacted differently to identical stimuli. Undoubtedly, the countries' distinctive historical experiences provide a valuable understanding of the internal logic of the processes they have undergone and the way they sought to tackle them. This article will review the salient developments that occurred within each of the four Maghrebi countries and analyze the ways through which the regimes seek to resolve the challenges they are faced with. The main contention in the article is that the regimes in place have yet to open up the political space and allow genuine democratization to take place, for despite some genuine transformations in a few areas, the old rulers are still reluctant to loosen their grip over power. While they succeed in reestablishing order, the roots that generate cyclical uprisings remain intact. Civil society has yet to fulfill its full potential and enjoy genuine citizen participation.
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Torres Menezes, Ana Raquel. "Syrian refugees in Brazil". Revista da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia 48, n.º 1 (16 de junio de 2020): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/rfadir-v48n1a2020-50515.
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Brazil is the main receiver of Syrian nationals seeking for asylum in Latin America. In spite of the distance from Syria comparatively to European countries, Brazil is often chosen as a destiny country due to two main reasons: the humanitarian visa granted to people affected by the instability in Syria, that demands less requirements than a regular visa, and the possibility of acquiring a working permit even before the refuge status is granted. However, Syrian refugees/refuge seekers face challenges in accessing labor market due to language barriers, difficulties in proving previous professional qualifications and the discrimination against refugees of arab origin. The public sphere is by law responsible for promoting integration policies for refugees, and has covered issues such as juridical assistance for this population, but doesn’t have clear actions in integrating refugees in the labor market. The organized civil society realizes a valorous work in this sense, with many initiatives to assist refugees inserting in the labor market, such as language courses, resume creating and raising of awareness to companies about the hiring of refugees. Since these institutions don’t count on enough financial support from the public sphere, they vastly rely on volunteer workforce, which despite being very helpful, many times is not specialized in dealing with refuge issues. By performing a qualitative review of literature in the subject, extracted from books, articles, journal articles, doctorate thesis, bachelor thesis and newspaper databases both in Portuguese and in English, this research intends to figure out how the civil society organizations are assisting Syrian refugees to integrate in the labor market in Brazil, filling the gap left by the public power, and often suffering from overburdening.
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Koldunova, E. V. "POLITICAL CRISIS AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN THAILAND". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 4(43) (28 de agosto de 2015): 222–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-222-228.
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The article focuses on socio-political activism, main features of socio-political contradictions and the couses of the recent social protests in Thailand. Thailand has the longest democratic tradition among ther countries of South-east Asia. Yetbackin 1932 the country has changed the absoulute monarchy to a constitutional one. However in the XXth century Thailand had lived through more than five decades of authoritarianism. The number of military coupd'etats which took place in Thailand now equals to almost twenty. At the same time, despite such a long authoritarian rule the country witnessed the formation of various elements of civil society. In the second part of the XX century the student protests of 1973–1976 became the most vivid example of civic activism. The social protest in Thailand reached its most active phase in the first decade of this century when the country splitted into two camps – one of thes-o-called «Red Shirts» and Another One of the «Yellow Shirts». The «Red Shirts» supported billionere Thaksin Shinawatra, a Prime Minister of Thaialnd in 2001–2006. The «Yellow Shirts» opposed him. Thet women tioned camps created new social movements – «People's Alliance for Democracy» («Yellow Shirts») and «United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship» («Red Shirts»). Since 2006 Thailand has seen several stages of the development of the social protest. The most recent one starte din November 2013 and end edin May 2014 when after more than half a year of mass meetings in the country's capital Bangkok the military took power again.
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Robby, Hadza Min Fadhli y Aathifah Amrad. "AN ANALYSIS ON THE ISLAMOPHOBIC ACTS IN FRANCE POST-ARAB SPRING". Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 15, n.º 2 (24 de abril de 2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v15i2.2085.
