Libros sobre el tema "Bad governance"

The small, open economies of Nordic Europe are hailed as paragons of good governance, adapting flexibly to rapid, technological change and shifting patterns of economic competition. But they have also made strikingly poor policy choices and suffered devastating economic crises, as evidenced by the Finnish and Swedish banking crises of the early 1990s, Finnish dependence on Nokia, and Iceland's financial meltdown. Good Governance Gone Bad argues that the reasons for these two, seemingly contradictory phenomena is one and the same. The dense, cohesive relationships that enable these countries to adapt to economic crises with radical reform and restructuring render them vulnerable to policy overshooting and overinvestment. After examining the rise and decline of heavy industry in postwar Sweden, the emergence and disruption of the Finnish ICT industry, and Iceland's impressive but short-lived reign as a financial powerhouse, this book tests the argument against ten similar and contrasting cases in Europe and North America. In doing so, it demonstrates how small and large states alike can learn from the Nordic experience.

This chapter discusses the key professional skills, including good medical practice, communication, judgement and decision-making, clinical governance and patient safety, audit, appraisal, and revalidation, consent and confidentiality in the UK, education, training, and research, child protection in the UK, NHS structure and economics, and the Ophthalmic Trainees’ Group, as well as the key clinical skills, breaking bad news and dealing with complaints.

Historically, a key purpose of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) has been to help manage and minimize a range of negative economic and political consequences of natural resource wealth, often lumped together as the “resource curse.” This chapter asks to what extent SWFs—specifically “resource funds”—can mitigate the resource curse. It discusses the available empirical evidence for the effectiveness of resource funds as well as the relationship between societal governance and the effectiveness of resource funds. The available findings suggest that wider societal governance is of significantly greater importance for tackling the resource curse than the existence of a resource fund. Bad governance in a country prevents even the most transparent and robust resource funds from becoming an effective policy instrument. Conversely, resource funds can be successful in countries with effective societal institutions such as sound fiscal rules, good quality of government budget documentation, free civil society and independent media.

The management of natural resources is linked to broad issues of economic development, as well as to political stability, peace, and security, but it is also intimately connected to the political, economic, social, and cultural rights of individuals and communities relying on these resources. Bad management of natural resources often leads to ill-planned development, misappropriation of land, corruption, bad governance, misaligned budget priorities, lack of strong institutional reforms, and weak policies coupled with a continued denial of human rights of local communities. This book analyses in details the connections that exist between the management of natural resources and human rights, offering a new innovative human rights-based approach to natural resources management. To do it offers a comprehensive analysis of the different norms, procedures, and approaches developed under human rights law that are relevant to the management of natural resources. Advocating for a less market and corporate approach to the control, ownership, and management of natural resources, this book supports the development of holistic and coherent integration of human rights law in the overall international legal framework governing the management of natural resources.

This chapter analyzes the 2000s, which for public companies and the executives who ran them was akin to “the decade from hell.” The stock market performed poorly, the number of public companies declined substantially, and scandals in the early 2000s and the financial crisis of 2008 greatly eroded confidence in big business. A deregulatory trend that began in the late 1970s was reversed, epitomized by the enactment of the Sarbanes Oxley Act of 2002. A casualty of the bad news for public companies was the imperial-style CEO who featured prominently as the 1990s drew to a close. Those running banks nevertheless enjoyed a corporate governance “free pass” in the mid-2000s that arguably contributed to the onset of the financial crisis.

This chapter discusses whether the European Union has a distinctive take on, and may make a particular contribution to, global governance, as well as the reverse image of the impact that global governance has in the development of integration in Europe. This includes a focus on collective norms and interests as expressed through common institutions, policies, and activities. In doing so, the chapter compares and contrasts the evolution of a supranational order in Europe with the growth of global regimes and the emergence of a multipolar world, and explores the nature of the EU’s relationships with other global powers and regions. In a final section, the chapter asks whether the EU’s relationship with global developments is best seen as a test-bed for new ideas, procedures, and concepts; a construction for the defence of a privileged way of life; or an archaic remnant of a different era.

