Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: Candidates (Elections).
Tesis sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores tesis para su investigación sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore tesis sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Burden, Barry C. "Candidates' positions in congressional elections /". The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487951214940721.
Texto completo
2
Brown, Adam Robert. "Strategic politicians in gubernatorial elections". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3311418.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 1, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 130-137).
3
Murakami, Go. "Candidates' ethnic backgrounds and voter choice in elections". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50203.
Texto completoResumen
Do candidates' ethnic backgrounds matter in elections? More precisely, do they change voters' perceptions about the candidates, and ultimately change their vote choice? If so, in what way and how much? And perhaps more importantly, why? This doctoral thesis attempts to answer these questions using experimental and observational election surveys in Japan and Canada. In the experiments, I aim to estimate causal effects of candidates' ethnic minority status on vote choice, test three relevant theories by examining three moderated effects, and propose two causal mechanisms. With a Canadian Federal election survey merged with candidate background data, I examine whether the findings in the experiments hold in real electoral contexts.
This research points to three major findings. First, the estimated average causal effects of candidates' ethnic minority backgrounds were negative. The experiments suggest an approximately 6 percentage point drop when the ethnicity of the target candidate changes from majority to minority backgrounds. Second, two important voter heterogeneities for this effect are repeatedly found. As implied by the two relevant theories, voters who have negative affect and attitudes towards ethnic minorities, and those who oppose ethnically relevant policies that benefit ethnic minority groups, were much less likely to vote for an ethnic minority candidate. Third, in the experiments, some evidence for a trait or affect-driven mechanism was found, while more consistent support for a relevant policy preference cue mechanism was observed in both countries. The former mechanism highlights the importance of multiple candidate contests in the experiments, as voters improved their candidate impressions and affective reactions to the opponent(s) rather than devaluing the ethnic minority candidate. The latter mechanism identifies specifically what the candidates' ethnic minority status means to voters. It suggests that some voters do not vote for an ethnic minority candidate because they use ethnicity to estimate the policy preference of the candidate on the ethnically relevant policy dimension. Thus overall, candidates' ethnicity influences vote choice at a modest level, but its effect size varies across voters with different affective orientations and attitudes, and so the process is more complex than straightforward.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
4
Pensute, Chanintorn. "Candidates, vote-canvassers, and voters in Thai Provincial Administrative Organisation elections". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9299/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis focuses on the study of the provincial elections in Thailand in which direct elections of the head of Provincial Administrative Organisations (PAO) have emerged since 2004. This thesis uses participant observation and in-depth interviews to explore the practices of political campaigning, the candidate selection process, the work of vote canvassers during the election cycle, money politics and provincial voters’ behaviour during the PAO head elections in the Dao and Noraburi provinces during the 2012 and 2013 elections. The aim of this thesis is to understand the changing trends of provincial elections following the rise of colour-coded politics in Thailand since 2006 due to the conflicts between supporters of Thaksin Shinawatra (red shirts) and the anti-Thaksin factions (yellow shirts). This thesis shows that, since the emergence of colour-coded politics, national politics has played a crucial role in provincial elections, from the processes of candidate selection to political campaigning. After 2006, the majority of provincial voters vote for candidates because of the influential roles of political parties, rather than candidates’ personal characteristics and qualifications. The core chapters of this thesis reveal that candidates who receive an official endorsement from national level political parties have a greater chance of winning elections than candidates without such support. Vote canvassers have also adapted their roles after the emergence of colour-coded politics by inviting MPs and other public figures to attend mass gatherings to attract more voters to vote for the endorsed candidate. This thesis also examines how money politics has not diminished in Thailand and shows that, in fact, the contrary is true. Money politics has worsened in recent years and has spread to provincial and local elections. Vote canvassers often use disguised forms of vote-buying in order to avoid being caught by the authorities. Finally, the perceptions of voters have changed. After the emergence of colour-coded politics, voters vote for candidates mainly because of the national political party that each candidate represents.
5
Lacerda, Fábio. "Pentecostalismo, eleições e representação política no Brasil contemporâneo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02062017-103551/.
Texto completoResumen
Esta tese investiga a recente mobilização política dos evangélicos no Brasil. Seu objetivo é analisar certas suposições encontradas na literatura sobre o crescimento evangélico (sobretudo pentecostal) e seu impacto político na América Latina e, em particular, no Brasil. Essas suposições dizem respeito à relação estabelecida entre político evangélico e eleitor; ao crescimento da presença evangélica nos legislativos brasileiros; à «força» eleitoral dos candidatos evangélicos e das igrejas pentecostais; e ao apoio de eleitores evangélicos a candidatos que sinalizam a mesma religião. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese se apoia em revisão da literatura relevante, na construção de um novo banco de dados de candidaturas evangélicas para o legislativo no Brasil (1998-2014) e na realização de um experimento de survey com estudantes universitários da cidade de São Paulo. Os dados são analisados por meio de estatística descritiva, modelos de regressão OLS e logística. Os resultados revelam um quadro mais complexo sobre a atuação política evangélica do que a literatura costuma supor. As afirmações sobre a suposta atuação clientelista dos deputados evangélicos, conquanto não necessariamente equivocadas, não encontram apoio na produção de leis do estado de São Paulo. Entre 1998 e 2014, o número de candidaturas evangélicas para a Câmara dos Deputados e para as Assembleias Legislativas aumentou em termos absolutos, mas se manteve estável em termos relativos. O número de evangélicos eleitos aumentou no período, mas permanece inferior à proporção de evangélicos na população brasileira. Os deputados evangélicos são, cada vez mais, provenientes de igrejas pentecostais que adotam o modelo de representação corporativa. O apoio dessas igrejas a seus «candidatos oficiais» produz um efeito positivo sobre seu desempenho eleitoral mesmo controlando por fatores como gasto de campanha, incumbência, partido, entre outros. Porém, a despeito das suposições de apoio irrestrito dos fiéis a candidatos de suas igrejas, o sucesso eleitoral das igrejas pentecostais é menor do que se assevera. Por fim, o uso de pistas religiosas por parte de candidatos evangélicos só tem efeito positivo sobre os eleitores evangélicos condicionado ao tamanho da oferta de candidatos. Por outro lado, tem efeito negativo sobre outros grupos religiosos, sobretudo num cenário com apenas dois candidatos.This thesis