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Phillipov, Michelle y Fred Gale. "Celebrity chefs, consumption politics and food labelling: Exploring the contradictions". Journal of Consumer Culture 20, n.º 4 (4 de mayo de 2018): 400–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540518773831.
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The mainstreaming of ethical consumption over the past two decades has attuned citizen-consumers to their power to shape food production practices through their consumption choices. To navigate the complexity inherent in contemporary food supply chains, ethical consumers often turn to certification and labelling schemes to identify which products to purchase. However, the existence of competing supply chain interests, coupled with the myriad different ways production factors and processes can be combined, has constructed certification and labelling as a highly contested space. Within this context, celebrity chefs have taken on a significant role in influencing food cultures, consumption practices and public policy. As a group of powerful cultural and political intermediaries, celebrity chefs have used their public profile to address causes related to food ethics and sustainability, and to shape consumer ‘choice’ by advocating for the consumption of labelled and certified food products. This article analyses the media campaigns of British celebrity chefs Jamie Oliver and Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall to promote ‘free range’ chicken and eggs. It reveals how the celebrity chefs’ interventions into consumption politics often occurs without sufficient sensitivity to the specificities of the particular labelling and certification systems they are promoting, with very different systems often presented as achieving identical ends. In presenting ‘free range’ as a single, idealised and uncontested standard, they (perhaps unwittingly) expose themselves to the range of contradictions involved in the need to present complex information on animal friendly and sustainably produced food in simple, unambiguous and entertaining formats.
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Cesiri, Daniela. "Philosophical tenets in the construction of culinary discourse: The case of British celebrity chefs’ websites". Poetics 74 (junio de 2019): 101364. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2019.04.005.
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Perineau, Lucie. "France: Dining with the Doom Generation". Gastronomica 2, n.º 4 (2002): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2002.2.4.80.
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French cooking is going down the drain. In fact, it's been going that way since the 1960s',when women abandoned the kitchen to take up jobs. But there's more to the problem than a mere lack of time: our whole food culture seems to be floundering. Confused by GMOs, disgusted by mad cow attacks and fatally attracted to junk food, French consumers have lost control over their shopping carts and diets, and lost interest in cooking. As a result, the social function of food is disappearing: today, dining with your friends can be a daunting experience. Oddly, this does not prevent most French from seeing their cooking as "still the best in the world", and dismissing the others; this is precisely one of the reasons of its downfall. Today, as British and American chefs take over traditional French cooking, it's definitely time for another French food revolution.
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Garner, Christopher y Natalia Letki. "Party Structure and Backbench Dissent in the Canadian and British Parliaments". Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, n.º 2 (junio de 2005): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905040461.
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Abstract.In this paper we analyze intra-party determinants of dissenting behaviour using samples of British and Canadian government backbenchers. Controlling for the range of factors traditionally considered to be important predictors of dissenting behaviour, we find that the major factor determining cross-voting, next to MPs' tenure, is perceptions of isolation from party communication and influence channels. This effect is particularly visible among Labour MPs with long tenure, as their ideological position is more extreme than that of party leaders, which reinforces the effect of isolation. The results suggest that the difference of dissent levels between the Canadian and British Houses of Commons can be explained by the frontbenchers' approach to managing the major resource of the party, i.e., the backbenchers.Résumé.Cet article traite des déterminants intra-partis du comportement de dissidence en examinant des groupes de députés d'arrière-ban des gouvernements britannique et canadien. En contrôlant pour la gamme de facteurs qui sont traditionnellement considérés comme étant les prédicteurs importants du comportement de dissidence, nous trouvons qu'à part la durée de service du député, la perception d'isolement des voies de communication et d'influence du parti constitue le principal facteur incitant le député à voter pour un autre parti. Cet effet est particulièrement visible parmi les députés du Parti travailliste ayant de longs états de service, car leur position idéologique est plus extrême que celle des chefs du parti, ce qui renforce l'effet d'isolement. Les résultats suggèrent que les différences de niveaux de dissidence entre les Chambres des communes canadienne et britannique s'expliquent par la façon dont les députés de premier plan gèrent la ressource principale du parti, c'est-à-dire les députés d'arrière-ban.
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Utz, Sabine. "Charlotte Denoël et Kathleen Doyle, Enluminures médiévales : chefs-d’œuvre de la Bibliothèque nationale de France et de la British Library, 700-1200". Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, n.º 247 (1 de julio de 2019): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ccm.4334.
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Cooper, Frank. "The British Chiefs of Staff". Public Policy and Administration 1, n.º 3 (julio de 1986): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207678600100302.
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de Stecher, Annette. "Of Chiefs and Kings". Ethnologies 37, n.º 2 (18 de octubre de 2017): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041490ar.
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“Of Chiefs and Kings” is about the role of Wendat diplomatic traditions, explored through documentary and pictorial evidence and the arts of ceremonial dress. I will describe diplomatic interactions between Wendat and British communities between 1838 and 1842, through which the Wendat affirmed commitments of military and civilian support and asserted a continued Wendat presence in their traditional territories. By their dynamic public representation of Indigenous identity, they denied the romanticized notion of the vanishing race, deeply rooted in the popular imagination. These events marked a particular moment within a Wendat history of diplomatic engagement and intercultural exchange with European leaders, extending back to the early seventeenth century. Wendat and British first-hand accounts furnish perspectives of individual members of each community, while Wendat elders’ recollections of ceremonial traditions give important community knowledge of the significance of these events to the Wendat, at an important time in the history of Wendake and Lower Canada.
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Mhajida, Samwel. "The Contempt of Public Property: the Datooga Salt Fracas and the Resistance against Colonial Definition of Property in Central Tanzania (1923-1927)". Ethnologia Actualis 19, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2019): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2019-0009.