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The discourse of Islamophobia in Europe has become increasingly popular after the endless war in the Middle East. The instability that hit the Middle East after Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria has forced some of its population to migrate to European countries, including France. The large number of immigrants who have entered France has also been accompanied by rampant acts of attacks and terrorism, thereby revives the feelings of Islamophobia among the native white French. Meanwhile, Front National as an ultranationalist party known for its racist anti-immigrant policies has gained more influences in France by using Islamophobic narratives. In its political campaign, Front National uses the concepts of Laicite to corner French Muslim in the public sphere. The presence of French Muslim community is considered as a threat toward secular values and Christian civilization. In this study, the author will analyze the increase of Islamophobia which has been triggered by the immigrant crisis and the influence of the right-wing movement. The concept of race by W. Thomas Schmid will serve as a theoretical framework to answer the increasing Islamophobia in France. To conduct the research, the author uses the qualitative method to analyze texts and narratives related to the Islamophobia acts in France. This research concluded with a statement that Islamophobia in France post-Arab Spring generally occurs in three aspect: cognitive, motivational and behavioral aspects. A tendency of certain groups in the French society which looks Islam as a racial problem becomes one of the main roots of the rise of Islamophobia in France. Wacana Islamofobia di Eropa berkembang pesat, didorong oleh intensitas konflik di Timur Tengah yang tidak berkesudahan. Instabilitas yang melanda kawasan Timur Tengah pasca Arab Spring dan perang saudara di Suriah mendorong sebagian besar penduduknya untuk melakukan imigrasi ke berbagai wilayah di Eropa, termasuk Perancis. Hal ini membangkitkan kembali perasaan Islamofobia di beberapa kalangan penduduk Perancis yang berkulit putih. Dalam kondisi ini, Front National sebagai partai ultra-nasionalis menjadikan narasi-narasi Islamofobia untuk merebut pengaruh dalam politik Perancis. Front National juga menggunakan konsep Laicite untuk menyudutkan masyarakat Muslim di ranah publik. Kehadiran kelompok Muslim di tengah-tengah penduduk Perancis dianggap dapat mengancam nilai-nilai sekuler dan peradaban Kristen. Dalam tulisan ini, penulis akan menganalisis mengapa terjadi peningkatan Islamofobia yang dipicu akibat krisis imigran serta pengaruh gerakan sayap kanan. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Ras yang dikembangkan oleh W. Thomas Schmid. Dalam melakukan riset, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk mengkaji teks serta naskah-naskah yang terkait dengan tindakan Islamofobia di Perancis. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa Islamofobia di Perancis setelah Arab Spring terjadi dalam 3 aspek, yakni aspek kognitif, motivasional, dan behavioral. Adanya kecenderungan sebagian masyarakat Perancis memandang Islam sebagai masalah rasial menjadi akar penting yang menyebabkan berkembangnya Islamofobia di Perancis.
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al-Saif, Tawfiq. "Political Islam in Saudi Arabia: recent trends and future prospects†". Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2014): 398–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.936122.
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This article focuses on the Muslim Brotherhood and political Salafism, two influential currents of political Islam that formed a two-pronged political movement prevailing in Saudi Arabia over the past two decades. It examines how they have both influenced, in separate and distinct ways, the development of political Islam in that country. What began initially as a religious movement, striving to assert a national character, has subsequently over time separated itself from the political regime and the official religious establishment in a process that witnesses profound social change in Saudi society. It suffers from an inherent paradox linked to the context in which it developed; an organic relationship with the state in the 1980s, on the one hand, and a struggle against it in the 1990s, on the other. It enshrines the contradictory constraints with which it grapples with respect to government reluctance to modernize the society, on the one level, and popular, progressive aspirations linked to individual civil rights, on the another. In the opinion of the author, this religious movement has failed to comprehend and cope with the social change that has been taking place in Saudi society since 1994. The movement has suffered from an inability to set political priorities, and its ageing leadership has prevented it from keeping abreast with change and developments occurring within the society at large. With its uncompromising stance against women's rights, and most particularly their right to work, as one example, it has got bogged down on many issues – in blatant opposition to popular demand – and failed to take into account the transformation under way in the society. This paper argues that the outlook for Saudi political Islam, within the two groups under study in this article – the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist Islam – is bleak and does not augur well for its promising future. It is likely to be the same for other Arab countries.
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ROGOZHINA, N. G. "Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, n.º 3 (17 de agosto de 2018): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-102-119.
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On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019, the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which as other developing countries of Asia, faces challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies – authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political system, based on the relative balance of power between two main political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions regarding the model of political governance was overcome by military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of XX century is the most likely option of political development of Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.
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Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.