This book breaks new ground by arguing that we have a moral duty to vote that is based on a Samaritan obligation to aid fellow citizens improve their lot in society. The argument adds a fresh perspective to the voting ethics literature, which is dominated by views that reject the morality and rationality of voting. Maskivker shows that voting is not irrational if we view it as a valuable contribution to a collectively rational activity. This reasoning means that the duty to vote is a duty of common pursuit to help society achieve good governance. Furthermore, voting is not morally optional just because other ways of helping society exist since its connection with the establishment of government is unique, which makes voting morally obligatory under the right circumstances. The book touches on the problem of voter incompetence and offers a balanced view of why citizen ignorance is not unalterable: we know that much of it is due to structural factors in the political architecture of our societies, which can be reformed. Although voting without information may lead to bad governance, Maskivker’s basic insight is that voting judiciously can be an effective path to justice, and it is not a burdensome task to ask from citizens. The book elaborates on the notion of a careful vote as well as the idea that we can value voting and elections not only for what they symbolize (i.e., equality of political voice) but also for what they can bring about (i.e., good governance).

Over the next fifty years, most new wealth will be accumulated in cities; this includes physical infrastructure (road, rail, electricity, telecommunications and sanitation), productive capital (houses, offices and factories) and knowledge capital (skills, knowhow and ideas). The development of cities will also determine humanity’s ability to preserve natural capital. Consequently, urbanization deserves urgent attention from policymakers, academics and businesses worldwide. The current global urbanization project is peaking and within a century it will be all but over. The richest and fastest growing cities are those which increasingly specialize in knowledge-based sectors, facilitating the flow of knowledge across people, institutions and enterprises. Well-governed, connected, clean and uncongested cities are likely to attract productive capital, talent and creativity. But the consequences of bad governance and inaction over planning can stymie performance and erode human welfare for decades or centuries.

This chapter examines global governance reform strategies based on “smart coalitions” that include all parties with relevant assets to contribute. It analyzes and draws lessons from historical reform efforts, first, those undertaken by three international commissions: the Commission on Global Governance (1995), the International Commission for Intervention and State Sovereignty (2001), and the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change (2004). It then scrutinizes the factors contributing to the success of two recent global governance reform coalitions: the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (1997) and the International Criminal Court (1998). Analysis shows that reform strategies based on mutual recognition of the strengths and weaknesses of the various partners involved, and with active and sustained implementation strategies, have had the greatest success.

This chapter examines the role of the International Seabed Authority (ISA) in global ocean governance. In particular, it highlights the assumption of ISA's explicit mandate for environmental protection as an integral aspect of its overall governance of the deep sea-bed ‘Area’ beyond national jurisdiction, especially following the 1994 Implementation Agreement to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This assumption is particularly significant given the fact that the ISA work programme has now progressed to the point where as of 31 January 2017, a total of twenty-six contracts for exploration had entered into force (sixteen for polymetallic nodules, six for polymetallic sulphides and four for cobalt-rich ferromanganese crusts). The chapter also discusses various activities undertaken in the Area, such as prospecting, exploration and exploitation of resources; marine scientific research; and benefit-sharing for exploitation on the outer continental shelf. Finally, it considers ISA's emphasis on the importance of international cooperation in implementing its mandates.

There is plenty of evidence that, during the Ming dynasty in China, the enjoyment of the fruits of commerce was not so frowned upon as the texts of orthodox morality and political economy might imply. The enormous quantities of surviving Ming material culture, which are continuously being augmented by archaeology (since people were buried with goods for use in the afterlife), range from secular and religious buildings, the paintings and calligraphy produced and consumed by the elite, through printed books, furniture, metalwork, textiles, jewellery, carving in a variety of materials from jade to bamboo, and ceramics to weapons and tools. What we find in Ming texts are ways of talking about what we now call ‘consumption’ in ways that are either negative or positive, but which are never detached from a discourse of morality, of good (or bad) governance, and ultimately of a universal order that links humanity and its actions to wider cosmic matters of harmony or disjointedness. This article discusses splendour and excess in Ming China.

Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. Company Law Concentrate helps readers to consolidate knowledge in this area of law. This sixth edition has been fully updated and includes coverage of the 2018 UK Corporate Governance Code, the Wates Corporate Governance Principles, the UK Stewardship Code 2020, the Companies (Miscellaneous Reporting) Regulations 2018, and the reforms proposed following the consultation on insolvency and corporate governance. Case law updates include BAT Industries plc v Sequana SA [2019], Burnden Holdings (UK) Ltd v Fielding [2019], Popely v Popely [2019], and Vedanta Resources plc v Lungowe [2019]. Chapters examine business structures, incorporation, the constitution of the company, directors, members, corporate governance, capital and capital maintenance issues, members’ remedies, and corporate rescue and liquidation.