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Abstract This paper discusses the Datooga resistance to the British land law as announced by the Land Ordinance in 1923. The discussion centres itself in the provocation that the law implied and commanded on the local Datooga’s ownership and control of the natural resources within the jurisdiction of the chief. The Datooga as shown in the paper were probably the first to openly resist the public ownership of resources as announced by the Ordinance, because for the Datooga the land resources, particularly the salt deposits from Balangida Lalu or any other that fell within the reach and borders of their chief’s power were completely Datooga. The pinnacle of this contradiction is whether local chiefs in colonial Tanganyika understood the limits of what the British had claimed to offer to the local chiefs or they sometimes needed to resist what they considered undesirable situation. The salt fracas in Mbulu district that the paper discusses is an indicator of the irony of colonialism that offered local chiefs political power which the recipients could not use beyond the colonial framework.
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Kunkel, Sarah. "Forced Labour, Roads, and Chiefs: The Implementation of the ILO Forced Labour Convention in the Gold Coast". International Review of Social History 63, n.º 3 (10 de octubre de 2018): 449–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000524.
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AbstractThis article analyses the implications of the Forced Labour Convention of 1930 on colonial labour policies for road labour carried out under chiefs in the Gold Coast. The British colonial administration implemented a legal application of the convention that allowed the continuation of the existing system of public works. In the Gold Coast, the issue of road labour was most prominent in the North, where chiefs maintained the majority of roads. Indirect rule became crucial in retaining forced labour in compliance with the convention. This article focuses on “hidden strategies” of British colonialism after 1930, contrasting studies of blatant cases of forced labour. The analysis is based on a close scrutiny of the internal discourse among colonial officials on the question of road labour and the Forced Labour Convention.
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JOHN MAKGALA, CHRISTIAN. "TAXATION IN THE TRIBAL AREAS OF THE BECHUANALAND PROTECTORATE, 1899–1957". Journal of African History 45, n.º 2 (julio de 2004): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008697.
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This essay examines, through taxation, the relationship between British colonial administrators, Tswana Dikgosi (chiefs) and their subjects in the Bechuanaland Protectorate from 1899 to 1957. It argues that since Bechuanaland became a British territory through negotiations the Tswana rulers were able to protect their interests aggressively but with little risk of being deposed. Moreover, the Tswana succession system by primogeniture worked to their advantage whenever the British sought to replace them. Taxation was one arena where this was demonstrated. Although consultation between the Dikgosi, their subjects and the British was common, subordinate tribes sometimes fared badly under Tswana rule.
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Shahabuddin, Mohammad. "The Myth of Colonial ‘Protection’ of Indigenous Peoples: The Case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts under British Rule". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 25, n.º 2 (16 de mayo de 2018): 210–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02502008.
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Through a critical examination of British colonial policies in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh, this article challenges the conventional wisdom that colonial administration had a benevolent strategy of ‘protecting’ indigenous peoples. To this end, this article specifically dispels three examples of such protectionist rhetoric advanced in the CHT by the British colonial administration: protection of hill peoples from external invasions, from the exploitation of dominant Bangalee groups, and from their own oppressive chiefs. I conclude that these protectionist policies were in fact motivated by self-interest and, therefore, often proved to be counterproductive for hill peoples by further empowering dominant Bangalees and tribal chiefs. Therefore, in engaging with the question of ‘protection’ of ordinary hill peoples in the CHT from ongoing oppression and marginalisation, we must consider new paradigms, beyond the colonial isolationist and seclusionist model of protection.
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Andrade, Leo Pasqualini de, Augusto Cláudio Santa Brígida Tirado, Valério Brusamolin y Mateus Das Neves Gomes. "Solving a hypothetical chess problem: a comparative analysis of computational methods and human reasoning". Revista Brasileira de Computação Aplicada 11, n.º 1 (15 de abril de 2019): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rbca.v11i1.9111.
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Computational modeling has enabled researchers to simulate tasks which are very often impossible in practice, such as deciphering the working of the human mind, and chess is used by many cognitive scientists as an investigative tool in studies on intelligence, behavioral patterns and cognitive development and rehabilitation. Computer analysis of databases with millions of chess games allows players’ cognitive development to be predicted and their behavioral patterns to be investigated. However, computers are not yet able to solve chess problems in which human intelligence analyzes and evaluates abstractly without the need for many concrete calculations. The aim of this article is to describe and simulate a chess problem situation proposed by the British mathematician Sir Roger Penrose and thus provide an opportunity for a comparative discussion by society of human and artificial intelligence. To this end, a specialist chess computer program, Fritz 12, was used to simulate possible moves for the proposed problem. The program calculated the variations and reached a different result from that an amateur chess player would reach after analyzing the problem for only a short time. New simulation paradigms are needed to understand how abstract human thinking works.
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Crowder, Michael. "Tshekedi Khama and Opposition to the British Administration of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, 1926-1936". Journal of African History 26, n.º 2-3 (marzo de 1985): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036938.
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African chiefs under colonial rule are conventionally described as collaborators. Those who failed to co-operate with their colonial masters were deposed. Tshekedi Khama, Regent of the Bangwato for his nephew, Seretse, from 1926 to 1950, does not fit this description. During the first ten years of his regency, he was almost continuously locked in conflict with the British on a whole range of issues both large and small. His sustained opposition to the British is the more remarkable in that he became regent at the age of merely twenty without having been specifically prepared for the governance of the largest of the Tswana states under British rule.This article explores the reasons for Tshekedi's opposition to the British and the way in which he conducted this opposition, and asks why the British did not depose him as they almost certainly would have deposed a chief who behaved remotely like him in one of their other African territories. It concludes that while Tshekedi basically accepted the colonial situation in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, he was determined that the British should make no inroads into the powers of the chiefs as determined at the end of the nineteenth century when his father Khama III had accepted British protection. He was also resolved to hand over the chieftaincy intact to his ward, Seretse. Furthermore Tshekedi, unlike most African chiefs of his day, was Western-educated, having attended Fort Hare, and believed that the function of the British Administration was to teach him ‘how to govern…not how to be governed’. He reacted strongly against measures that were imposed on him without consultation or explanation, especially, those which he suspected were designed to limit his power or might affect the welfare of his people. In opposing such measures, he employed both ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ resources and was as skilful as any African nationalist of the time in mobilising press, parliament and public opinion in Britain in his support.While the British did consider deposing him, and in 1933 temporarily suspended him from office, they were confronted by the fact that there was no other leader in Gammangwato who would be accepted as a legitimate alternative by the Bangwato or who would be remotely as competent as he was. After ten years of wrangling with Tshekedi the British learnt that it was in their interests to collaborate with him. For the next decade Tshekedi and the Administration worked largely in harmony. It was only in the late 1940s that Tshekedi began to use his formidable intellectual powers and administrative experience to challenge the colonial system itself.