investigates the recent political-electoral mobilization of Evangelicals in Brazil. Its aim is to analyze certain assumptions found in the literature on Evangelical (and specially Pentecostal) growth and its political impact in Brazil and Latin America. These assumptions concern the relationship established between Evangelical politicians and voters; the growth of Evangelical presence in Brazilian legislatures; the electoral «force» of Evangelical candidates and Pentecostal churches; and the support of Evangelical voters to candidates who signal the same religion. In order to achieve this objective, the thesis is based on a review of the relevant literature, the construction of a new database of Evangelical candidacies for the Brazilian legislatures (1998-2014) and the conducting of a survey experiment with undergraduate students from the city of São Paulo. The data are analyzed through descriptive statistics, OLS regression models and logistic regression models. The results reveal a more complex picture of Evangelical political activity than the literature usually presumes. The statements about the supposed clientelistic performance of Evangelical legislators, if not necessarily mistaken, do not find support in the law making of the state of São Paulo. Between 1998 and 2014, the number of Evangelical candidates to the Chamber of Deputies and to the Legislative Assemblies increased in absolute terms, but remained relatively stable. The number of elected Evangelicals has increased in the period, but remains below the proportion of Evangelicals in the Brazilian population. Evangelical deputies are increasingly coming from Pentecostal churches that adopt the model of corporate representation. The support of these churches to their \"official candidates\" has a positive effect on their electoral performance even if controlling for factors such as campaign spending, incumbency, party, among others. However, despite assumptions of unrestricted support from the faithful to candidates from their churches, the electoral success of Pentecostal churches is lesser than what is asserted. Finally, the use of religious cues by Evangelical candidates only has a positive effect on Evangelical voters conditioned by the size of the candidates\' offer. On the other hand, it has a negative effect on other religious groups, especially in a scenario with only two candidates.
6
Johnson, Joel W. "Electoral systems and campaign finance in legislative elections". Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371953.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 13, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
7
Aldao, Sharlin. "Women candidates and television advertising : an examination of the 2006 mid-term elections /". View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131464733.pdf.
Texto completo
8
Campbell, Kristin Lynn. "Struggling to set the campaign agenda: candidates, the media, and interest groups in elections". Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1547.
Texto completoResumen
Democracy is best described as a struggle over competing ideals and values. One of the most important places where this struggle takes place is in the electoral arena. My dissertation examines the struggle between candidates and their respective messages in this arena. Focusing on fourteen Senate races from 1998 and 2000, I examine, in depth, how the struggle over competing ideals takes place (or in some cases, does not take place) and whether some candidates are more successful than others at navigating their message through the political environment to voters. This study examines the impact of candidate skills and resources as well as state characteristics on the strategies candidates employ when emphasizing campaign issues. In addition, my dissertation focuses on the impact interest group advertising has on the candidates campaign dialogue and analyzes media coverage in Senate races by comparing each candidates core message to the campaign information transmitted by the media to voters.
The analysis presented here reveals that candidates employ both multi-dimensional and unidimensional strategies. State party competition appears to offer the most plausible explanation for the variation in strategy across the states. Competition, rather than encouraging a multi-dimensional campaign strategy, appears to promote
convergence towards the median voter and a unidimensional strategy. Furthermore, this study suggests that candidates face a number of obstacles in trying to transmit their campaign message to voters. In addition to struggling against their opponent, candidates have to struggle against both interest groups and the media to get their message to the electorate. Just under one-half of the advertisements interest groups ran were successful at interjecting issues into the campaign debate. Furthermore, in over seventy percent of the Senate races included in this study, the media emphasized issues other than what the candidates were focusing on. While this may have the positive benefit of infusing more issues into the debate, it may also blur the lines of accountabilityparticularly if candidates have no intention of acting on issues emphasized exclusively by the media.
9
Miller, Paige Thomason. "Live From New York and Straight to Washington: an Explorative Study of Internet Audience Perceptions of the Portrayals and Appearances of Presidential Candidates on Saturday Night Live". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115121/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines if and how the Internet viewers of Saturday Night Live skits were influenced by the video skits. the viewers’ online comments were read, categorized and analyzed for content to explore and discuss how the viewers “read” the text of the online video skits. Each video in which candidates John McCain, Sarah Palin, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama appeared is summarized and analyzed through viewers’ comments. a sample of skits including actors’ portrayals of McCain, Palin, Clinton, Obama and Joe Biden is also summarized and analyzed to find and discuss how the viewers’ perceptions were influenced by the portrayals.
10
Feldner, Melissa L. "An examination of how gender stereotypes affect voters' perceptions of state Supreme Court candidates". Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1131735219.
Texto completo
11
Neto, Antonio Sabino da Silva. "A disputa pelo trofÃu da seguranÃa pÃblica: uma anÃlise sobre os policiais militares nas eleiÃÃes de 2014 no CearÃ". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2016. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=17161.
Texto completoResumen
nÃo hÃO tema de pesquisa desse trabalho està situado na anÃlise da construÃÃo de lideranÃas policiais militares no espaÃo da polÃtica cearense. Especificamente, pretendo compreender como no ano de 2014, policiais militares utilizaram de suas experiÃncias na polÃcia para consolidar um capital polÃtico capaz de conseguir a adesÃo do voto a um cargo legislativo no CearÃ. Na busca de lanÃar luzes sobre este perÃodo, à possÃvel observar que no "tempo da polÃtica", momento em que a coerÃÃo social à eminentemente emblemÃtica para que os eleitores se manifestem a partir da adesÃo por meio do voto a alguma das facÃÃes em disputa, o estado do Cearà se mostra um espaÃo repleto de conflitos sociais. Entre a maioria dos candidatos, estas disputas estÃo inseridas nas acusaÃÃes pronunciadas em palanque sobre a reputaÃÃo dos demais postulantes ao cargo. à importante frisar que estes acontecimentos representam a maneira como as estratÃgias de campanha neste "espaÃo da polÃtica" se constroem. Desta forma, para compreender as estratÃgias utilizadas para a conquista da adesÃo do voto por policiais no perÃodo eleitoral, o referido estudo acompanhou o dia a dia de alguns dos candidatos militares ao legislativo, especialmente do CapitÃo Wagner de Sousa, do Coronel Francisco Bezerra e do Cabo FlÃvio Sabino, com a realizaÃÃo de entrevistas entre os candidatos, assessores e membros das associaÃÃes de policiais, com o intuito de compreender como estes elaboraram as estratÃgias para a conquista da adesÃo do voto em suas campanhas.
