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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Bombay (Presidency). Supreme Court"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 28 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Varacalli, Thomas F. X. "The Legacy of Trump’s Judicial Appointments." Catholic Social Science Review 26 (2021): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20212614.

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It is too early to know if the judicial appointments of President Donald J. Trump will be an enduring legacy of his presidency because the Biden-Harris administration may have several opportunities to roll back his achievements. Still, Trump’s election in 2016 stymied the Left’s hope of a progressive Supreme Court. Trump has remodeled the Supreme Court into an originalist court. His Supreme Court appointments – Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett – have defended religious liberty claims repeatedly. Thus, if the Democrats are not able to pack the Court, Trump’s one-term presidency may have produced

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2

Goldman, Sheldon. "Pursuit of Justices: Presidential Politics and the Selection of Supreme Court Nominees. By David Alistair Yalof. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999, 280p. $27.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402444322.

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It is a pleasure to review this well-written book, which should be of enormous interest to every serious student of judicial politics and the presidency. Based upon a thorough mining of the presidential papers of seven presidents and numerous interviews with key participants in the selection process, along with other primary and secondary sources, Yalof gives us a presidency-by-presidency take on the recruitment of Supreme Court nominees.

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3

Tusasirwe, Benson. "The Basic Structure Doctrine and Constitutional Restraint in Uganda: The “Age Limit” Case." Eastern Africa Law Review 46, no. 1 (2019): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/ealr.v46i1.2.

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This Article discusses the scope and application of the Basic Structure Doctrine, against the background of the judgment of the Constitutional Court and Supreme Court of Uganda in the case of Male Mabirizi Kiwanuka and Others v. Attorney General, wherein the two courts found that an amendment to the Constitution of Uganda removing the “age-limit” qualification to stand for president did not violate the Doctrine and was valid. It is argued that given Uganda’s political history the clause, which was designed to prevent the sitting president from taking advantage of his incumbency to perpetuate h

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4

Sharma, Raghav. "Attribution of Profits to a Dependent Agent Permanent Establishment: An Analysis of the Indian Approach." Intertax 37, Issue 8/9 (2009): 493–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2009049.

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This article critically examines the rulings of the Bombay High Court and the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal (Mumbai) in SET Satellite Pte. Ltd. v. Deputy Director of Income Tax (International Taxation) and the ruling of the Supreme Court in Morgan Stanley & Co. Inc. v. Director of Income Tax, Mumbai. In light of this, the attempt is to find out whether Indian courts treat dependent agent and permanent establishment (PE) as the same taxable entity and what profits are attributable to the PE of a non-resident enterprise in case the dependent agent is remunerated at an arms’ length standard.

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5

Powell, Catherine. "Presidential Signing Statements and Dialogic Constitutionalism." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239877230000115x.

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When the Supreme Court held that the executive branch has exclusive authority to recognize foreign sovereigns in the Jerusalem passport case, Zivotofsky v. Kerry (Zivotofsky II), Jack Goldsmith hailed the decision as a “vindication” of presidential signing statements and executive power. Indeed, in the context of the debate over the treatment of the terror suspects, the New York Times had called such signing statements the “constitutionally ludicrous” work of an overreaching, “imperial presidency.”

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6

Metzger, Gillian E. "The Roberts Court and Executive Power." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 713, no. 1 (2024): 88–106. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162251331371.

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The current Supreme Court’s jurisprudence on issues of executive power differs markedly depending on the precise type of executive power in question. Although generally taking an expansive view of presidential power, it often seeks to narrow the authority of executive branch administrative agencies, especially those engaged in regulation. This contrast creates an appearance of inconsistency: At the same time that the court is expanding presidential power, it is pulling back on administrative action and thereby denying the presidency one of its most important sources of authority. But the court

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7

Sullivan, George M. "Patterson v. McLean: A Confirmation of the New Right at the U.S. Supreme Court." Les Cahiers de droit 30, no. 4 (2005): 987–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042990ar.

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In two consecutive national elections a conservative, Ronald Reagan, was elected President of the United States. When Justice Lewis Powell announced his retirement during the late months of the Reagan administration, it was apparent that the President's last appointment could shift the ideology of the Court to conservatism for the first time since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower. President Reagan's prior appointments, Sandra Day O'Connor and Antonin Scalia, had joined William Rehnquist, an appointee of President Nixon and Bryon White, an appointee of President Kennedy to comprise a vocifer

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8

Friedman, Rachel B., and Nichola D. Gutgold. "Two Women for President: The Importance of the Announcement Speech on the Campaign." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 32 (June 12, 2017): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v32.a92.