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Williams, Caroline A. "Living Between Empires: Diplomacy and Politics in the Late Eighteenth-Century Mosquitia". Americas 70, n.º 02 (octubre de 2013): 237–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003230.
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In June 1787, Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel de Hervías, on behalf of the Spanish crown, took possession from Major James Lawrie of the small British settlement of Black River (Río Tinto), marking the formal end of three decades of diplomatic wrangling over the existence of the British Superintendency over the Mosquito Shore (1748 to 1787). Within three years of Lawrie's departure, along with that of 537 British settlers and 1,677 slaves, the narrow stretch of territory extending along the Atlantic coasts of Honduras and Nicaragua and known to the Spanish as costa de mosquitos was engulfed in violent conflicts between leaders of the Miskitu peoples and their followers. The first outbreak of intra-Miskitu hostilities pitted the Indian governor Colville Briton against other prominent chiefs, including his nephew Admiral Alparis Dilson; a second pitted Admiral Dilson and his brother Major Hewlett against the Afro-Indian or “Zambo” King George II. By the time the conflicts had come to an end, both Briton and Dilson had been executed, Hewlett had escaped the region for the safety of the Panamanian coast, and George had asserted his ascendancy over rival chiefs and their people.
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Williams, Caroline A. "Living Between Empires: Diplomacy and Politics in the Late Eighteenth-Century Mosquitia". Americas 70, n.º 2 (octubre de 2013): 237–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0116.
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In June 1787, Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel de Hervías, on behalf of the Spanish crown, took possession from Major James Lawrie of the small British settlement of Black River (Río Tinto), marking the formal end of three decades of diplomatic wrangling over the existence of the British Superintendency over the Mosquito Shore (1748 to 1787). Within three years of Lawrie's departure, along with that of 537 British settlers and 1,677 slaves, the narrow stretch of territory extending along the Atlantic coasts of Honduras and Nicaragua and known to the Spanish as costa de mosquitos was engulfed in violent conflicts between leaders of the Miskitu peoples and their followers. The first outbreak of intra-Miskitu hostilities pitted the Indian governor Colville Briton against other prominent chiefs, including his nephew Admiral Alparis Dilson; a second pitted Admiral Dilson and his brother Major Hewlett against the Afro-Indian or “Zambo” King George II. By the time the conflicts had come to an end, both Briton and Dilson had been executed, Hewlett had escaped the region for the safety of the Panamanian coast, and George had asserted his ascendancy over rival chiefs and their people.
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Joyce, Peter R. "Focus on psychiatry in New Zealand". British Journal of Psychiatry 180, n.º 5 (mayo de 2002): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.180.5.468.
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New Zealand has been inhabited by the indigenous Maori people for more than 1000 years. The first European (Pakeha) to see the country, in 1642, was the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman. But the English explorer James Cook, who landed there in 1769, was responsible for New Zealand becoming part of the British Empire and, later, the British Commonwealth. In 1840 the Treaty of Waitangi was signed between Maori leaders and Lieutenant-Governor Hobson on behalf of the British Government. The three articles of the Treaty gave powers of Sovereignty to the Queen of England; guaranteed to the Maori Chiefs and tribes full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands, estates, forests and fisheries; and extended to the Maori people Royal protection and all the rights and privileges of British subjects.
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Wamagatta, Evanson N. "British Administration and the Chiefs' Tyranny in Early Colonial Kenya". Journal of Asian and African Studies 44, n.º 4 (6 de julio de 2009): 371–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909609105090.
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Adotey, Edem. "‘International chiefs’: chieftaincy, rituals and the reproduction of transborder Ewe ethnic communities on the Ghana–Togo boundary". Africa 88, n.º 3 (17 de julio de 2018): 560–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000220.
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AbstractThe issue of ‘alien’ voters in Ghana's electoral politics since the return to multiparty democracy in 1992 points to tensions between local/ethnic identities in culturally demarcated spaces and national identity/citizenship promoted by states. Focusing on the two Ewe-speaking communities of Nyive and Edzi, this article examines the legacies of partition in the aftermath of World War One, when the British and French split the former German colony of Togo between themselves and established new administrations under international oversight. It argues that relationships have changed, specifically from political hegemony to largely ritual practices, and that, though distinct, the two are co-determining. The salience or legitimacy of political authority is sustained by ritual authority, and chiefly authorities invest in these rituals to maintain political authority. These shared ritual practices are important, as they are mobilized to promote a sense of belonging among Ewe communities that straddle state boundaries. This is evident in the phenomenon of ‘international chiefs’, as expressed in continued allegiances of village chiefs in Ghana to senior/paramount chiefs in Togo.
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Willis, Justin. "Killing Bwana: Peasant Revenge and Political Panic in Early Colonial Ankole". Journal of African History 35, n.º 3 (noviembre de 1994): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026761.