The research topic of this work is situated in the analysis of the construction of military police leaders in the space of Cearà policy. Specifically, I want to understand how in 2014, military police used their experiences in the police to consolidate a political capital able to secure the support of the vote to a legislative CearÃ. In seeking to shed light on this period, you can see that the "political time", a time when the social coercion is eminently emblematic for voters to be revealed from the membership by voting to any of the factions in dispute, the state of Cearà shown a space full of social conflict. Among most candidates, these disputes are inserted into the charges pronounced in soapbox about the reputation of other candidates for the post. It is important to note that these events represent the way the campaign strategies in this "space policy" are built. Thus, to understand the strategies used for achieving the accession of the vote by police in the electoral period, the study monitored the daily lives of some of the military candidates to the legislature, especially Captain Wagner Sousa, Colonel Francisco Bezerra and cable FlÃvio Sabino, with interviews of applicants, advisors and members of the police associations, in order to understand how these have developed strategies for the achievement of the membership vote on their campaigns.
12
MacColl, Megan Gwynne. "Candidates, Campaigns, and Political Tides: Electoral Success in Colorado's 4th District". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/450.
Texto completoResumen
The race between Republican Cory Gardner and Democratic incumbent Betsy Markey for Colorado's 4th Congressional District was a partisan fight for political momentum. In the 2010 campaign cycle, Republicans looked to retake the historically Republican 4th District as part of a national strategy to win back the U.S. House, while Democrats tried desperately to hold on to both. Cory Gardner was only one of fifty-four Republican challengers to defeat a Democratic incumbent in 2010, but the Gardner-Markey race is particularly interesting as a case study of voter motivation and the mediating forces, both regional and national, that influence electoral success. Political commentators and staffers from both campaigns describe Markey's defeat as inevitable, but the same sources explain the election results from three different theoretical perspectives: (1) Betsy Markey was a poor fit for the district and never represented constituent interests, (2) Cory Gardner was the perfect candidate, and (3) Markey’s defeat was a result of the national political mood and a referendum on Democrats in Washington. This thesis analyzes and evaluates each of these theories, and concludes that a combination of the arguments and their evidence provides the most complete answer. While no single theory is the definitive reason that voters in the 4th District elected Cory Gardner, each contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the inevitability of Rep. Betsy Markey's defeat in 2010.
13
Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
14
Gallo, Carlo. "Russian duma elections in the territorial districts : explaining patterns of proliferation of independent candidates, 1993-1999". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1763/.
Texto completoResumen
Russian political parties remained weak and under-institutionalised in the 1990s, with profound implications for the viability of the country's democratic project. This research is concerned with explaining one glaring sign of party under-development - the success of independent candidates in federal parliamentary elections. Its originality rests on focusing on the uneven geographic concentration of independents' electoral success, given that existing accounts have confined themselves to the national, average picture. A second point of originality is the choice of multilevel modelling as the tool of quantitative analysis, applied here for the first time in post-communist electoral studies. The analysis relies on a macro-political explanatory framework where single member electoral districts provide the units of analysis, and where the dependent variable is the district vote share received by independent candidates. Explanatory factors apply at the level of both districts and federal units (regions). They include conflict in centre-regional relations, geographic conditions, candidates' personal resources and the use of administrative resources by regional governors. The main finding confirms the hypothesis that the independents enjoyed a competitive advantage over parties in articulating the new territorial cleavages that emerged, after the collapse of the Soviet-system, as a consequence of state-building and federalisation processes.
15
Cho, Sungdai. "Third party candidates and sophisticated voters : spatial competition and strategic voting in multicandiate American presidential elections /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962511.
Texto completo
16
Powell, Thomas James. "The effect of the urban/rural divide on attitudes toward U.S. presidential candidates". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20572.
Texto completoResumen
This research seeks to understand the urban/rural political divide in the United States. The main focus is the extent this divide is manifested in attitudes toward presidential candidates. Are rural Americans, for example, more likely to vote for a ‘rural’ candidate over an ‘urban’ candidate? The main hypothesis was that there would be a positive relationship between voters’ geography and their attitudes toward candidates who had a similar geographic background. The urban/rural divide in the U.S. has a long history and is particularly expressed in politics. More recently, this divide has been exacerbated by growing political polarisation, which is felt in numerous ways, including geography. This geographic polarisation has been the subject of intense research, especially investigating the phenomenon of geographic ‘sorting’. Recent debate on the above issues has increased due to the 2016 presidential election. This election further highlighted the growing urban/rural political divide that exists, with rural and urban Americans moving in opposite directions politically. This research is conducted during the post-election period and start of Donald Trump’s presidency and takes the form of an experimental survey research design. To explore this topic, surveys were distributed via Amazon Mechanical Turk, an online crowdsourcing marketplace, and hosted externally on Qualtrics, a survey design tool. Participants were asked to state how likely they were to vote for one of three hypothetical presidential candidates and to give personal demographic information. Through the statistical analysis of results based on a hybrid multilevel model for analysing geographic responses, the tendency for Americans to prefer candidates from equivalent geographic areas to themselves was investigated. It was found that, on average, the rural candidate was received more positively, but there was a statistically insignificant difference in responses between rural and urban people.
17
Swindle, Stephen. "The electoral and structural determinants of party versus candidate voting /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9812497.
Texto completo
18
Kelley, James Brendan. "REPUTATIONAL EFFECTS IN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS: MEASURING THE IMPACT OF REPEAT CANDIDACY AND INTEREST GROUP ENDORSEMENTS". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/602577.
Texto completoResumen
Political SciencePh.D.