Dieser Sammelband dokumentiert die Beiträge, die auf der Jahrestagung 2017 des Arbeitskreises Militär und Sozialwissenschaften (AMS) vorgestellt und im Anschluss an diese Jahrestagung für diesen Sammelbandes überarbeitet, aktualisiert und erweitert wurden. Der sozialwissenschaftliche Band legt den Fokus sowohl auf die Innere Führung als auch auf Global Governance. Die Autorinnen und Autoren widmen sich zudem wichtigen und aktuellen Themenfeldern wie Unterstützung von Frauenkarrieren bei der Bundeswehr sowie Hybridität und Multifunktionalität des Soldatischen und zeigen somit sämtliche Facetten des modernen Soldatentums im nationalen wie im globalen Maßstab auf.

Since Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, galvanizing the Arab uprisings that continue today, the entire Middle East landscape has changed in ways that were unimaginable years before. In spite of the early hype about a so-called "Arab Spring" and the prominence observers gave to calls for the downfall of regimes and an end to their abuses, most of the protests and uprisings born of Bouazizi's self-immolation have had disastrous results across the whole Middle East. While the old powers reasserted their control with violence in Egypt and Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria have virtually ceased to exist as states, torn apart by civil wars. In other states, namely Morocco and Algeria, the forces of reaction were able to maintain their hold on power, while in the "hybrid democracies" of Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq, protests against government inefficiency, corruption, and arrogance have done little to bring about the sort of changes protesters have demanded. Simultaneously, ISIS, along with other jihadi groups (al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda affiliates, Ansar al-Shariahs, etc.) has thrived in an environment marked by state breakdown. This book explains these changes, outlining the social, political, and economic contours of what some have termed "the new Middle East." One of the leading scholars of modern Middle Eastern history, James L. Gelvin lucidly distills the political and economic reasons behind the dramatic news arriving each day from Syria and the rest of the Middle East. He shows how and why bad governance, stagnant economies, poor healthcare, climate change, population growth, refugee crises, food and water insecurity, and war increasingly threaten human security in the region.

The concept of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ is without question one of the foundations for the concept of the responsibility to protect (R2P). As United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon observed in 2008, R2P is built on the ‘positive and affirmative concept of sovereignty as responsibility—a concept developed by . . . Francis Deng, and his colleagues at the Brookings Institution more than a decade ago’. This chapter discusses how the concept of sovereignty as responsibility developed from discussions about governance in Africa and from the application of human rights standards to the protection of internally displaced persons. It also identifies the differences in emphasis, scope, and usage between the concept and R2P.

Lange galt Venture Capital als „kleine“ Form des PE-Investments. „Unicorns“, auch in der Schweiz, technologische Entwicklungen sowie der globale Wettbewerb setzten Venture Capital und die Förderung von Unternehmertum wieder mit Wucht auf die Agenden von Wirtschaft und Politik. Die Themen und Instrumente haben sich erneuert und gewandelt. Diese Neuerungen standen im Fokus der Referate anlässlich der 7. Tagung des Europa Institut an der Universität Zürich, welche in diesem Band schriftlich und mit wissenschaftlicher Akribie aufgearbeitet sind. Zu den Themen gehören Investitionsformen wie Tokens oder „KISS“-Loans, Technologietransfer von Universitäten, Wachstum und Insolvenzgefahr, Corporate Governance Fragen wie auch neuste steuerliche Entwicklungen bei Incentive-Strukturen. Die durch die Covid 19-Misere noch geschärfte Aktualität dieser Beiträge macht die Lektüre zum Muss und Genuss.

Institute for Management and Business Research (IMBRe) Universiti Utara Malaysia is pleased to present this book, which contains a compilation of management and business case studies. The cases in the book are meant for teaching and learning and could be used at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels.Specifically, the first case about Damai Industries Sdn Bhd requires students to apply their knowledge of how to manage a business with respect to corporate governance, marketing, financial management and strategic management in order to sustain the business in the long run. The second case study, which is about the credit challenge faced by Mesra Motel, requires students to apply their knowledge of banking and financial management to come up with capital-raising strategies to ensure that the hotel project runs smoothly. The third case about Credit Card Usage, requires students to apply their knowledge of personal finance, credit management and bank management to reduce financial problems due to mismanagement of credit cards. The fourth case about Classy Tech Machinery Sdn Bhd requires students to apply their knowledge of insurance concepts and principles, such as insurance contracts and claims, in making decisions on the liabilities of the company.The fifth case about 5Ds Enterprise requires students to apply their knowledge of human resource management with regards to recruitment, development and management to come up with strategies to retain the companys workforce. The sixth and last case is about Persuasive Communication. It requires students to apply their knowledge of how to communicate effectively to ensure that ideas, information, knowledge and values reached the target audience.