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The killing in May 1905 of Harry St. George Gait, a senior official of the Uganda Protectorate, has generally been treated in the literature as a political murder mystery. It can more usefully be seen as a window on two issues: the importance of clientship in relationships between agriculturalists and pastoralists in the kingdom of Ankole, and British reliance on pastoral allies to make real their power in Ankole. This paper suggests that Gait was killed by an agriculuralist frustrated by his own failure to advance in Ankole society; but that the repercussions of the killing were magnified by the fears and uncertainties of British officials on the spot over the reliability of their pastoralist allies. The British were, however, unable to dispense with these allies, and the crisis generated by Gait's death was resolved by a reaffirmation of the alliance between the British and the pastoralist elite, after the effective scapegoating of two minor chiefs.
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Stacey, Paul. "‘THE CHIEFS, ELDERS, AND PEOPLE HAVE FOR MANY YEARS SUFFERED UNTOLD HARDSHIPS’: PROTESTS BY COALITIONS OF THE EXCLUDED IN BRITISH NORTHERN TOGOLAND, UN TRUSTEESHIP TERRITORY, 1950–7". Journal of African History 55, n.º 3 (22 de septiembre de 2014): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000358.
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AbstractThis article examines the use of tradition by minority groups whose territorial incorporation into British Northern Togoland under UN trusteeship was marked by political exclusion. This contrasts with the more typical pattern of productive and inclusive relations developing between chiefs and the administering authority within the boundaries of what was to become Ghana. In East Gonja, marginalized groups produced their own chiefs while simultaneously appealing to the UN Trusteeship Council to protect their native rights. The article contributes to studies on the limits of the ‘invention of tradition’ by showing the influence of external structures on African agency and organization. As the minority groups sought UN support on the basis of their native status, the colonial power affirmed alternative versions of tradition that were perceived locally as illegitimate and thereby rendered ineffective.
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Thomas, Nicholas. "Sanitation and Seeing: The Creation of State Power in Early Colonial Fiji". Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, n.º 1 (enero de 1990): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016364.
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British rule in the former Crown Colony of Fiji was a paradoxical affair in several ways. The first Governor, Sir Arthur Gordon, had been shocked by the dispossession of the New Zealand Maori and was determined to subordinate settler interests in Fiji to those of the indigenous population. From the time of cession by a group of paramount chiefs in 1874, administrative policies and structures aimed to defend, protect, and institutionalize the traditional Fijian communal system. For example, what were thought to be traditional chiefly privileges, such as rights to produce, were legally enshrined and articulated with an indirect rule system of appointed village, district, and provincial chiefs. Land was made the inalienable property of clan groups of certain types (which Fijians were obliged to create where they did not already exist).
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LAWRANCE, BENJAMIN N. "BANKOE V. DOME: TRADITIONS AND PETITIONS IN THE HO-ASOGLI AMALGAMATION, BRITISH MANDATED TOGOLAND, 1919–39". Journal of African History 46, n.º 2 (julio de 2005): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000460.
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This article investigates Ewe engagement with British administrative policy via the story of a chieftaincy dispute in Ho, British Mandated Togoland, that erupted when Britain attempted to amalgamate two neighboring chieftaincies, Ho-Dome and Ho-Bankoe, by deploying a model with an ‘ethnic stamp’, that of the neighboring Akan states. Colonial-era chieftaincy has received substantial scholarly attention. This article argues that the relationship between the models deployed to reorganize chiefly power and the roles of protagonists is just as significant as the layered conflicts within chieftaincies and their respective clans. Two responses to ‘Akanized’ amalgamation are investigated: the petitions of its opponents, and the rituals developed by chiefs, priests and peasants to herald the amalgamations.
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Poddar, Prem. "The uses of the passport:The Chess Playersand narratives of British nationhood". Journal of Postcolonial Writing 46, n.º 5 (diciembre de 2010): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2010.517057.
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Jeremy, Anthony W. "Religious Offences". Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, n.º 33 (julio de 2003): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005160.
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In the aftermath of the tragedies in the United States on 11 September 2001, the news media in the United Kingdom reported a great increase in crime and attacks on Muslims. A Director of the Central Mosque spoke publicly of the unprecedented backlash against the British Muslim community and whilst emphasising Islam to be a religion of peace and opposed to terrorism, urgently stressed the need for greater protection. The police chiefs were responsive. The government had to act.
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Keese, Alexander. "Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about “Vagrancy”, “African Laziness”, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965". International Review of Social History 59, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2014): 377–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000431.
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AbstractAfter World War II, French and British administrations in the African continent were in theory obliged to end forced labour. According to the rhetoric, compulsory labour practices disappeared altogether. However, the scrutiny of processes on the ground, comparing French Equatorial Africa and Northern Rhodesia under British rule, shows that the practicalities of the abolition of such labour practices were far more complex. In the French case, colonial officials actively planned for the reorganization of compulsory labour through the back door, mainly through the battle against “vagrancy” and “African laziness”. British administrators continued with practices organized by “native chiefs”, and attempted to maintain involuntary labour through a generous definition of “emergency situations”. In both cases, more profound analysis of the late colonial mind shows interesting continuities in the commitment of European officials to forced labour, which are likely to have been transferred, in part, into the views of the agents of postcolonial states.
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Tibenderana, Peter Kazenga. "The Role of the Brithish Administration in the Appointment of the Emirs of Northern Nigeria, 1901–1931: The Case of Sokoto Province". Journal of African History 28, n.º 2 (julio de 1987): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029765.