This dissertation consists of three projects related to reputational effects in legislative elections. Building on the candidate emergence, repeat candidates and congressional donor literatures, these articles use novel datasets to further our understanding of repeat candidacy and the impact of interest group endorsements on candidate contributions. The first project examines the conditions under which losing state legislative candidates will appear on the successive general election ballot. Broadly speaking, I find a good deal of support for the notion that candidates respond rationally to changes in their political environment when determining whether to run again. The second project aims to measure the impact of repeat candidacy on state legislative election outcomes. Ultimately I find a reward/penalty structure through which losing candidates for lower chamber seats that perform well in their first election have a slight advantage over first-time candidates in their repeat elections. The final chapter of this dissertation examines the relationship between interest group endorsements and individual contributions for 2010 U.S. Senate candidates. The results of this chapter suggest that some interest group endorsements lead to increased campaign contributions, as compared to unendorsed candidates, but that others do not. This research points to a number of opportunities for future research as the relationship between endorsements and campaign resources is vastly understudied.
Temple University--Theses
19
Riley, Justin A. "Rethinking Candidate Character Trait Evaluations: Polynomial Curvature Modeling and Variation Over Time". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619032105711706.
Texto completo
20
Stokes, Atiya Kai. "The quest for the multiracial mandate African American candidates, white voters, and campaign strategies in state legislative elections /". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1365.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
21
Lazarus, Jeffrey. "Strategic entry in US House elections : assessing the causes and effects of interaction among incumbents and challengers /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3144331.
Texto completo
22
Yang, Karen J. "Media coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142292637.
Texto completo
23
M, Sjöberg Fredrik. "Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States : Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150.
Texto completoResumen
Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that whenever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a position to monopolize electoral support the result will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all the actors involved in a parliamentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect the district level balance of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial resources. These actors arise when market reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that defend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates using social cleavages, here mainly ‘clan’ and ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. The study also confirms that competitiveness did not result from an active civil society. Competitive elections matter because they can severely destabilize the regime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of self-interested competitiveness where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cautionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms.
24
Taylor, Justin B. "When do voters really have a choice? The effects of the electoral environment on the emergence of primary competition in the U.S. Congress". Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1116802288.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 177 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 169-177). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
25
Turner, Michael Thomas Eugeniusz. "Incumbency effects in English Local Elections 1974-2010 : assessing the advantage of electoral defence". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2994.
Texto completoResumen
The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).
26
SÁNCHEZ, FRANCISCO. "Political communication and virality in the US presidential campaign : A CDA analysis of the 2016 US presidential candidates’ discourses and performances in late night shows". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-36460.
Texto completoResumen
The current study set out to shed light on the performances that 2016 US presidential candidates used during their interventions on the late-night comedy shows. Following the methodologies ofCritical Discourse Analysis, the aim of the thesis was to uncover and, therefore, analyze, the type of discourses that candidates used in the shows and how they combined them. There was establisheda special focus on the rhetorical styles used by each candidate, as well as the emotional content ofthe discourses, unexpected situations and comedy performances, with the aim to find the elements which lead to virality. This study reveals the rhetorical strategies used by politicians through ananalysis of the political and personal discourses they used in late-nigh comedy shows. According tothe results, the political discourse is most prevalent during the interview than the personal, which isused to start conversations and evoke personalized emotions. The study provides insights upon the elements found in politicians’ discourses on the late-night circuit that lead to achieve virality on social media.
27
Busher, Amy Beth. "Framing Hillary Clinton a content analysis of the New York Times news coverage of the 2000 New York senate election /". unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04282006-110950/.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Cynthia Hoffner, committee chair; Mary Stuckey, Mchael Bruner, committee members. Electronic text (65 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-59).
28
Bergé, Jean-Henri. "Du candidat à l'élu, analyse transversale des contraintes, directes et indirectes, qui rythment une campagne électorale". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1035.
Texto completoResumen
Quels sont les éléments qui ont une influence sur le vote ?En tentant de répondre à cette question fondamentale en démocratie, les travaux de recherche ont mis au jour les différents paramètres à prendre en compte lors d'une campagne électorale. Aussi, quand un candidat ne propose que des avantages individuels pour les électeurs, le débat ne s'élève pas au-dessus des satisfactions personnelles de chaque électeur. Promesses, distribution de prébendes et autorisations dérogatoires au droit commun ne constituent alors qu'un catalogue de propositions diverses. Les systèmes de valeurs, les principes, les opinions, l'appartenance et les familles politiques s'effacent devant la personnalité du candidat, et les avantages attendus par chaque électeurWhat are the factors that influence the vote ? In attempting to answer this fundamental question in a democracy, the research revealed the various parameters to be considered during an election campaign. Also, when a candidate only offers benefits to individual voters, the debate does not rise above each voter's personal satisfaction. Promises, distributing bribes, and derogation to the common law permits then constitute a catalog of various proposals. Systems of values, principles, beliefs, membership and political families are superseded by the candidate's personality, and the expected benefits of each voter
En un intento de responder a esta pregunta fundamental en una democracia , la investigación ha pusto de manifesto los diferentes parámetros a tener en cuenta durante la campaña electoral. Además, cuando un candidato sólo ofrece beneficios a los votantes individuales, el debate no se levanta por encima de la satisfacción personal de cada votante. Promesas, distribución de sobornos, y permisos derogatorios a la ley común constituyen un catálogo de las diversas propuestas. Los sistemas de valores, principios, creencias, la pertenencia y las familias políticas se desvanecen ante la personalidad del candidato, así como los beneficios esperados de cada votante
29
Jameson, Marie. "Voting Paradoxes Caused by Dropping Candidates in an Election". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2007. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/hmc_theses/198.
Texto completoResumen
Voting theory is plagued by seemingly contradictory results, called voting paradoxes. For example, different methods of tallying votes can result in different election results; these voting paradoxes give contradictory answers to the question of what the voting population “really” wants. This paper studies voting paradoxes brought about by considering the effect of dropping one or more candidates in an election after the voting data has already been collected. Dropping a candidate may change the election results for the remaining candidates. This paper adopts an algebraic framework to approach this voting theoretic problem.