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The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a decade of Erdoğan's leadership, the government has undertaken a limited democratization process through amendments to the Constitution and steps to eliminate the military tutelage over the civil authority. Nowadays domestic political process in Turkey is characterized by the erosion of secularism and the planting of a moderate (“soft”) Islam. The ruling Turkish elite seeks to transform local society into a more conservative one. In April 2013, Erdoğan initiated discussion by Parliament to the proposed new Constitution, including the transition from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. The major breakthrough has been reached in relations with the Kurds. In March 2013, a truce was attained with the jailed PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) leader Abdullah öcalan. The PKK forces retreated hereupon to bases in the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdish party – Peace and Democracy – is presented in the Parliament, along with the ruling AKP (which takes 50% of the seats) and the opposition Republican People's Party. At the same time Turkey has already seen societal polarization since the 2013 Gezi Park protests (“the Turkish Spring”) which grew into a nationwide protest movement. This, however, did not affect the determination of the AKP to build a model based on the market economy, parliamentary democracy and Islamic traditions. This model may be in demand in other countries with a prevailing Muslim population. Turkey’s political system can also inspire Arab neighbouring countries, where – like in Turkey – the pro-Islamic ruling parties are actively looking for alternative forms of development.
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Buendía, Pedro. "Urban art, public space, and political subversion: The Egyptian revolution through graffiti Arte urbano, espacio público y subversión política la revolución egipcia a través del graffiti Art urbain, espace public et subversion politique : La révolution égyptienne à travers du graffiti". Regions and Cohesion 2, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 84–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020306.
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The emergence of graffiti's urban subculture as a means of political expression has become a singular issue of the so-called Arab Spring. Graffiti and urban art, which had little to no relevance in the Arab world until now, emerged with unusual force in many countries, notably in the Palestinian territories, Lebanon, and Egypt. This blossoming takes shape in tangent with the strengthening of a civil society and its rise as a decisive actor in the new political arena. In Egypt's case, graffiti achieved a leading role that reflected the milestones of civil disturbance, marking the walls with virtual snapshots of the popular sentiment. The proliferation of graffiti also had considerable resonance in international media because of the strategy of spreading rebellious and subversive slogans by means of the symbolic occupation of a public space, which, until now, was monopolized by authoritarian powers.Spanish Un fenómeno singular de la denominada “Primavera Árabe“ ha sido la eclosión de la subcultura urbana del graffiti como medio de expresión política. De escasa o nula relevancia hasta ahora, el arte urbano de las pintadas ha surgido con una fuerza inusitada en varias zonas del mundo árabe, notoriamente en los Territorios Palestinos, el Líbano y Egipto. Dicho florecimiento cuaja en paralelo con la rearticulación de la sociedad civil y su irrupción irreversible como actor de los nuevos escenarios políticos. En el caso de Egipto, los graffitis han tenido un señalado protagonismo como reflejo de los sucesivos hitos de las revueltas, marcando los muros y paredes con verdaderas instantáneas del sentir popular. La proliferación del graffiti ha tenido asimismo una considerable resonancia en los medios internacionales, debido a la estrategia de ocupar simbólicamente el espacio público, -que hasta ahora estaba reservado al monopolio de los poderes autoritarios- para la difusión de consignas contestatarias y subversivas.French Un phénomène singulier de la “printemps arabe“ a été l'émergence de la culture urbaine du graffiti comme un moyen d'expression politique. Avec peu ou pas d'importance jusqu'à ce jour, l'art urbain et le graffiti ont émergé avec une force inhabituelle dans diverses régions du monde arabe, notamment dans les Territoires Palestiniens, le Liban et l'Égypte. Ce e éclosion doit être mise en parallèle avec le renforcement de la société civile et son émergence comme acteur décisif dans le nouveau scénario politique. Dans le cas de l'Égypte, le graffiti a joué un rôle clé comme reflet des jalons successifs des révoltes, en marquant les murs avec des instantanés virtuelles du sentiment populaire. La prolifération des graffitis a rencontré aussi un écho remarquable dans les médias internationaux en raison de la stratégie d'occupation symbolique de l'espace public pour la diffusion des slogans rebelles et subversifs; un espace public qui était réservé jusqu'à aujourd'hui aux pouvoirs autoritaires.