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Existing works on the colonial history of Northern Nigeria are generally agreed that the emirs who reigned during the colonial era were selected by traditional methods, that is to say, by kingmakers. This article attempts to show that in the case of Sokoto Province the emirs who were appointed during the period 1903–30, though they had traditional claims to their position, were chosen by the British and not by the kingmakers. It is suggested that during this period the British were so pre-occupied with the security of their rule that they would not leave the important function of selecting emirs to the kingmakers whom they still suspected could select anti-British princes as emirs. It is argued that this policy was largely dictated by the Administration's fear of Mahdism which, up to the end of the 1920s was seen as a real danger to British rule. Thus only overtly loyal princes were elevated to emirships, regardless of whether they had the kingmakers' support or not. The British were able to do this without causing serious political unrest because the emirates were basically ‘competitive monarchies’ which left the British room for manipulation. Finally, the article suggests that, as a result of increased confidence in the security of their rule and owing to the fact that unpopular chiefs had proved to be a liability to the government, in the early 1930s the British restored the kingmakers' right to elect emirs without overdue interference by administrative officers.
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Villa, Brian Loring. "Mountbatten, the British Chiefs of Staff, and Approval of the Dieppe Raid". Journal of Military History 54, n.º 2 (abril de 1990): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986043.
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Geschiere, Peter. "Chiefs and colonial rule in Cameroon: inventing chieftaincy, French and British Style". Africa 63, n.º 2 (abril de 1993): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160839.
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Given the crisis today over the proper power of the State in modern Cameroon (as elsewhere in Africa), chiefs are sometimes considered as a possible alternative focus of authority. Yet chieftaincy is a very variable, context-dependent phenomenon, even when it originated only in the colonial period. The article illustrates this point by examining the different fortunes of the office of chief in two Cameroonian societies, the Maka (who came under French rule) and the Bakweri (who came under British rule). In neither instance (but for different reasons) does chieftaincy appear to offer the alternative, middle-range authority that is needed.
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Sharples, John. "British Chess Literature to 1914: A Handbook for Historians by Tim Harding". Victorian Periodicals Review 52, n.º 2 (2019): 428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vpr.2019.0026.
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Baker, David. "Colonial Beginnings and the Indian Response: The Revolt of 1857–58 in Madhya Pradesh". Modern Asian Studies 25, n.º 3 (julio de 1991): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013913.
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The Narmada valley and adjoining districts of Madhya Pradesh came under British administration following the defeat of Sagar and Nagpur in 1818. Known from 1820 as the Saugor and Nerbudda (Sagar and Narmada) Territories (map 1), the area was administered, variously, as an agency of the governor general or as a commissioner's division of the North Western Provinces. As officials made the area part of the British imperial and capitalist system, they met with increasing resitance from notables, smaller chiefs and malguzars. A first round of protests occurred between 1818 and 1826, though these proved no much for the new administration or the troops still in central India. A more determined agitation took place in 1842–43, to meet the same fate. In 1857–58 the traditional landowners launched a third and more coordinated revolt against British rele, but were again unable to dislodge it from the region. This essay explores the origins and nature of that revolt and it does so against the background of colonial beginnings in Madhaya Pradesh.
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Hebert, Joel. "“Sacred Trust”: Rethinking Late British Decolonization in Indigenous Canada". Journal of British Studies 58, n.º 3 (julio de 2019): 565–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.3.
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AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.
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Shear, Keith. "Chiefs or Modern Bureaucrats? Managing Black Police in Early Twentieth-Century South Africa". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, n.º 2 (22 de marzo de 2012): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000035.
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Early twentieth-century South Africa was a composite society—“part settler state and part African colony … includ[ing] diverse recently conquered African polities as well as a divided white population.” Mining industrialization and British imperialism, particularly after the discovery of substantial gold deposits and the founding of Johannesburg in 1886, put pressure on southern African peoples and states to function as an integrated labor market, and on their leaders to submit to an overarching political authority. These developmental and administrative rationalizing forces were given greater scope in the years following the South African War of 1899 to 1902, especially in the defeated Boer republics of the interior. Renamed the Transvaal and Orange River Colonies, these territories were initially under the direct rule of British High Commissioner Alfred Milner. They took the lead in a process of state-building that continued well beyond their political amalgamation with the coastal colonies of the Cape and Natal to form the Union of South Africa in 1910. It has been argued that this institutional reconstruction left South Africa with “a modern civil service, with controls and an information-gathering capacity sophisticated enough to … make the competence, helpfulness, and honesty of individual state officials relatively less crucial.”
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Hawkins, Sean. "Disguising chiefs and God as history: questions on the acephalousness of LoDagaa politics and religion". Africa 66, n.º 2 (abril de 1996): 202–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161317.
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AbstractThis article examines two periods in the historiography and ethnography of the LoDagaa of northern Ghana and analyses the similarities between them. In the late 1920s the institution of chieftaincy was written into LoDagaa history by colonial administrators, only two decades after they themselves had created that institution in a society they had once considered bereft of political authority. By the early 1930s colonial administrators had created a historical fiction, namely that chiefs had always existed among the LoDagaa, despite the view of a generation of earlier officers that there had been no chiefs prior to the arrival of the British. Administrators needed to finesse the past, not to convince the LoDagaa of the legitimacy of the chiefs, but in order to continue ruling through chiefs once indirect rule had been introduced. Colonial political engineering had to be indigenised in order to survive under the terms of indirect rule. This finessing of the past has bequeathed ambiguities and contradictions evident in contemporary attitudes toward the position of chiefs among the LoDagaa.Similarly, in the 1970s and 1980s the indigenous clergy among the LoDagaa, who had taken over from the missionaries in the 1960s, began to reassess the nature of god in indigenous religious thought in order to narrow the distance between LoDagaa culture and Catholicism. The idea of inculturation, which grew after the Second Vatican Council, was the specific impetus for such enquiries. LoDagaa priests reexamined indigenous religion and discovered the existence of belief in and worship of a single, absolute deity which had been neglected by earlier missionaries and ethnographers. The latter had argued that there was only a diffuse or otiose notion of an absolute god in LoDagaa culture and thought. The once otiose god was repatriated, as if it had been exiled by earlier observers, in ways and circumstances similar to the invention of chieftaincy as an indigenous pre-colonial reality. While earlier political revisions were finessed by colonial officers, with the acquiescence of colonial chiefs, bent on changing LoDagaa culture and history for administrative convenience, the latter revisionists were seemingly concerned with defending and preserving indigenous culture rather than changing it. However, the notion of the pre-missionary worship of god is as much a historical fiction as the idea of the existence of chiefs in the pre-colonial period.