30
Simões, Catarina Isabel Feitor. "Funcionalidades da regulação da cobertura jornalística em período eleitoral em Portugal: estudo comparativo das eleições legislativas de 2011 e 2015". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/18473.
Texto completoResumen
Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaO presente estudo trata das funcionalidades da regulação da cobertura jornalística em período eleitoral em Portugal, designadamente, as eleições legislativas de 2011 e 2015. Responde-se à questão de partida: como é que o novo regime jurídico, a Lei n.º 72-A/2015, que regula a cobertura jornalística em período eleitoral, se adequa ao contexto nacional dos órgãos de comunicação social? Durante 40 anos vigorou legislação criada em 1975, de cariz préconstitucional, que regulou a cobertura jornalística em período eleitoral. Trata-se de matéria sensível no plano político e complexa no escopo jurídico que põe em conflito direitos de igual dignidade constitucional — liberdade de imprensa e meios de comunicação social e igualdade de oportunidades e tratamento das diversas candidaturas eleitorais. Neste estudo apreciam-se as intervenções da CNE e da ERC sobre o tratamento jornalístico discriminatório; a recusa dos OCS realizarem a cobertura do período eleitoral; as chamadas de atenção pelo Presidente da República, Tribunais Superiores, Provedor de Justiça e partidos políticos. A abordagem metodológica seleccionada é de âmbito qualitativo, com recurso preferencial à pesquisa documental e à entrevista, como técnicas de recolha de dados aplicando-se a análise interpretativa. São identificadas e analisadas as funcionalidades do novo regime jurídico que regula a cobertura jornalística em período eleitoral. Aponta-se no sentido da necessidade de actualização do quadro legal, no qual, a liberdade editorial é instituída como o principal preceito, em detrimento da igualdade de oportunidades e tratamento das diversas candidaturas a eleições.
This study examines the regulation functionalities of the media coverage during the electoral time frame in Portugal, namely the 2011 and 2015 general elections. It answers the starting question: How is it that the new legal regime, Law no. 72-A/2015 which regulates media coverage in electoral period, adapted to the national Mass Media setting? For 40 years, legislation created in 1975 of pre-constitutional nature was in force, regulating media coverage throughout the electoral time frame. This is a complex matter, politically and legally, putting into conflict, rights with equal constitutional dignity — freedom of the press and media and equal opportunities and treatment for all candidates. In this research several interventions are analysed, particularly, from the National Election Commission and the Regulatory Authority for the Media on journalistic discriminatory treatment; the Mass Media refusal to cover the electoral period; the ongoing calls for attention by the President of the Republic, the Superior Courts, the Ombudsman and the political parties. The selected methodological approach it’s of qualitative nature using as preferential data collection instruments, the document search and the interview, implementing the interpretative analysis. The regulation functionalities of the media coverage over the electoral period are identified and assessed, and points towards the need to update the legal framework, more adapted to the national Mass Media reality, but in which the editorial freedom it’s set as the key principle to the detriment of equal opportunities and treatment for all electoral candidates.
N/A
31
Luntz, F. I. "Candidates, consultants and modern campaign technology". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234280.
Texto completo
32
Marty, Thomas. "Mobilisations politiques et expertise électorale : la question de la « représentation proportionnelle ». Histoire sociale de la réforme électorale sous la Troisième République". Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100148/document.
Texto completoResumen
Au début du vingtième siècle, après deux décennies sans réforme électorale, le mode de scrutin devient un sujet de controverse. Cette étude se propose d’examiner les conditions du choix de la représentation proportionnelle par les membres de la Chambre des députés française ainsi que par d’autres militants. Au-delà de la rééligibilité législative, c’est à travers le changement du mode de scrutin (introduction du scrutin de liste et de la représentation proportionnelle) que le problème de la réélection apparaît sous la Troisième République. Les professeurs de droit constitutionnel, tant à Paris qu’en province, délaissent cette expertise malgré quelques entreprises militantes éparses. Leurs étudiants formulent alors un savoir académique vite enserré par les contraintes récurrentes des jurys de thèse. Nous cherchons à examiner pourquoi et comment le parlement s’est emparé de cette question. Si les conservateurs et les socialistes sont les plus zélés partisans de la représentation proportionnelle, on ne peut en rester au fait que les partis défendent des systèmes qui les favorisent le plus. Notre étude insiste sur la stabilité socio-biographique du recrutement parlementaire plutôt que sur les variations de majorité et donc d’intérêts. Il faut expliquer pourquoi et comment ce fut le débat parlementaire lui-même qui a pu aboutir à une réforme électorale. Le système mixte de 1919, entre proportionnelle et principe majoritaire, exprime cette tendance des députés à l’ « auto-critique » qui dessine in fine un « auto-portrait ». Progressivement, les circulaires ministérielles adressées aux préfets confondent ces problèmes en un seul mouvement qui tente de codifier l’organisation des candidatures qui pourrait être au fondement du renouvellement souhaité. Ce travail préfectoral retire aux seuls entrepreneurs électoraux le monopole de l’anticipation des résultats et en ménage une co-production administrative. Dans la production préfectorale, de nouvelles cartes des circonscriptions uninominales ont eu tendance à perpétuer le traditionnel « scrutin d’arrondissement ». Ces tentatives de réforme électorale spatiale ont également introduit une nouvelle échelle dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales. Cet élargissement de la capacité électorale a été rendu possible par une nouvelle représentation : la circonscription administrative du département a eu tendance à devenir le critère principal de la mobilisation électorale que ce soit pour la loi électorale de 1919 ou celle de 1927Early twentieth century, after two decades of indifference to electoral reform, the electoral system has become a controversial question. This study explores the factors that should been taken into consideration when members of the French Chamber of Deputies and some other activists have tried to choose “proportional representation”. Beyond its political and legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the Third Republic was influenced by manipulation of electoral rules – in particular the introduction of proportional and list voting. In Paris and in Province, professors desert this part of doctrine in spite of some militant activities. Students had produced their thesis under constraint because the boards of examiners were always the same. We seek to explain how and why Parliament becomes leader in this electoral reform. Conservatives and Socialists advocated more strongly the proportional representation. The problem is often stated on the level in which every political party prefers the electoral system that favors it. This study will underline the biographical and social effect of membership stability instead of change in partisan control of the legislature. We seek to explain why a parliamentary debate may lead to a change in the established electoral system. The mixed system of 1919, between proportional representation and majority principle, expresses the deputies’ trends to self-criticism which is also self- representation. Increasingly, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tend to conflate these elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating and predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them and the Prefects. First, new maps for single-seat districts have tended to perpetuate the traditionnal “scrutin d’arrondissement”. These attemps of spatial electoral reform have introduced a new scale in electoral campaign. This enlargement of electoral capability was made possible with a new representation : the administrative district of “département” has tended to become the main criterion in electoral mobilization whatever one of the two different electoral rules in 1919 and 1927
33
Keir, Warren Neill. "Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/31139/1/Warren_Keir_Thesis.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.