Eighteenth-century Iran is of central significance to the modern history of the country, but as a field of study it has been neglected. It was a century of revolt, war, political disorder, anarchy and lawlessness, disruption of trade, economic collapse, famine, emigration, and general misery. It has been estimated that the population of the country fell from around 9 million at the beginning of the century to perhaps 6 million at the end. In the 1720s it seemed likely that Iran would disappear altogether, partitioned between her neighbours. Within a few years the country surged back to make a bid for regional dominance under the military genius Nader Shah, but lapsed again into civil war after his untimely death in 1747. The civil wars lasted almost until the end of the century, albeit with an interlude of relative calm and good governance under Karim Khan Zand. In 1796, after more civil wars, Agha Mohammad Shah had himself crowned as the first monarch of the Qajar dynasty, which would last until 1925. This book brings together the best scholarship available on many disputed and controversial aspects of this crucially formative period of Iranian history.

Eighteenth-century Iran is of central significance to the modern history of the country, but as a field of study it has been neglected. It was a century of revolt, war, political disorder, anarchy and lawlessness, disruption of trade, economic collapse, famine, emigration, and general misery. It has been estimated that the population of the country fell from around 9 million at the beginning of the century to perhaps 6 million at the end. In the 1720s it seemed likely that Iran would disappear altogether, partitioned between her neighbours. Within a few years the country surged back to make a bid for regional dominance under the military genius Nader Shah, but lapsed again into civil war after his untimely death in 1747. The civil wars lasted almost until the end of the century, albeit with an interlude of relative calm and good governance under Karim Khan Zand. In 1796, after more civil wars, Agha Mohammad Shah had himself crowned as the first monarch of the Qajar dynasty, which would last until 1925. This chapter brings together the best scholarship available on many disputed and controversial aspects of this crucially formative period of Iranian history.

During the late nineteenth century, opium was integral to European colonial rule in Southeast Asia. The taxation of opium was a major source of revenue for British and French colonizers, who also derived moral authority from imposing a tax on a peculiar vice of their non-European subjects. Yet between the 1890s and the 1940s, colonial states began to ban opium, upsetting the very foundations of overseas rule—how did this happen? This book traces the history of this dramatic reversal, revealing the colonial legacies that set the stage for the region's drug problems today. The book challenges the conventional wisdom about opium prohibition—that it came about because doctors awoke to the dangers of drug addiction or that it was a response to moral crusaders—uncovering a more complex story deep within the colonial bureaucracy. The book shows how prohibition was made possible by the pivotal contributions of seemingly weak bureaucratic officials. Comparing British and French experiences across today's Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam, the book examines how the everyday work of local administrators delegitimized the taxing of opium, which in turn made major anti-opium reforms possible. The book reveals the inner life of colonial bureaucracy, illuminating how European rulers reconfigured their opium-entangled foundations of governance and shaped Southeast Asia's political economy of illicit drugs and the punitive state.

This chapter explores the work and influence of Roscoe Pound who offered sociological jurisprudence in response to transatlantic-inspired threats to the future of the common law. At issue was the rise of social science as an alternative, civil-law-affiliated, administrative paradigm that simultaneously threatened the academic interests of the law schools, the professional concerns of the bar, and the core constitutional principles of judicial supremacy. Within this context, Pound selectively drew on European social legal theory with the goal of saving the common law from itself. The project consisted of two primary proposals for reform, one focused on the universities, the other on the courts. Through the injection of social-scientific content into legal pedagogy and research, sociological jurisprudence forged a socio-legal paradigm that together with lowering the barriers separating law from society also ensured that law would continue to exist as a distinct field of inquiry in the universities and beyond. Where the courts were concerned, sociological jurisprudence answered pressures for radical curtailment of judicial review with a narrow, formalist, construction of the deficiency at the core of the Lochner Court’s reasoning. It was a problem definition that successfully served to deflect direct attacks on judicial supremacy. Largely hidden going forward has been the extent to which the constitutional battle lines of the early twentieth century were drawn between rival, common law- and civil-law-based paradigms of administrative governance.