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Women keep gaining ground in the world of American politics. There are more women senators, representatives, Supreme Court justices, secretaries of state and governors than ever. Still, America has never had a female president or even vice president. By examining the communication skills of women who have run for president we can begin to assess how a woman creates ethos for the presidency. This study focuses on an understudied genre of campaign speaking; a comparison of two high profile female candidates' announcement speeches from both respective political parties. How a woman reveals that s

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9

Mohanty, Gautam, and Raghav Bhargava. "Separability of Arbitration Agreement in Mutual Termination of Contracts in India: A Legislative Guideline." Journal of International Arbitration 36, Issue 6 (2019): 727–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2019036.

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The separability for an arbitration agreement from the underlying contract is a well-established theory in commercial arbitration by courts and arbitral tribunals across the globe. However, the position becomes complex in circumstances where the underlying contract is mutually terminated between the parties. Jurisdictions across the globe have adopted a different approach to this kind of separability either through legislative provisions or judicial decisions. Unfortunately, the position remains rather unclear in India due to conflicting judicial decisions of the Bombay High Court and lack of

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10

Carey, John M. "Palace Intrigue: Missiles, Treason, and the Rule of Law in Bolivia." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (2009): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090847.

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The Bolivian presidency is a precarious position, not only because so many presidents have left office under duress, but because former presidents are subject to legal jeopardy. The case of Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé illustrates the weakness of the rule of law in Bolivia and the political motivations that sustain it. Rodríguez was a respected Chief Justice of Bolivia's Supreme Court. He reluctantly assumed the presidency during a political crisis and shepherded the country through peaceful elections in 2005 that brought Evo Morales to the presidency. He was subsequently charged with treason in a

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11

Sumant Kolhe, Varad. "PASL V. GE: Indian Parties’ Fillip to Foreign-seated Arbitrations, but at What Cost?" Asian International Arbitration Journal 17, Issue 2 (2021): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aiaj2021010.

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Can two Indian parties elect a foreign seat of arbitration? This question has been the epicentre of a long-standing divergence in judicial opinions across Indian courts. However, this divergence was put to rest by the Supreme Court of India in PASL Wind Solutions (P) Ltd. v. GE Power Conversion (India) (P) Ltd. (decision of 20 April 2021), ruling in favour of Indian-parties’ autonomy to elect a foreign-seat of arbitration. Recognizing party autonomy as the “brooding spirit” of arbitration, the Supreme Court overruled two judgments of the Bombay High Court (Seven Islands Shipping Ltd. v. Sah Pe

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12

Bromley-Trujillo, Rebecca, and Michael Dichio. "The State of American Federalism 2024–2025: Resisting and Reinforcing the Rise of the Transactional Presidency." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 55, no. 3 (2025): 415–44. https://doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaf023.

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Abstract This article explores the evolving dynamics of American federalism, focusing on the expanding influence of the administrative presidency and the rise of transactional federalism. It examines how recent presidents, particularly Trump and Biden, have utilized executive actions to shape policy, often leading to clashes with state governments. The analysis discusses the impact of the 2024 elections and key Supreme Court decisions about the balance of power between federal and state entities, highlighting the judiciary’s role in both limiting and expanding federal and state authority. The

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13

Reines, Victoria. "Quieting Speech: Establishing a Buffer Zone Around Reproductive Freedom." American Journal of Law & Medicine 42, no. 1 (2016): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0098858816644722.

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The First Amendment and reproductive freedom have recently been pitted against each other on more than one occasion. In June 2014, the Supreme Court held that a Massachusetts law creating a buffer zone in front of abortion-providing centers was a violation of the First Amendment. In Maryland, the city of Baltimore and Montgomery County have passed ordinances to regulate crisis pregnancy centers (“CPCs”), which would effectively require the facilities to advertise that they are not medically licensed and do not provide abortion care. The president of a group of CPCs describes CPCs as “organizat

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14

Kiser, George C. "Forum Selecting Senior Citizens for the American Vice Presidency." Ageing and Society 12, no. 1 (1992): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x00004670.