34
Kelbel, Camille. "Itineraries of Spoiled Children: An Analysis of Candidate Selection Processes for European Elections". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276946.
Texto completoResumen
This PhD dissertation analyses the processes used by political parties to select candidates for the European elections, making the unique institutional setting and electoral dynamics of the European Parliament a “litmus test” for party organisations. By applying an institutional design theory to the ways parties nominate their candidates for the EP, I can test a wide range of pre-existing postulates about parties’ behaviours, and can do so across many different countries (thus considering various electoral settings and socio-political arenas) while also accounting for the multi-level setting in which they operate. To this end, I thoroughly explore the intra-party “machinery” at work in the drafting of nominees. More specifically, this dissertation first provides a descriptive account of the main intra-party formal rules that govern the EP selection procedures from a comparative perspective. Concretely, this descriptive analysis serves to measure the relative power of individuals, party organs, and party levels, and to establish what imperatives (membership fees, endorsements, incompatibilities, quotas) are prescribed by the various parties. On that basis, I identify the patterns of selection rules put in place by the parties. I then explore the factors that condition the parties' choices of procedures by relating the aforementioned observations to a number of national- and EU-level characteristics. Later, I confront these rules with the parties’ informal practices during the actual process, and further trace an entire process from the rules' enactment to the choice of candidates. In doing so, I hope to contribute a small but important building block to the understanding of current political parties, while also speaking directly to those who are more generally interested in comparative politics and EU politics.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
35
Dunn, Scott Wilson. "Candidate and Media Agenda Setting in the 2005 Virginia Gubernatorial Election". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/31807.
Texto completoResumen
This study content analyzed candidate press releases and newspaper articles from the 2005 Virginia gubernatorial election in order to determine which issues, strategies, and audiences were most salient on candidate and media agendas during the campaign. Monthly cross-lagged correlations were used to measure agenda setting effects between the two major party candidates, among the four newspapers, and between candidates and newspapers. These correlations showed that the candidates maintained consistent issue agendas throughout the campaign but shifted their strategy and audience agendas frequently, while the newspapers generally maintained consistency for all three types of agenda. Many of the cross-lagged correlations indicated that the candidates shared reciprocal influence with the newspapers, but in some cases the candidates set the newspapersâ issue agendas, while the newspapers set the candidatesâ audience agendas. The two candidates showed reciprocal influence between their agendas throughout much of the campaign, but Republican Jerry Kilgore set Democrat Tim Kaineâ s agenda during some months early in the campaign. The four newspapers studied showed a clear path of influence on issue agendas, with the Richmond Times-Dispatch influencing The Washington Post, which in turn influenced The Roanoke Times, followed by The Virginian-Pilot. Influence between the newspapersâ audience and strategy agendas was mostly reciprocal.Master of Arts
36
Sylvester, Shannon Palor y Shannon Palor Sylvester. "Candidate Tweet Usage by Journalists in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625187.
Texto completoResumen
This paper sets out to determine the impact that Twitter has in political journalistic reporting of
television broadcasts. It specifically focuses on the 2016 U.S. presidential election from Labor
Day (September 4, 2016) to Election Day (November 8, 2016). Transcripts from the following
major news agencies were pulled to extract Twitter mentions within the story: CBS, CNN, FOX,
MSNBC, and NBC. Pulling from 900 transcripts, about 40% (350 transcripts) of the transcripts
used tweets from candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton as evidence in their stories. Of
the transcripts that referenced tweets from the candidates directly, about 24% of them centered
around Trump, whereas only 5% centered around Clinton. Not only did this research show that
news agencies are comfortable incorporating Twitter as evidence for stories, but also that they
are presenting tweets in an unfair fashion, favoring the tweets of one candidate (Trump) over the
other (Clinton). The tweets that were used in stories about Trump specifically also placed Trump
in a negative light, whereas the tweets about Clinton had a more positive nature. This study
ultimately showed that when implementing Twitter into news stories, it took on more of an
entertainment than political value.
37
Luhiste, Maarja. "Candidate gender and electoral success in party list proportional representation (PR List) systems". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4371.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis studies women politicians’ journey along the path from candidates to elected representatives in party list proportional representation (PR list) systems. While past literature provides sufficient evidence that more women are elected in proportional electoral systems than in majority / plurality systems, there is limited research explaining the differences in women’s representation across varying types of PR list systems. This thesis aims to fill that gap, by focusing primarily on the election of women across preferential (open and ordered list systems) and non-preferential (closed list systems) PR list voting systems. Moreover, unlike the vast majority of previous research, which has relied on aggregate level data only, this research investigates the election of women at the individual candidate level. Such an approach allows the present thesis to consider, next to traditional aggregate level predictors, how party gatekeepers and the news media may either support or hinder women in progressing from candidates to elected representatives. Since the focus is set on the 2009 European Parliament elections, this thesis investigates the process of electing women cross-nationally. The results show that female candidates have a higher likelihood of being elected in non-preferential closed list voting systems than in preferential ordered list voting systems. The results suggest that this is the case because, first, party gatekeepers in ordered list systems place women in less viable electoral list positions than party gatekeepers in closed list systems; second, media cover female candidates less in ordered list systems compared to closed list systems; and finally, female candidates in ordered list systems fail to make up their less competitive starting position with preference votes because preference votes in ordered list systems do not significantly alter the initial party list rankings.