This book examines women’s experiences in African politics as aspirants to public office, as candidates in election campaigns, and as elected representatives. Part I evaluates women’s efforts to become party candidates in four African countries: Benin, Ghana, Malawi, and Zambia. The chapters draw on a variety of methods, including extensive interviews with women candidates, to describe and assess the barriers confronted when women seek to enter politics. The chapters help explain why women remain underrepresented as candidates for office, particularly in countries without gender-based quotas, by emphasizing the impact of financial constraints, fears of violence, and resistance among party leaders. Part II turns to women’s experiences as candidates during elections in Kenya and Ghana. One chapter provides an in-depth account of a woman’s presidential bid in Kenya, demonstrating how gendered ethnicity undermined her candidacy, and another chapter presents a novel evaluation of the media’s coverage of women candidates in Ghana. Part III turns to women as legislators in Namibia, Uganda, and Burkina Faso, asking whether women engage in substantive representation on gendered policy issues once in office. The chapters challenge the assumption that a critical mass of women is necessary or sufficient to achieve substantive representation. Taken together, the book’s chapters problematize existing hypotheses regarding women in political power, drawing on understudied countries and a variety of empirical methods. By following political pathways from entry to governance, the book uncovers how gendered experiences early in the political process shape what is possible for women once they attain political power.

The American Revolution inspired new movements with a longing to restore what they believed was a primitive and pure form of the church, uncorrupted by the accretions of the centuries. Unlike most Canadians, Americans were driven by the rhetoric of human equality, in which individual believers could dispense with creeds or deference to learned ministers. This chapter argues that one manifestation of this was the Restorationist impulse: the desire to recover beliefs and practices believed lost or obscured. While that impulse could be found in many Protestant bodies, the groups classified as ‘Restorationist’ in North America emerged from what is today labelled the Stone-Campbell movement. They were not known explicitly as Restorationists as they identified themselves as ‘Christian Churches’ or ‘Disciples of Christ’ in a bid to find names that did not separate them from other Christians. The roots of this movement lay in the Republican Methodist Church or ‘Christian Church’ founded by James O’Kelly on the principle of representative governance in church and state. As its ‘Christian’ title implied, the new movement was supposed to effect Christian unity. It was carried forward in New England by Abner Jones and Elias Smith who came from Separate Baptist congregations. Smith was a radical Jeffersonian republican who rejected predestination, the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and original sin as human inventions and would be rejected from his own movement when he embraced universalism. The Presbyterian minister Barton W. Stone was the most important advocate of the Christian movement in Kentucky and Tennessee. Stone was a New Light Presbyterian who fell out with his church in 1803 because he championed revivals to the displeasure of Old Light Presbyterians. With other ministers he founded the Springfield Presbytery and published an Apology which rejected ‘human creeds and confessions’ only to redub their churches as Christian Churches or Churches of Christ. Stone’s movement coalesced with the movement founded by Alexander Campbell, the son of an Ulster Scot who emigrated to the United States after failing to effect reunion between Burgher and Anti-Burghers and founded an undenominational Christian Association. Alexander embraced baptism by immersion under Baptist influence, so that the father and son’s followers were initially known as Reformed (or Reforming) Baptists. The increasing suspicion with which Baptists regarded his movement pushed Alexander into alliance with Stone, although Campbell was uneasy about formal terms of alliance. For his part, Stone faced charges from Joseph Badger and Joseph Marsh that he had capitulated to Campbell. The Stone-Campbell movement was nonetheless successful, counting 192,000 members by the Civil War and over a million in the United States by 1900. Successful but bifurcated, for there were numerous Christian Churches which held out from joining the Stone-Campbell movement, which also suffered a north–south split in the Civil War era over political and liturgical questions. The most buoyant fraction of the movement were the Disciples of Christ or Christian Churches of the mid-west, which shared in the nationalistic and missionary fervour of the post-war era, even though it too in time would undergo splits.