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ABSTRACTOne of the most significant trends in twentieth century America is the constant expansion of the senior citizen population (age 65 and over) – in both absolute and relative terms. While social scientists have developed a huge literature on America's older population, they have largely ignored its vast political implications. This topic is particularly timely inasmuch as senior citizen George Bush has replaced senior citizen Ronald Reagan in the Presidency, two-thirds of the Supreme Court justices are past age 65, and as usual many of the most powerful members of Congress are senior cit

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Vlahoplus, John. "Toward Natural Born Derivative Citizenship." British Journal of American Legal Studies 7, no. 1 (2018): 71–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2018-0002.

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Abstract Senator Ted Cruz’s campaign for the Republican presidential nomination again raised the question whether persons who receive citizenship at birth to American parents abroad are natural born and eligible to the presidency. This article uses Supreme Court decisions and previously overlooked primary source material from the Founders, the First Congress and English and British law to show that they are not natural born under the doctrinal or historical meaning of the term. The relevant constitutional distinction is between citizenship acquired by birth or by naturalization, not at birth o

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Blevins, Katie, and Kearston L. Wesner. "Access to Government Officials in the Age of Social Media." Journal of Civic Information 1, no. 1 (2019): 30–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/joci.v1i1.115658.

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As social media platforms have become more pervasive, there has been a concomitant increase in the number of government officials using their personal social media accounts to perform official government duties. Most notably, President Donald Trump continues to use his personal Twitter account, established in 2009, prior to his presidency, to conduct a variety of official tasks. While the First Amendment’s Free Speech Clause traditionally protects an individual’s right to engage in self-expression, the Supreme Court has not unequivocally recognized an affirmative right to know as an extension

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17

Jaffe, James. "The Indian Panchayat, Access to Knowledge and Criminal Prosecutions in Colonial Bombay, 1827–61." Law and History Review 38, no. 1 (2020): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000567.

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Throughout the mofussil of the Bombay Presidency British judges and magistrates called upon panchayats, that is, caste or village councils, to help them administer justice. By the mid-nineteenth century, panchayats were being deployed by British justices not only to offer their advice to judges attempting to decide a case, but much more frequently to investigate crimes, including murder, assault, robbery, arson, forgery, rape, and property disputes. Moreover, the active participation of the panchayat in the administration of criminal law varied as much in form as in function. In different scen

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18

Kim, Jong Goo. "Presidential Immunity in the United States: Legal Precedents and Implications - Focusing on the Trump v. United States (2024) Decision." National Public Law Review 21, no. 2 (2025): 141–68. https://doi.org/10.46751/nplak.2025.21.2.141.

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In order to ensure the unique role of the presidency and the smooth performance of presidential duties, Article 84 of the Korean Constitution provides the President with immunity from criminal prosecution while in office, except in cases of insurrection or treason. However, it does not grant the President a separate form of immunity. The U.S. Constitution does not explicitly provide for presidential immunity or non-prosecution, but in the United States, a doctrine of presidential immunity has been recognized within certain limits through judicial precedents. Over the years, the U.S. Supreme Co

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19

Stimson, James A., Michael B. Mackuen, and Robert S. Erikson. "Dynamic Representation." American Political Science Review 89, no. 3 (1995): 543–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082973.

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If public opinion changes and then public policy responds, this is dynamic representation. Public opinion is the global policy preference of the American electorate. Policy is a diverse set of acts of elected and unelected officials. Two mechanisms of policy responsiveness are (1) elections change the government's political composition, which is then reflected in new policy and (2) policymakers calculate future (mainly electoral) implications of current public views and act accordingly (rational anticipation). We develop multiple indicators of policy activity for the House, Senate, presidency,

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20

Ríos-Figueroa, Julio. "Fragmentation of Power and the Emergence of an Effective Judiciary in Mexico, 1994–2002." Latin American Politics and Society 49, no. 1 (2007): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007.tb00373.x.

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AbstractLegal reforms that make judges independent from political pressures and empower them with judicial review do not make an effective judiciary. Something has to fill the gap between institutional design and effectiveness. When the executive and legislative powers react to an objectionable judicial decision, the judiciary may be weak and deferential; but coordination difficulties between the elected branches can loosen the constraints on courts. This article argues that the fragmentation of political power can enable a judiciary to rule against power holders' interests without being syste

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21

Kirby, Michael. "Centenary of HM Seervai – Doyen of Indian constitutional law – an Australian appreciation." Legal Studies 27, no. 3 (2007): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2007.00060.x.