38
Ingmire, Brock. "Gubernatorial candidates in polarizing times: examining gubernatorial discourse through political interviews". Thesis, Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/19224.
Texto completoResumen
Master of ArtsDepartment of Communications Studies
Soo-Hye Han
The rise of partisan political news over the past two decades has influenced how political candidates discursively construct their image. While there is an extensive literature devote to presidential discourse, little is known about what gubernatorial discourse looks like and how they construct their image. This study examines how gubernatorial candidates discursively construct their image in a hyperpolarized electoral environment. An extensive content analysis of gubernatorial political interviews (n = 94), and specifically the utterances arising from those interviews (n = 1,524), was conducted. Findings show that gubernatorial candidates discursively construct their own image as a savior to the state, while creating their opponent’s and the DC elite’s image as a villain. Additionally, gubernatorial candidates do not adhere to the image bound by their party, and construct an image that is unique to their environment. Consequently, the environment that a gubernatorial candidate is situated influences how they communicate and construct their image and their opponent’s image. By examining gubernatorial discourse through political interviews, this study offers theoretical implications into understanding the influence of polarization, issue ownership, and tone in gubernatorial discourse. Practical implications examine the role of media outlets in gubernatorial discourse. This study contributes to scholarly understanding of gubernatorial discourse in a changing and polarizing political environment.
39
Pérez-Mares, Marco Alejandro. "On the Economic Effects of Policy Responsiveness: The Role of Candidate Selection for General Elections". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/34.
Texto completoResumen
Policy responsiveness to the demands of the whole is important because it is a determinant of growth and development: Institutions that make governments more inclusive favor economic progress and factors that make governments more exclusive inhibit prosperity. Growth-enhancing policies likely to please the citizenry include policies that ensure the prevalence of the rule of law, policies that protect property and intellectual rights, and policies that foster competition, access and the perfection of markets. In contrast, growth-retarding policies likely to initiate from the representation efforts of politicians advancing narrow concerns include infringement on property rights, diffuse patent legislation, regulation to rise some price or wage, regulation blocking the entry into specific markets, official protection to monopolistic markets and adoption of legal barriers against international competition.
If policy responsiveness to the interests of the whole favors economic affluence, what political institutions matter for the advancement of wide-encompassing interests through the policy making process? This dissertation examines the idea that the incentives provided by the intra-party candidate selection methods are crucial in order to understand the politicians' representation efforts. Expressly, increasing participation and democratization of the intra-party nomination process increase the incumbent's propensity to represent wide-encompassing interests and adopt policies that favor economic affluence. In contrast, elite-centered nomination methods decrease the incumbent's incentive to be politically responsive to the interests of the whole in favor of the representation of narrow concerns that often demand policies that benefit the group at the expense of overall economic growth.
Empirically, the idea that aspirants to party tickets must first respond to the demands of those with the power to add their names to the electoral ballot finds robust support. In the developed world, candidate nomination appears largely informed by inclusive and democratic practices. Quite the opposite, in the less-developed world events of intraparty participatory politics are for the most part absent, with nomination decisions often monopolized by national party leaders and local party bosses.
40
Llaudet, Elena. "Electoral Institutions, Party Strategies, Candidate Attributes, and the Incumbency Advantage". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11579.
Texto completoResumen
In developed democracies, incumbents are consistently found to have an electoral advantage over their challengers. The normative implications of this phenomenon depend on its sources. Despite a large existing literature, there is little consensus on what the sources are. In this three-paper dissertation, I find that both electoral institutions and the parties behind the incumbents appear to have a larger role than the literature has given them credit for, and that in the U.S. context, between 30 and 40 percent of the incumbents' advantage is driven by their "scaring off" serious opposition.Government
41
Cottrill, James B. "A product of the environment: environmental constraint, candidate behavior and the speed of democracy". Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1549.
Texto completoResumen
Elections are the engine that drives democracy. The central question of this
dissertation relates to the speed of that engine: How long does it take for elections to
reflect changing preferences in the electorate? The findings presented in this dissertation
suggest that electoral change is the result of a gradual process of natural selection in
which the political environment, rather than district service activity, is the key variable.
Comparing elections data across different types of district environment, I find evidence
that the environment affects levels of competition and electoral outcomes. Utilizing an
event history statistical model to examine various risk factors for electoral defeat, I find
that the political environment of the district is the most important factor influencing the
risk of defeat even when controlling for district service behaviors. Over time, the district
environment operates as a self-correcting mechanism, purging political misfits and
replacing them with representatives who better reflect the ideology of the district.
Electoral change typically results more from evolution than revolution it may not occur
quickly, and it may not occur in every district, but it does occur when and where it is
needed.
42
Hermawan, Ary. "Framing the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Candidates in Newspapers and on Twitter". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613420.
Texto completoResumen
The 2014 Indonesian presidential election was the first election in the world's largest Muslim democracy where social media played an important role. Social media outlets, such as Facebook and Twitter, became a public forum where Indonesians debated about and framed the presidential candidates - Prabowo Subianto and Joko Widodo - in what was said to be the closest and most polarizing election in the nation's history. A content analysis of two partisan newspapers, two independent newspapers, and tweets showed that both legacy media and social media focused on the personality frame when describing the candidates. In legacy media the second most prevalent frame was experience, while on Twitter it was integrity. Religion remained an important factor in the election, as reflected in both media platforms, while ethnicity was considered less important. Social media became an integral part of Indonesia's nascent democracy, with the public examining the candidates' leadership qualities and integrity on Twitter. The independent newspapers were not neutral in covering the candidates, thus making social media even more relevant as a relatively free and impartial marketplace of ideas during the election. This study discusses how legacy media - both partisan and independent - and social media portrayed the candidates, where and why these platforms differed, and what it means for the future of journalism in Indonesia.
43
Sutton, Matthew Luke. "A candidate's use of aggressive communication and the electorates' response predicting presidential election outcomes /". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4053.
Texto completo
44
Endres, Kyle Leon. "Self-financed candidates and how voters perceive them". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5807.