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Cope, R. L. "Written in Characters of Blood? The Reign of King Cetshwayo Ka Mpande 1872–9". Journal of African History 36, n.º 2 (julio de 1995): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034137.
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Sir Bartle Frere, the British High Commissioner in South Africa 1877–80, depicted Cetshwayo ka Mpande, the Zulu king 1872–9, as a bloodthirsty monster. This article discusses the accuracy and justice of this depiction, and the nature of Zulu kingship. It shows that both Frere and the missionaries on whom he relied for evidence wished to bring the Zulu kingdom under British rule and thus had a strong motive for discrediting Cetshwayo. The fact that missionary testimony against Cetshwayo was particularly hostile and abundant at times when there seemed a real possibility of British annexation casts particular doubt on the value of this testimony. Missionaries misinterpreted and exaggerated much of the evidence, which, more dispassionately examined, appears to show that, while executions were common in the Zulu kingdom, Frere's account of the nature of Cetshwayo's reign was grossly overdrawn. The territorial chiefs of the country were responsible for many of the executions, and there is evidence that Cetshwayo attempted to ameliorate conditions. Nevertheless the tendency to attribute to him the methods of nineteenth-century British constitutionalism is unhistorical and culture-bound. Cetshwayo was a Zulu king in the tradition of his uncle Shaka, and ruled by fear and arbitrariness as well as by the law.
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Lovrin, Metka. "Is Jamie Oliver “Easy Peasy” in Slovene?" ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 10, n.º 1 (9 de mayo de 2013): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.10.1.113-126.
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The research aims to identify the idiolectal features in selected cookbooks by Jamie Oliver (The Naked Chef, Happy Days with the Naked Chef and Jamie’s Ministry of Food), and how they were rendered into Slovene by Oliver’s translators. As a theoretical basis, it relies on Koller’s three-stage model for analyzing the original and the translation. The paper also confronts the problems that arise from cultural differences between Slovene and British culture. Lexical items are layered into independent categories in the form of concentric circles to denote quantity, significance and interconnection. Within these layers, I focus on specific analysis of expressions under the influence of word-formation, pop culture, gender specific language, onomatopoeia, phonetic symbolism, deliberate inaccuracy, comparison, informal and colloquial language, and creative instances such as “the icky factor”, “childish intimacy” and “the Peter-Pan-syndrome”. The translator’s subjective point of view was also taken into consideration.
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Herle, Anita. "Displaying Colonial Relations: from Government House in Fiji to the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology". Museum and Society 16, n.º 2 (30 de julio de 2018): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v16i2.2808.
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AbstractThis paper focuses on the assemblage and display of Fijian collections at Government House during the first few years of British colonial rule and reflexively considers its re-presentation in the exhibition Chiefs & Governors: Art and Power in Fiji (6 June 2013 – 19 April 21014) at the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (MAA). It moves beyond reductionist accounts of colonial collecting and investigates the specificity and nuances of complex relationships between Fijian and British agents, between subjects and objects, both in the field and in the museum. A focus on the processes of collecting and display highlights multiple agencies within colonial networks and the fluid transactional nature of object histories. The Fijian objects that bedecked the walls of Government House from the mid 1870s were re-assembled in 1883 as the founding ethnographic collections of the University of Cambridge Museum of General and Local Archaeology (now MAA). Ethnographic museums have tended to efface the links between the material on display and their colonial pasts (Edwards and Mead 2013). In contrast, the creation of Chiefs & Governors was used as an opportunity to explore the multiple agencies within colonial relations and the processes of collecting, displaying and governing (Bennett et al.2014; Cameron and McCarthy 2015). The second half of this paper analyses the techniques and challenges involved in displaying colonial relations in a museum exhibition and considers the ongoing value of the collections for Fijian communities, cultural descendants, museum staff, researchers and broad public audiences today.
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OJO, OLATUNJI. "SLAVERY AND HUMAN SACRIFICE IN YORUBALAND: ONDO, c. 1870–94". Journal of African History 46, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2005): 379–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000472.
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This article, focusing on the operation and abolition of human sacrifice in eastern Yorubaland, examines a key aspect of the dialogue and conflict between Yoruba chiefs and their opponents – slaves, Christians and British colonialists – during the late nineteenth century. The exchange reflected the position of human sacrifice in the consolidation of economic inequalities and socio-cultural privileges. The article examines this controversy in the context of the broader changes of the era, including the ending of the Yoruba wars and the approach of colonial rule. It analyses the interaction of external and internal forces that produced the eventual demise of human sacrifice.
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McLeod, John. "The English Honours System in Princely India, 1925–1947". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 4, n.º 2 (julio de 1994): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300005460.
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In 1893, the Government of India revised the handbook for the officials who conducted its relations with the Indian States. The new edition included a chapter on titles and ceremonial because of “the great importance of these matters in Indian Political business”. Modern scholars agree that what we now call “honours” and “civic ritual” are worthy of study; and Stern's monograph on Jaipur State, and Dirks's on Pudukkottai, are only two of the many recent works that have noted the central role that titles and ceremonial played in the relationship between the British Paramount Power and the princes and chiefs of India.
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Gocking, Roger. "Colonial rule and the ‘legal factor’ in Ghana and Lesotho". Africa 67, n.º 1 (enero de 1997): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161270.