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For much of the second half of the twentieth century, HM Seervai was a leading advocate of the Bombay High Court. He argued some of the most important constitutional cases decided by the Supreme Court of India and eventually resolved in 1970 to write his Constitutional Law of India. It became the leading text on Indian constitutional law. It is still in widespread use. Many instances of recent citations are quoted. But it is not the usual commentary on the text of the Indian constitutional and case law. Instead, the book contains a running discussion on the shifts in direction as well as sharp

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22

Rodgers, Daniel T. "Living without Labels." Law and History Review 24, no. 1 (2006): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000002297.

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Charles Evans Hughes's career ran along the fault lines of most of the major political events of his lifetime. Muckraking catapulted him to fame. He governed New York during four key years of the Progressive era as an effective administrator and earnest reformer. He stayed with the Republican Party when the Progressives bolted in 1912. He ran for the presidency in 1916 but missed the prize, albeit by a narrower electoral college margin than any other contender until the very end of the century. He was instrumental in negotiating the international naval disarmament accords of 1921–22, landmarks

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23

Shukla, Madhubala Sheokumar, and Haider Ali. "Compensation Under Land Acquisition Law – Concept, Parameters, Interpretation." Think India Quarterly 27, no. 1 (2024): 29–61. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10814848.

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Compensation is embedded in Eminent Domain which means supreme power of the Govt. to acquire the property of any person without his consent in the interest of the General Public, however subject to payment of compensation. During Constituent Assembly Debates the question of public purpose , the Govt.  authorised  with the power of eminent domain, and the compensation were intricately linked mainly because of the issue of zamindari<em>. </em>Battle between the Parliament and the Supreme Court ensued over expropriation and compensation and  through a  series of amendments to

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24

Hunter, James Davison, and Joseph E. Davis. "Cultural Politics at the Edge of Life." Journal of Policy History 7, no. 1 (1995): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004164.

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To operate within a strictly political frame of reference, the dispute over abortion—the centerpiece of the controversy over reproduction and population control in America—would seem to be over. With the election of Bill Clinton to the presidency in 1992, many observers declared as much. Charles Krauthammer, for one, argued that “one can reasonably declare a great national debate over when all three independently (s)elected branches of government come to the same position.” In 1992 the Supreme Court reaffirmed the central holding of Roe v. Wade in the Casey decision. Given this and an apparent

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Kabala, Boleslaw Z., and Rainey Johnson. "An American Notwithstanding Clause? Between Potestas and Potentia." Laws 10, no. 3 (2021): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws10030072.

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Debates about judicial review and departmentalism have continued to rage, and in the wake of the last three Supreme Court appointments and current Presidential Commission on the Court, only look to intensify. Should the US adopt a notwithstanding or override provision, of the kind that exits in Canada and Israel? These countries take a departmentalist approach to allow the legislature to override the Court, “notwithstanding” its ruling. Although America is a presidential framework, a paradox emerges: evidence exists that its system already makes possible the equivalent of a notwithstanding cla

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26

Ward, Artemus. "A Review of “Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy: The Presidency, the Supreme Court, and Constitutional Leadership in U.S. History”." Congress & the Presidency 36, no. 1 (2009): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460802683273.

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27

Chen, Paul. "Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy: The Presidency, the Supreme Court, and Constitutional Leadership in U.S. Historyby Keith E. Whittington." Political Science Quarterly 123, no. 1 (2008): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2008.tb01721.x.

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Thompson, Mark R. "Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 3 (2016): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500303.

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Since assuming the presidency, Rodrigo R. Duterte has “stuck to his guns” in carrying out his campaign pledge to launch a violent anti-drug campaign. Duterte's presidency was preceded by six years of political stability and high growth under the relatively liberal and supposedly reformist administration of President Benigno “Noynoy” S. Aquino, III. What did voters find so appealing about Duterte given that drugs and criminality were not a major national concern until he launched his candidacy? Unlike previous populist politicians in the post-Marcos Philippines, Duterte's strongest support did

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Pass, A. A. "EVOLUTION OF ANTI-CORRUPTION LEGISLATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF N.A. NAZARBAYEV." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 2 (2020): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-2-169-178.