Esta obra se debruça sobre diálogos entre políticas públicas e direito, trazendo artigos científicos de diversos autores brasileiros acerca da participação e da sua efetividade na sociedade contemporânea. O livro apresenta um olhar interdisciplinar, sendo composto por capítulos escritos por pesquisadores não só da área jurídica, como também de Psicologia, Biologia, Odontologia e Pedagogia. A divisão dos capítulos parte de temas mais relacionados à participação política por diferentes vias, passando pelas demandas por efetivação dos direitos humanos, sem retrocesso social. Em seguida, transita por violações específicas no âmbito dos direitos a educação, igualdade racial e de gênero, moradia, dignidade física, psíquica e sexual, segurança pública e saúde. O primeiro capítulo discute em que medida foi eficaz a participação popular na tramitação da reforma política na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Descreve as vias de participação popular nesse âmbito e discute seus efeitos na tramitação da referida reforma, a partir dos procedimentos metodológicos de revisão bibliográfica, análise de documentos, estudo de caso e process tracing com elite interviewing, em abordagem qualitativa. Os resultados indicam que, embora tenha havido aumento da participação popular institucional no período sob enfoque, o parlamento aplicou não decisões em relação à reforma política intencionada pelas entidades da sociedade civil que organizaram as provocações ao Poder Legislativo. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo tem como principal objetivo a análise acerca do Portal e-Democracia e o seu papel para uma maior democracia participativa de, principalmente, inclusão das minorias sociais. Estuda a relação entre a democracia brasileira e a participação popular, investiga o porquê do Portal e-Democracia ser tão necessário para a defesa dos direitos das minorias sociais, bem como explica a importância da participação popular legislativa das minorias sociais. Esta pesquisa parte de fontes bibliográficas primárias e secundárias, com revisão bibliográfica e análise do próprio portal em estudo. O estudo conclui que é essencial a criação de políticas públicas para a participação política das minorias sociais, sendo uma delas o mencionado portal eletrônico, porém esta medida isolada não resolve a presente questão, sendo necessárias políticas públicas de fácil acesso a todos e todas. O terceiro capítulo aborda as relações que conectam o princípio da vedação ao retrocesso social com as manifestações que apoiam o movimento de retorno da ditadura militar no Brasil no século XXI. Para tanto, no primeiro momento, os autores elucidam os conceitos de vedação ao retrocesso social, bem como o significado do chamado efeito cliquet, o qual corrobora com os ditames fixados do respectivo princípio, haja vista que, no alpinismo, significa que quando atingida uma determinada altura, não se pode mais voltar. Contextualizam, ademais, as heranças e as consequências da ditadura militar no Brasil, além de analisarem as manifestações que têm ocorrido na atualidade em prol de um retrocesso ao período ditatorial. O trabalho comprova que a volta da ditadura militar seria uma afronta ao princípio da vedação ao retrocesso social, uma vez que extinguiria e revogaria direitos fundamentais já consolidados no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro e regressaria a um período autoritário, que não se coaduna com o Estado Democrático de Direito. Conectando-se à discussão acerca de retrocessos e inefetividade de direitos, o quarto capítulo mergulha no debate democrático acerca da expansão da educação superior brasileira e das políticas de acesso que promoveram um significativo acréscimo de ingressantes nos cursos de graduação no Brasil. O trabalho atende a pesquisa bibliográfica e fundamenta-se na revisão de literatura com o suporte teórico de autores e legislações da área afim, refletindo sobre o processo de evolução e inclusão mediante a implementação de programas e ações afirmativas para a educação superior que corroboraram para dirimir o caráter elitista impregnado no perfil deste nível de ensino. Embora distante de reparar as injustiças sociais no Brasil, tais políticas geraram um número maior de ingressantes das camadas menos favorecidas da sociedade e, com isso, a representatividade dos grupos denominados de minorias aumentou, ainda que de modo tímido, mas refletindo na redução do déficit de acesso ao ensino superior. Ainda sobre desigualdades na educação no país, no quinto capítulo as autoras investigam como a discussão sobre o mito da democracia racial no Brasil impulsionou práticas racistas ao longo do tempo e como, a partir de um viés multiculturalista, se assentam as políticas afirmativas, com destaque para a política de cotas para ingresso de negros e pardos nas Universidades, implementadas a partir de 2012. Apontam, para tanto, que a construção deste mito não se coaduna com questões mais modernas e de relevo econômico e social que pautaram a promoção de políticas afirmativas no Brasil. Nesta senda, as políticas sociais afirmativas de cotas são medidas tomadas pelo Estado, de cunho temporário ou especial, com o objetivo de assegurar igualdade de oportunidades e que foram negadas historicamente para a população afro. Para