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This article compares and contrasts the development of the legal systems of two British colonies that occuped almost opposite ends of the colonial judicial continuum: what in colonial times were known as the Gold Coast and Basutoland. Both became British colonies in the late nineteenth century, but followed considerably different paths to that status. In the case of the Gold Coast it followed centuries of contact between Europeans and the coastal peoples in this area of West Africa. In the case of Basutoland incorporation into the European world was a nineteenth-century phenomenon and far more rapid. Nevertheless, at the turn of the century, as indirect rule became the officially accepted wisdom as to how colonial peoples should be ruled, administrators in both colonies sought to make the chiefly order an integral part of the colony's administration and award its chiefs judicial responsibilities. In the Gold Coast, however, chiefly courts remained in competition with a highly developed British-style Supreme Court. In Basutoland there were basically only chiefly courts until late in the colonial period, which applied Sesotho customary law that was written down as the Laws of Lerotholi in 1903. The two-tier judicial system of the Gold Coast allowed far more contestation and was far more flexible and responsive to social changes than was the case in Basutoland. Incremental changes over time meant that the judicial system evolved far more smoothly than in Basutoland. When in the latter colony changes did not come ‘from above’ in the 1940s, there was a serious outbreak of ‘medicine murders’ that many observers felt was directly related to the chiefs losing their judicial role. Also, the colony's high court ruled against the validity of the Laws of Lerotholi in the controversial ‘Regency case’. Apart from being a return to comparative analyses of the impact of colonial rule on former African colonies, much in vogue in the 1960s, this study is an attempt to modify the emphasis on ‘cleavage’ and the ‘coercive’ that has characterised historians' approach to the study of colonial law.
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Furtak, Erin Marie. "What reality TV taught me about everyday assessment". Phi Delta Kappan 101, n.º 7 (30 de marzo de 2020): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721720917539.
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Reality TV — or certain design-oriented TV shows — may be better known for their focus on competition, but what we actually see when we look more closely are models of collaboration and assessment that can illuminate important principles of classroom learning. Erin Furtak reflects on the ways that three of these shows — The Great British Baking Show, Top Chef, and Project Runway — embody principles of classroom assessment, such as setting clear learning goals, having authentic conversations about progress, collaboration, and multiple opportunities for success.
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SPEAR, THOMAS. "NEO-TRADITIONALISM AND THE LIMITS OF INVENTION IN BRITISH COLONIAL AFRICA". Journal of African History 44, n.º 1 (marzo de 2003): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008320.
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Exploring a range of studies regarding the ‘invention of tradition’, the ‘making of customary law’ and the ‘creation of tribalism’ since the 1980s, this survey article argues that the case for colonial invention has often overstated colonial power and ability to manipulate African institutions to establish hegemony. Rather, tradition was a complex discourse in which people continually reinterpreted the lessons of the past in the context of the present. Colonial power was limited by chiefs' obligation to ensure community well-being to maintain the legitimacy on which colonial authorities depended. And ethnicity reflected longstanding local political, cultural and historical conditions in the changing contexts of colonial rule. None of these institutions were easily fabricated or manipulated, and colonial dependence on them often limited colonial power as much as facilitating it.
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Johnson, Edward. "A permanent UN force: British thinking after Suez". Review of International Studies 17, n.º 3 (julio de 1991): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112148.
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IntroductionPrior to the Suez crisis of 1956, the United Nations found itself restricted in its military response to threats to international peace and security. The authors of the UN Charter had originally called for member states to make armed forces available to the UN Security Council under a set of special agreements to be concluded in the post-war period. These would furnish the UN with the military means to take collective action against aggression which was to be the essential precondition of the success of the UN. The body responsible for the conclusion of these special agreements under Article 43 of the UN charter was the Military Staff Committee (MSC), which comprised the Chiefs of Staff of the five permanent members of the Security Council. However, the divisions of the developing Cold War permeated the MSC from 1946 and it became clear that there were major differences amongst the permanent members on the military role that the UN should play in the post-war international system. As a result, the Article 43 special agreements were stillborn and the UN was left without a formal system to provide it with its own armed forces.
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kelly, ian. "Giffords Kitchen: It's a Circus". Gastronomica 8, n.º 1 (2008): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2008.8.1.18.
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Giffords' Circus in England has a cult following for its retro-chic evenings in big tops, for kids of all ages who happen upon them exclusively at the Hay Literary Festival and rural beauty spots in England's West Country and Wales. Famed also is the cooking; served al fresco after the circus show, with some of the cast, and by a chef who doubles as an acrobat. Not promising in food terms? On the contrary, Giffords travelling circus restaurant is at the vanguard of modern British cuisine: locally sourced, simple, healthy and in this case wildly sociable.
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Ochiai, Takehiko. "Matacong Island: A Short History of a Small Island on the West Coast of Africa". Hungarian Journal of African Studies / Afrika Tanulmányok 14, n.º 6. (25 de marzo de 2021): 8–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2020.14.6.1.
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This article aims to examine how Matacong Island, a small island just off the coast of the Republic of Guinea, West Africa, was claimed its possession by local chiefs, how it was leased to and was used by European and Sierra Leonean merchants, and how it was colonized by Britain and France in the 19th century. In 1825 the paramount chief of Moriah chiefdom agreed to lease the island to two Sierra Leonean merchants, and in 1826 it was ceded to Britain by a treaty with chiefs of the Sumbuyah and Moriah chiefdoms. Since the island was considered as a territory exempted from duty, British and Sierra Leonean merchants used it as an important trading station throughout the 19th century. Major exports of Matacong Island included palm kernels, palm oil, hides, ivory, pepper and groundnuts, originally brought by local traders from the neighboring rivers, and major imports were tobacco, beads, guns, gunpowder, rum, cotton manufactures, iron bars and hardware of various kinds. In 1853 alone, some 80 vessels, under British, American, and French flags, anchored at Matacong Island. By the convention of 1882, Britain recognized the island as belonging to France. Although the convention was never ratified, it was treated by both countries as accepted terms of agreement. The article considers various dynamics of usage, property, and territorial possession as relates to the island during the 19th century, and reveals how complex they were, widely making use of the documents of The Matacong Island (West Africa) Papers at the University of Birmingham Library in Britain. The collection purchased by the library in 1969 is composed of 265 historical documents relating to Matacong Island, such as letters, agreements, newspaper-cuttings, maps and water-color picture
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Singh, Prabhakar. "Indian Princely States and the 19th-century Transformation of the Law of Nations". Journal of International Dispute Settlement 11, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnlids/idaa012.