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The development of the legal norms of the Republic of Kazakhstan aimed at countering corruption is presented. The content of the relevant Decrees of the President N. A. Nazarbayev, parliamentary legislative acts, articles of the Criminal and Administrative Codes, decisions of the Supreme Court were reviewed. The format of the special scientific expertise has been analyzed, through which the prepared draft laws on the subject of the corruption component should pass. Attention is paid to the optimization of such state functions as the procurement procedure and the provision of services, where co

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Domíínguez, Jorge I. "The Scholarly Study of Mexican Politics." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 20, no. 2 (2004): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2004.20.2.377.

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This essay reviews the state of the scholarly study of Mexican politics. It focuses on research on political change since 1990. It discusses the political origins of economic problems and policies, including the enactment of NAFTA and the 1994-95 financial panic. It assesses the decline of the PRI, the presidency, and official organized labor; the role of urban protest and the Zapatista insurgency; and the revitalization of Congress, the Supreme Court, and state governments. It synthesizes the principal analytical findings on parties, public opinion, and elections. Este ensayo revisa la situac

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Pangalangan, Raphael Lorenzo A., Gemmo Bautista Fernandez, and Ruby Rosselle L. Tugade. "Marcosian Atrocities: Historical Revisionism and the Legal Constraints on Forgetting." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 19, no. 2 (2018): 140–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01902003.

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The Philippines resoundingly cried ‘never again’ to the horrors of the Marcos dictatorship through the People Power revolution of 1986. Thirty years later, the Filipino people have come to realise that success is indeed fleeting. On 18 November 2016, the remains of Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos were buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani—the Heroes’ Cemetery. While the Philippine Supreme Court insists that the hero’s burial conferred to the author of the nation’s darkest chapter is a political question, from established doctrines here and abroad, the authors seek to derive the politica

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Grosskopf, Anke, and Nancy Frye. "Breaking it is one thing, fixing it is another: Responsibility attributions and support for the U.S. Presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court." Social Science Journal 49, no. 1 (2012): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2011.07.001.

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Barber, Benjamin R. "Letter from America — September 1993 The Rise of Clinton, the Fall of the Democrats, the Scandal of the Media." Government and Opposition 28, no. 4 (1993): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01379.x.

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THE NEWS FROM AMERICA IS (WHAT ELSE COULD IT BE?) BILL Clinton – America's first first-name-only-please President, informality and accessibility being hallmarks of democratic populism in the 1990s. It might seem as if this is the roller-coaster presidency: if you do not like Clinton's bad (good) reputation today, just wait a month and you can be sure that things will have turned upside down. When I started this piece in the spring, he was way, way down; today just a few months later, following a successful Japanese trip (his weak rivals in the G-7 group made him look good), his two successful

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Schindler, Danny. "Keine Reform des konstitutionellen Parlamentsrechts: Kenias gescheiterte Building Bridges Initiative als eine institutionenpolitisch verpasste Chance?" Recht in Afrika 26, no. 1 (2023): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2023-1-3.

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Following the handshake between President Uhuru Kenyatta and his main contender Raila Odinga in 2018, the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) was launched to unite the country and improve governance. As a main outcome, a proposal to amend the 2010 constitution was introduced in 2020. However, on 31 March 2022 the Supreme Court declared the BBI unconstitutional since Kenyatta had opted to alter Kenya’s highest law by means of a popular initiative under Article 257 which is the preserve of ordinary citizens. Against the background of this failure for procedural reasons, the paper evaluates the ini

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Gyimah, Leo Andoh Adjei. "Abeyance of the President’s Power: An Exposition of the Power of the President Outside the Territory of Ghana." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. X (2024): 2757–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.8100231.

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Since the decision of the Supreme Court in Asare v Attorney-General, which declared that the President is “unable to perform his functions” within the meaning of article 60(11) of the 1992 Constitution whenever he is out of the jurisdiction, a pertinent constitutional issue was birthed: “Does the President possess the Executive Power in its entirety when he is outside the territory of Ghana. In other words, “Is the President competent constitutionally, to bind Ghana to any action of his, anytime he is physically absent from the shores of Ghana?” This article discusses the undulatory nature of

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Al-Kaabi, Dr Haider Rasool Mohsen. "THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE FIRST DEPUTY SPEAKER OF THE IRAQI COUNCIL OF REPRESENTATIVES." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 4, no. 10 (2024): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume04issue10-20.