embasar este artigo, foi utilizada a metodologia de revisão bibliográfica e a análise documental das políticas afirmativas de cotas. O capítulo seguinte aventa que as relações sociais são produtos da vida em sociedade e caracterizam-se, essencialmente, pela interação que há entre seus componentes considerando territórios, culturas, identidade e ideias. Contudo, é da natureza dessa dinâmica social que alguns grupos sociais se sobressaiam sobre os demais e imponham seus interesses pessoais acima dos interesses públicos, prejudicando, assim, a concretização de interesses gerais. Dessa maneira, com o intuito de explicar como essas relações de poder e de domínio influenciam na concretização de políticas públicas, o trabalho se propôs a analisar qual o protagonismo que os agentes sociais têm nessa fase. Como exemplo prático dessa discussão acadêmica, analisa-se como a elite governante brasileira busca conciliar seus interesses com a efetivação de políticas públicas habitacionais. Em outro aspecto de violação de direitos através de deficiências de políticas públicas, o sétimo capítulo analisa a evolução da taxa de homicídios no Brasil, verificando grande heterogeneidade entre os estados. Isso constitui uma deficiência estrutural grave, que compromete as bases do desenvolvimento no país. Assim, o propõe-se o entendimento da correlação das taxas de homicídios no Brasil em um período de 10 anos, verificando que os estados do Rio Grande do Norte, Goiás, Maranhão e Piauí se correlacionaram positivamente, apresentando um aumento na taxa de homicídios, enquanto Espírito Santo e Paraíba obtiveram redução. Diante dos resultados, destaca-se a atenção às políticas de segurança pública e conclui-se que é possível identificar padrões estruturais das distintas dinâmicas de homicídios contribuindo para e informações relevantes que possam subsidiar a implantação e efetividade das políticas públicas no país. Na seara das violências, o oitavo capítulo destaca aquelas cometidas contra mulheres no ambiente doméstico no bairro de Narandiba, em Salvador-BA. O artigo tem como objetivo geral analisar a possibilidade ou não de ampliação no atendimento às mulheres que sofrem violência doméstica através da unidade do Centro Judiciário de Solução Consensual de Conflitos (CEJUSC), órgão vinculado ao Tribunal de Justiça da Bahia, localizado no bairro de Narandiba, em Salvador. Como primeiro objetivo específico, examina se o acolhimento dessas vítimas estaria em conformidade com o regulamento e a missão que fundamenta o trabalho do CEJUSC. Como segundo objetivo específico, reflete sobre a demanda de mulheres, vítimas de agressão doméstica, que passam pela unidade de Narandiba em busca de um apoio ou uma orientação jurídica. Em termos metodológicos, o artigo é qualitativo e analisa o tema proposto utilizando a revisão bibliográfica, a análise de documentos e a observação da autora durante o período de janeiro a outubro de 2019. As violências domésticas atingem, não raro, a dignidade sexual de crianças e adolescentes. Assim, a conexão para o nono capítulo apresenta as etapas da perícia psicológica nos casos de suspeita de abuso sexual, tendo como enfoque os instrumentos e testes psicológicos mais utilizados nestas avaliações. Os objetivos específicos englobam conceituar avaliação psicológica e abuso sexual, bem como trazer técnicas da Psicologia que melhor respaldem o psicólogo nesse processo de avaliação. O método deste estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica. A avaliação psicológica pericial difere de outros tipos de avaliação psicológica em função de sua meta final onde atua subsidiando decisões legais quando estas dependem de um entendimento de funcionamento psicológico do(s) envolvidos(s) nos casos de suspeita de abuso sexual de crianças e adolescentes. Abuso sexual é qualquer contato ou interação entre uma criança ou adolescente e alguém em estágio psicossexual mais avançado do desenvolvimento, na qual a criança ou adolescente estiver sendo usado para estimulação sexual do perpetrador. As avaliações psicológicas têm sido requisitadas em todas as fases de encaminhamento dos casos, da notificação ao processo judicial. Desde a fase inicial ou investigativa, a criança pode passar por inúmeras intervenções (entrevistas, aplicação de testes psicológicos, etc), inclusive de psicólogos que não atuam diretamente com a justiça, mas que acabam colaborando no processo quanto à veracidade da situação de abuso. Não obstante possam ser vítimas de diversas violações de direitos, por vezes crianças e adolescentes entram em conflito com a lei. Nesse contexto, o décimo capítulo investiga a contribuição da aplicabilidade da entrevista terapêutica no processo de avaliação psicológica de adolescentes em conflito com a lei, descrevendo as características de adolescentes, explicando a função da Psicologia e elucidando entrevista terapêutica como ferramenta diferencial na avaliação psicológica desses adolescentes. Como metodologia foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica, com base em livros e artigos científicos, com tratamento particular de publicações da área de Psicologia e da legislação específica sobre os direitos do adolescente. Como resultados, os adolescentes em conflitos com a lei apresentam características que se