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Abstract The role of the roughly 600 Indian princely kingdoms in the transformation of the law of nations into international law during the 19th century is an overlooked episode of international legal history. The Indian princely states effected a gradual end of the Mughal and the Maratha confederacies while appropriating international legal language. The Privy Council—before and after 1858—sanctified within common law as the acts of state, both, the seizure of territories from Indian kings and the ossification of encumbrances attached to the annexed territories. After the Crown takeover of the East India Company in 1858, the British India Government carefully rebooted, even mimicked, the native polyandric relationship of the tribal chiefs, petty states and semi-sovereigns with the Mughal–Maratha complex using multi-normative legal texts. Put down in the British stationery as engagements, sunnuds and treaties, these colonial texts projected an imperially layered nature of the native sovereignty. I challenge the metropole's claims of a one-way export to the colonies of the assumed normative surpluses. I argue that the periphery while responding to a ‘jurisdictional imperialism' upended interational law's civilisation-giving thesis by exporting law to the metropole.
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Dziennik, Matthew P. "“Under ye Lash of ye Law”: The State and the Law in the Post-Culloden Scottish Highlands". Journal of British Studies 60, n.º 3 (20 de mayo de 2021): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.58.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Jacobite rebellion of 1745, the British state enacted a series of restrictive legal measures designed to pacify the Scottish Highlands and crush the military power of the Gael. With the evolution of scholarly work on the British state, these measures are increasingly seen through the prism of state power, with the Scottish Gàidhealtachd cast as the victim of a fiscal-military system determined to impose obedience on its territory and peoples. In analyzing the implementation and enforcement of the laws passed between 1746 and 1752, this article challenges this narrative. By focusing attention on the legal system—particularly with regards enforcement—this article considers the local reception of the laws and the ideological, legal, and bureaucratic limitations to state authority. Yet it also explores how clan chiefs and traditional elites, who were the primary target of the legislation, quickly turned the laws to their own advantage. This analysis challenges the idea of effective state intervention in the Gàidhealtachd after 1746 and instead brings attention to how parliamentary legislation was mobilized by regional actors to local ends in ways that cast a long shadow over the history of the Scottish Highlands.
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MAHMOOD, TAHIR. "Collaboration and British Military Recruitment: Fresh perspectives from colonial Punjab, 1914–1918". Modern Asian Studies 50, n.º 5 (19 de enero de 2015): 1474–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000516.
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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which rural elite collaborators mobilized recruits for the British Army during the First World War. It thus not only increases knowledge of Punjab's military history, but adds to the understanding of collaboration as a process involving competitive groups in which elites manipulated the process for their own ends. The case study material drawn from the Shahpur district of the colonial Punjab argues that while there may have been a degree of indoctrination into the colonial state's values, it was mainly the desire to use its patronage to bolster family influence or to transform local hierarchies that was the key factor in securing willing collaborators. The competition for local power and influence provided a local dynamic to the collaborative process. The state could of course take advantage of this competition to serve its interests, just as the Punjabi tribal chiefs could utilize state patronage to beat off rivals to their power. Collaboration was thus a dynamic two-way process, rather than, as it is often portrayed, a top-down, one-way relationship.
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Allen, S. Denise. "Using perceptual maps to communicate concepts of Sustainable Forest Management – Collaborative research with the Office of the Wet'suwet'en Nation in British Columbia". Forestry Chronicle 81, n.º 3 (1 de junio de 2005): 381–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc81381-3.
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This article discusses collaborative research with the Office of the Wet'suwet'en Nation on their traditional territories in north-central British Columbia, Canada, a forest-dependent region where contemporary and traditional forest resources management regimes overlap. In-depth personal interviews with the hereditary chiefs and concept mapping were used to identify social-ecological linkages in Wet'suwet'en culture to inform the development of culturally sensitive social criteria and indicators of sustainable forest management (SFM) in this region. The preliminary results demonstrate how the CatPac II software tool can be applied to identify key component concepts and linkages in local definitions of SFM, and translate large volumes of (oral) qualitative data into manageable information resources for forest managers and decision-makers. Key words: social criteria and indicators, sustainable forest management, qualitative research, Wet'suwet'en
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Dzüvichü, Lipokmar. "Empire on their Backs: Coolies in the Eastern Borderlands of the British Raj". International Review of Social History 59, S22 (3 de julio de 2014): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000170.
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AbstractIn the nineteenth century, colonial officials relied heavily on coercion to recruit “coolie” labour for “public works” and to provide various support services in the North-East Frontier of British India. “Treaties” with defeated chiefs and the subsequent population enumeration and taxation were strongly oriented to the mobilization of labour for road building and porterage. Forced labour provided the colonial officials with a steady supply of coolies to work on the roads as well as carriers for military expeditions. In mobilizing labour resources, however, colonial officials had to create and draw upon native agents such as the headmen and interpreters who came to play a crucial role in the colonial order of things. Focusing on the Naga Hills, this article will examine the efforts of the colonial state to secure a large circulating labour force, the forms of labour relations that emerged from the need to build colonial infrastructure and the demand for coolies in military expeditions, the response of the hill people to labour conscription and its impact on the hill “tribes”.
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Colenso, Gwilym. "The 1907 Deputation of Basuto Chiefs to London and the Development of British–South African Networks". International History Review 36, n.º 4 (10 de diciembre de 2013): 619–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.836123.
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