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The legal status of the First Deputy Speaker of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, or as it is called (member of the Presidency), is considered one of the essential sovereign positions in the structure of the government system due to its impact on decision-making, whether in the legislative, administrative or even political aspects. Despite this, the texts regulating this position were ambiguous and unclear, in addition to the lack of a unified direction in the directions of the Federal Supreme Court in this direction. Also, defining the tasks and duties of the First Deputy Speaker of the C

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Teixeira, Carmen Fontes, and Jamilli Silva Santos. "Strategic analysis of the Brazilian federal government’s performance in the COVID-19 pandemic: 2020-2021." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 28, no. 5 (2023): 1277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-81232023285.10502022en.

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Abstract The study aim is to analyze the performance of the Brazilian federal government (FG) in the COVID-19 pandemic, seeking to identify tensions and conflicts between actors and institutions of the three branches of the government and the FG with state governors. Data production included a review of articles, publications and documents that analyze the pandemic evolution and record announcements, decisions, actions, debates and controversies between these actors in the period of 2020 to 2021. The results include the characterization of the action style of the central Actor and the analysis

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Shukla, Madhubala Sheokumar, and Haider Ali. "Coparcenary Rights of Women: A Journey from Non-Existence to Full Existence." International Journal of Research 11, no. 5 (2024): 159–93. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.11209133.

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As per jurisprudence and legal history, Hindu Law is a branch of Dharma  and combination of morality and religion with legal principles. Female heirs are enumerated differently in different schools of Hindu Law. This Article is focussing on Mitakshara Law and its Schools and codification of Law and its amendments from time to time, coparcenery  vis a vis female heirs and interpretation of legislation by Judiciary. Every member of a Mitakshara joint family, including their wives and unmarried  daughters, is derived from a common ancestor. No female was a member of coparcenary. Th

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Melnick, R. Shep. "Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy: The Presidency, the Supreme Court, and Constitutional Leadership in U.S. History. By Keith E. Whittington. (Princeton University Press, 2007.)." Journal of Politics 71, no. 3 (2009): 1190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090987.

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Davies, Gareth. "Richard Nixon and the Desegregation of Southern Schools." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 4 (2007): 367–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2008.0003.

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Scholars assessing Richard Nixon's contribution to the desegregation of Southern schools have often been unimpressed. His biographer Stephen Ambrose concedes that there was some White House contribution, but observes that “Nixon had to be hauled kicking and screaming into desegregation on a meaningful scale, and he did what he did not because it was right but because he had no choice.” The political scientist Michael Genovese concurs, telling us that Nixon sought to “withdraw the federal government from its efforts at desegregation.” A recent civil rights dictionary concludes that this was “th

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Solomon, Jr., Peter H. "The winding path of judicial reform in modern Russia." Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 32, no. 1 (2023): 95–112. https://doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2023-1-95-112.

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This article provides a detailed overview of the process of judicial reform in the Russian Federation, with emphasis on the past fifteen years. It argues that the political context plays a decisive role in which reforms get adopted and implemented. After reviewing struggles in the late Yeltsin and early Putin years to find a balance between the independence and accountability of judges, it charts the zig-zag pattern of reform and counter-reform that prevailed since 2005 and remained notably unchanged throughout the arguably liberal Medvedev presidency. In the realm of judicial governance this

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Hilmer, Jeffrey D. "CONTESTING JUDICIAL AUTHORITY - Keith E. Whittington: Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy: The Presidency, the Supreme Court, and Constitutional Leadership in U.S. History (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2007. Pp. xii, 303. $35.00.)." Review of Politics 70, no. 3 (2008): 484–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670508000685.

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Cammisa, Anne Marie. "Dragging Congress into the 21st Century: Creating Policies and Improving Processes in an Age of Pandemic and Polarization." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 1 (2023): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-1-23.