Texto completoResumen
The increasing number of candidates relying on their personal wealth and corporate experience in their bids for elected office raises the question: how do voters perceive these non-traditional candidates and their willingness to spend their personal money in order to win elected office? Using both an experimental design and data from the 2009-2010 election cycles, I test for the effects of self-financing one’s political campaign on voter support for the candidates and their vote share in the general election, respectively. I find that partisans’ evaluations of candidates decrease when alerted to their self-financing. Independents evaluate self-financing candidates more positively than traditional candidates. In addition, self-financing one’s campaign had a negative effect on candidates in the 2010 general elections for the U.S. House of Representatives independent of their spending levels.text
45
Brox, Brian Joseph Shaw Daron R. "Candidates, parties, and campaign effects in congressional elections, 1992-2002". 2005. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1518/broxb44134.pdf.
Texto completo
46
Brox, Brian Joseph. "Candidates, parties, and campaign effects in congressional elections, 1992-2002". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1518.
Texto completo
47
Sayers, Anthony M. (Anthony Michael). "Riding style, party ethos : nominations, candidates and local campaigns in Canadian federal elections". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7499.
Texto completoResumen
Despite having the appearance of a single event, federal elections in Canada concatenate
nearly 300 individual constituency contests. Yet little is known of how constituency campaign
teams operate, or how they interact with each other. In order to provide a better understanding
of local campaigns, this thesis describes and explains the nature of local riding associations, the
candidates they select, and the environment in which they operate. In so doing, it traces the
impact of both riding and partisan forces on the character of constituency politics, and on
Canadian politics more generally.
The thesis focuses on major party campaigns in seven ridings in British Columbia in the
1988 federal election. It begins with a socio-political profile of each riding, including the media
resources available to local campaigns. The dynamics of the local association, nomination, and
campaign are then reconstructed using information gleaned from interviews with candidates,
campaign managers, party strategists, and volunteers. Similarly, personal interviews with
journalists who covered each of the local contests give further insights into the nature of
constituency politics, and the methods by which local campaigns communicate with voters.
Information on ridings and associations is then used to develop a typology of candidates
and campaigns. This typology suggests that there are four archetypal candidates: local notables,
party insiders, stopgaps, and those with a high profile. Each tends to be selected by a certain
type of association, and to run a distinctive campaign. This typology is then applied to a number
of the actual campaigns from 1988.
The patterns of politics identified by this typology suggest that local associations are
central to the nature of Canadian politics and democracy. Each association combines riding and
partisan forces together in idiosyncratic ways. Associations are also distinctive in a comparative
sense. Unlike local party organizations in other countries, they are neither beholden to their
party, nor to the personal politics of a particular candidate.
48
"Implicitly Biased: Voter Perception of Latina Political Candidates". Doctoral diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.49267.
Texto completoResumen
abstract: The 2016 election brought to light a political climate change in the United States and showed that questions scholars and pundits alike thought were answered perhaps had not been completely addressed. For some, the main question left unanswered was what would it take for a woman to become President of the United States? For others, the question of fear politics and the effects of social media were raised. Perhaps, the most intriguing was exactly who has influence over US elections? While these, and other, questions were asked in the context of the presidential election, they are also applicable to all political races. This dissertation examines how voter perceptions based on stereotypes and racial threat can affect Latina candidates’ prospects for election. Using an online experiment with 660 subjects and two elite interviews to test four hypotheses in order to determine whether or not racial resentment and stereotypes play a role in voter perceptions of Latina political candidates. The results show that racial resent and gender stereotypes play a role in voter perception of Latina political candidates. The results have theoretical and practical implications.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2018
49
King, Aaron. "Unfolding Ambition: Strategic Candidacy Decisions in Senate Primary Elections". Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/7147.
Texto completoResumen
Theories of ambition have taught us that higher offices are valuable commodities to certain politicians, and under the right circumstances, the benefits of running for an office outweigh the associated risks. Yet some ambitious politicians emerge as candidates while others do not. In this dissertation, I present a Theory of Strategic Candidacy Decisions to explain how primary elections unfold. With new comprehensive data on the timing of candidacy decisions, I test several hypotheses regarding the determinants of electoral and fundraising success, the timing of strategic candidacy decisions, the interactions of prospective officeholders, and the impact of strategic retirements on primary races for the United States Senate. Using both qualitative and quantitative tools, including event history techniques to capture the complex dynamics of primaries, I find that potential candidates interact with one another and the unique political context within each race and emerge from the pool of potential candidates in systematic ways. In the end, the strategic behavior of ambitious politicians has implications for the slate of candidates available to the electorate and ultimately, on the quality of representation between legislators and constituents.
Dissertation
50
Vaishnav, Milan. "The Merits of Money and "Muscle": Essays on Criminality, Elections and Democracy in India". Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D832030W.
Texto completoResumen
This dissertation seeks to understand how democratic elections can coexist with a significant number of politicians implicated in criminal wrongdoing. Specifically, it seeks answers to three questions. Why do parties nominate candidates with criminal backgrounds? Why do voters vote for them? And what does their proliferation mean for democratic accountability? To address these questions, I draw on a wide body of quantitative and qualitative evidence from India, the world's largest democracy. I argue that parties are attracted to criminal politicians because they have access to financial resources that allow them to function as self-financing candidates. Whereas the prevailing consensus in political economy suggests that voters support "bad politicians" because they lack adequate information on candidate quality, I develop an alternate theory that suggests well-informed voters can display rational behavior by voting for such candidates. Specifically, in contexts where social divisions are highly salient, voters often desire a representative who they perceive can protect group-based interests most credibly. In such settings, criminality can serve as a useful signal of a candidate's credibility. As a result, parties selectively field criminal candidates in those areas where social divisions are most pronounced. The implications of this study are far reaching because they suggest that information about a candidate's criminality is not only available, but actually is central to understanding the viability of his candidacy. Thus, there are circumstances in which "bad politicians" can in fact be compatible with democratic accountability. Empirically, this dissertation makes use of a unique, author-constructed database of affidavits submitted by more than 60,000 candidates contesting state and national elections between 2003 and 2009. This dataset contains detailed information on candidates' financial and criminal records from 37 elections, which I analyze using state-of-the-art quantitative methods. I complement these quantitative analyses with qualitative fieldwork conducted in three states, including an in-depth exploration of the case of Bihar, a state in north India.