fundamentam em aspectos históricos, sociais e culturais e a entrevista terapêutica mostrou-se como importante na contribuição da avaliação psicológica desses adolescentes, uma vez que se dispõe como uma técnica de analise aberta, capaz de se ajustar a diferentes situações clínicas, com possibilidades de descobrir as subjetividades, conhecer comportamentos, indicar encaminhamentos ou fazer intervenções. Diante de uma realidade vivencial complexa e aprisionadora, a avalição psicológica é uma prática relacional, que visa com alteridade contribuir para incluir socialmente os adolescentes. É certo que a mudança comportamental dos adolescentes infratores requer apoio familiar e um trabalho multidisciplinar, que não comporta apenas o papel do Psicólogo, mas, o envolvimento do Estado e da sociedade como um todo em ações conjuntas, para efetivamente produzir transformações. Conclui-se que o estudo produziu uma discussão importante, por dispor conhecimentos para área da Psicologia, profissionais que atuam e para a sociedade, que podem melhor conhecer os espaços de intervenção, meios de atuação e a importância da psicologia neste contexto. Nessa linha de discussão que abarca questões relacionadas à saúde, o capítulo seguinte analisa a judicialização do direito à saúde. Esse direito, conforme o artigo 196 da Constituição Federal, pertence a todos e é dever do Estado fornecê-lo por meio de políticas públicas. Entretanto, a possibilidade de exercício por todos do referido direito fica limitada aos recursos disponíveis e por ações judiciais no âmbito do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). O objetivo geral, portanto, é analisar se a judicialização da saúde é a solução mais adequada para se obter uma vaga de leito de UTI no SUS. Assim, o trabalho descreve como o SUS regula a distribuição de leitos e reflete sobre o fenômeno da judicialização e o seu potencial ou não de efetivar esse direito com isonomia. Para a sustentação metodológica, o estudo utilizou de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com método fundamentado em análise de documentos e revisão bibliográfica a respeito do tema. Os resultados mostram que, embora o SUS estabeleça a quantidade de leitos de UTIs, alguns hospitais carecem de mais ofertas de leitos. Desta forma, é relevante ter um políticas públicas que efetivem o direito à saúde, em cumprimento às previsões legais. Nesse contexto de inefetividade do direito à saúde, o capítulo seguinte descreve o perfil das demandas judiciais referentes a medicamentos no município de Cuiabá – Mato Grosso, realizado na Defensoria Pública, em 2013, utilizando indicadores de Pepe. Foram analisadas 135 ações judiciais relativas às solicitações de medicamentos e 166 medicamentos requeridos nas mesmas. Em quatro dimensões (sócio demográficas do autor da ação judicial; processuais das ações judiciais; médico sanitárias das ações judiciais; político-administrativas das ações judiciais). As informações obtidas e delineadas no capítulo expõem o cenário da saúde frente a judicialização de medicamentos e as características dos indivíduos que abriram demandas contra o Estado ou o Município. Em preocupação com a saúde e a segurança alimentar dos brasileiros, o décimo terceiro capítulo discute o cabimento de arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental (ADPF) contra a nova política brasileira de agrotóxicos. A evolução clássica da política brasileira de agrotóxicos foi marcada pela ótica da proteção. Todavia, novos desafios, hoje, contrariam a política até então vigente e faz surgir um movimento, cada vez mais forte, pela flexibilização de normas. Nesse cenário, percebe-se o surgimento de uma nova política sobre tema, mas desta vez, tendo o agronegócio como protagonista. Desse modo, os efeitos desta nova política já são tangíveis, o que nos leva a discutir a constitucionalidade de tais ações. Posto isso, este trabalho tem como objetivo promover um debate acerca da existência de uma nova política brasileira sobre agrotóxicos em suas principais questões. Para realizar este trabalho, foram utilizados os tipos de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, através da abordagem qualitativa. Conclui-se que a nova política de agrotóxicos é inconstitucional e, por consequência, atacável por meio da ADPF. Avançando na busca de efetivação de direitos humanos através de políticas públicas, o último capítulo investiga a necessidade de ressignificação das bases da teoria da execução para efetivar ações civis públicas em que se discutem tais políticas. Para tanto, utiliza-se de procedimento monográfico e bibliográfico. O estudo expõe as razões que levaram à judicialização da política, bem como traça diretrizes gerais sobre o atual panorama da execução. Aborda, ainda, a crise de efetividade da execução, que insiste em se valer de multas pelo descumprimento – que vêm sendo inefetivas para o cumprimento. Após essa discussão, o trabalho traz instrumentos jurídicos hábeis a colaborar com a concretização dos direitos. Espera-se que esta seleção de artigos científicos contribua, como obra coletiva, para avanços no conhecimento sobre políticas públicas como efetivadoras de direitos humanos, bem como sobre as múltiplas formas de participação popular na luta por tais direitos na sociedade contemporânea.