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Covid-19 presented a major external shock to the United States governmental system . The system itself, crafted in the 18th century, was not designed to easily absorb this shock . The U .S . government is divided by the Constitution in two important ways: through a system of federalism in which state power vies with federal power, and through a separated system at the national level in which Congress, the President and the Supreme Court wrestle with each other over lawmaking and policy authority . By 2019, the system was stymied by increasing partisan polarization, magnified by the Presidency

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Chukudi, O. Okwelum. "President Tinubu Inauguration in Nigeria: To Be or Not to Be?" European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 1, no. 3 (2023): 285–98. https://doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2023.1(3).30.

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No election in the history of Nigeria has thrown up so much negative publicity as the 2023 election that produced Tinubu as the 17<sup>th</sup> Nigerian President. That he would emerge as the President willy-nilly was presaged by his boastful campaign and the complicity of ex-President Buhari who was installed in 2015 (without a court challenge from ex-President Jonathan) because of the kingmaker role played by Tinubu who had seen the 2023 election as a pay-back deal. Buhari completely abided by the deal he had with Tinubu despite the drug, certificate, nationality scandals and unconstitu

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Okwelum, Chukudi O. "President Tinubu Inauguration in Nigeria: To Be or Not to Be?" European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 1, no. 3 (2023): 285–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2023.1(3).30.

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No election in the history of Nigeria has thrown up so much negative publicity as the 2023 election that produced Tinubu as the 17th Nigerian President. That he would emerge as the President willy-nilly was presaged by his boastful campaign and the complicity of ex-President Buhari who was installed in 2015 (without a court challenge from ex-President Jonathan) because of the kingmaker role played by Tinubu who had seen the 2023 election as a pay-back deal. Buhari completely abided by the deal he had with Tinubu despite the drug, certificate, nationality scandals and unconstitutional issues su

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46

Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.

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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, a

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Glick, David. "Is the Supreme Court’s Legitimacy Vulnerable to Intense Appointment Politics? Democrats’ Changed Views Around Justice Ginsburg’s Death." Journal of Law and Courts, January 6, 2023, 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlc.2022.6.

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Abstract Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death near the end of the Trump presidency set off a fight in which Republicans moved to rapidly replace her over Democrats’ objections. I use a survey that was in the field at the time to assess whether this period affected the Court’s legitimacy. I find that Democrats who responded in the days just after Justice Ginsburg’s death saw the Court as less legitimate than those who responded shortly before it. These findings connect to broader questions about the sources of Court legitimacy, the mechanisms through which it changes, and the impact of contestat

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Dr, D. Kannan. "https://dastavej.net/wp-content/uploads/1.DRJ25C662.pdf." June 7, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15149549.

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<strong>Introduction</strong>:In the evolution of the judicial system in India, the legal profession has contributed morein social change2. The British government issued a charter, 1726 which provided theestablishment of Courts namely Mayor’s Court in Madras, Calcutta and Bombay. TheMayor’s Court heard civil suits with in the town and its subordinate factories and its beingthe court of record. In 1753, the earlier charter was modified. But the system of Mayor’sCourt was inefficient. The charter of 1774 contributed a lot in the field of legal professionin India.3 In 1801, the

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Dr, D. Kannan. "A Clinical Approach on Legum Baccalaureus (LL B) Curriculum and The Role of an Advocate in Law Teaching." June 7, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15149572.

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<strong>Introduction</strong>In the evolution of the judicial system in India, the legal profession has contributed morein social change2. The British government issued a charter, 1726 which provided theestablishment of Courts namely Mayor’s Court in Madras, Calcutta and Bombay. TheMayor’s Court heard civil suits with in the town and its subordinate factories and its beingthe court of record. In 1753, the earlier charter was modified. But the system of Mayor’sCourt was inefficient. The charter of 1774 contributed a lot in the field of legal professionin India.3 In 1801, the S

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Botero, Sandra, and Benjamín García Holgado. "Jueces en tensión: la Corte Suprema argentina (2003-2023) y la Corte Constitucional colombiana (2002-2023) frente a la polarización." International Journal of Constitutional Law, December 14, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1093/icon/moae076.

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Abstract In this article, we study how the Supreme Court of Argentina (2003-2023) and the Constitutional Court of Colombia (2002-2023) responded to periods of increasing political polarization. In each country, for each presidency, we describe the political context of the polarization, the composition of the courts, and how the courts ruled on significant cases for the executives during moments of high polarization. The evidence indicates that both courts did not align permanently or automatically with any political faction. We suggest that the mechanisms for selecting judges and the distribut

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