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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "China Foreign relations Asia"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de agosto de 2024

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1

SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.

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2

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges

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3

Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrain

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4

Khotimah, Siti Khusnul, and Yuliati Yuliati. "Hubungan Perdagangan Majapahit dengan Tiongkok Abad XII - XIV." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i2.1122.

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The Majapahit Kingdom was a kingdom that had very good relations with foreign kingdoms in Southeast Asia and foreign kingdoms outside Southeast Asia. One of them is with China, which is a foreign kingdom in the East Asia region. This is because the Majapahit kingdom has a foreign policy called Mitreka Satata which means equal/equal. With this foreign policy, Majapahit was able to establish relationships with foreign kingdoms, one of which was China, which was a foreign kingdom outside Southeast Asia. Kakawin Desawarnana and Notes written by the Chinese themselves also briefly mention the very

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5

Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the

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6

Sadibaqosev, Habibullo. "THE TAIWAN PROBLEM IN CHINA-USA RELATIONS." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 06, no. 05 (May 12, 2024): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-03.

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The China - Taiwan conflict is one of the most relevant and sensitive topics in China-US relations. Territorial conflict with Taiwan is one of the few issues that can potentially lead to escalation of tension between the United States and China. This article analyzes the China - Taiwan conflict in contemporary Chinese and American foreign policy. The historical conflicts between China and Taiwan from World War II to the present day are examined, showing the role of the United States in escalating the issue. The evolution of Sino-American relations in Northeast Asia in the 21st century and its

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7

Malysheva, D. "South Asia in Foreign Policy Priorities of Central Asia and Russia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-80-92.

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The South Asian direction of the foreign policy of the Central Asian republics and Russia serves the purpose of diversifying their international contacts under severe conditions of the transition to a polycentric world order. Along with energy and transport projects, the sphere of security and international relations remains a priority in the triangle of Central Asia (CA)–South Asia (SA)–Russian Federation (RF). The foreign policy vectors are largely determined by such major regional states as India, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan. These states are developing a strategic partnership and econ

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8

Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37156.

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This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts &ldquo;Pivot to Asia&rdquo; and &ldquo;America First&rdquo; proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the &nbsp;conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as

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9

Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37156.

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This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts &ldquo;Pivot to Asia&rdquo; and &ldquo;America First&rdquo; proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the &nbsp;conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as

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10

Freire, Maria Raquel. "China-Russia relations in a framework of strategic containment." Relações Internacionais, special issue 2021 (2021): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2021.sia04.

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This article analyses Russian foreign policy in its Asian dimension, placing Russia’s relationship with China in the broader framework of Russia’s foreign policy “Asia Pivot” strategy. The study concludes with a cautious reading of this relationship, anchored in the notion that, underneath the layer of greater closeness and intensified collaboration, lies a relationship of double strategic containment, both regarding the US and the West, and between these two giants. For Russia, the relevance of China in political and economic terms is evident and clearly assumed, but the fear of imbalances re

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11

Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the f

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12

Filippov, Dmitry. "The Origins of Japan’s Contemporary Diplomatic Strategy in East Asia: 2001–2012." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018567-1.

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Throughout the first decade of the 21st century, Japan’s East Asia policy saw the emergence of several new strategies and initiatives. The two key strategies of this period were the East Asian Community and the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity, which reflected differing approaches towards the role of China in the developing regional order. The goal of this article is to analyse the ideological foundations of these two strategies, as well as the reasons behind their failure. It also examines the question of why Japan’s diplomatic initiatives changed so rapidly during these years. Finally, the arti

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13

Ziegler, Charles E. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 53, no. 3 (May 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.

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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

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14

Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.

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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.

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15

Dadparvar, Shabnam, and Hamidreza Azizi. "Confucian Influence: The Place of Soft Power in China’s Strategy Towards Central Asia." China Report 55, no. 4 (November 2019): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875233.

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China has traditionally had close relations with Central Asia for quite a long time. The main reasons for this are probably their social, cultural, and demographic bonds, as well as geographical proximity, providing China with a different status in Central Asia from those of the other regions in the world. These bonds have also been strengthened by the ancient Silk Road, beginning in China and passing through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe. Cultural relations, in general, and China’s attempt to expand its means of soft power in the region, in particular, have been a significant aspect of

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16

Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (March 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.

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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central A

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17

Gesti Anggraini, Adi Rio Arianto, and Pradono Budi Saputro. "CHINA’S GLOBAL STRATEGY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY OF SILK ROAD: CHINA AND THE ASIA SECURITY ARCHITECTURE IN XI JINPING GOVERNMENT." BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, no. 1 (March 17, 2023): 82–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i1.59.

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The 21st Century Chinese Silk Road has shown China a strong influence in the establishment of the Asia Security Architecture during the Xi Jinping Administration. As a regional power, China’s responsibility continues to grow during the formation of “the 21st Century Silk Road” to achieve “Chinese Dreams”. By using methodology of qualitative research with techniques of interviews, the results found that China succeeded in influencing regional countries and institutions through China's foreign and security policy strategy to changes Asia from conflict into harmony (kerukunan). These changes name

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18

Mamakhatov, Tlesh Muratovich, and James Mohammad Mallah. "The role of the SCO countries in ensuring China’s energy security." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 653–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-4-653-663.

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The growing dynamics of relationships amongst Central Asia, Russia and China, and other SCO member states in economic and energy corporations is analyzed. Since the formation of the SCO, there have been tremendous changes in the dispensation of both political and economic forces in the region. The actual terms of the cooperation and the functions of the numerous SCO member states have changed, thus increasing the significance of some member countries while relegating others to minor leading roles. The Central Asian region plays a leading role in the CSO organization itself as a geographical pl

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19

Khandekar, Gauri. "The Changing Landscape of EU-Asia Relations." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.31.

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European Union-Asia relations have been progressively developing over the years. The European Union (EU) today is the leading trade partner of many Asian nations and the spectrum of issues falling under the EU’s bilateral relations with countries in Asia spans far and wide. The EU has been a development partner in Asia for decades and is one of Asia’s largest sources of foreign direct investment (FDI), aid and humanitarian assistance. The EU and Asia interact closely on regional and multilateral issues and within multilateral forums. The EU has even constructed developed deeper relationships w

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20

Averianov, Serhii. "Security aspect of Asean-China relations in South-East Asia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-133-143.

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The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to

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21

Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in m

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22

Zhanara, Seriyeva, and Medukhanova Lyazipa. "Sustainability and trade relations of Kazakhstan with central Asian countries and China." RIVISTA DI STUDI SULLA SOSTENIBILITA', no. 1 (August 2022): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riss2022-001004.

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After gaining independence, the issue of regional integration and development of economic cooperation between the countries of Central Asia has been raised several times. The article discusses the dynamics of Kazakhstan's trade relations with Central Asia and the role of major neighboring countries as one of the areas of economic cooperation. It considers the importance of trade turnover of the Republic of Kazakhstan with neighboring countries in the region, the existing barriers to trade and opportunities for development. An important factor influencing Kazakhstan's trade relations with regio

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23

Panda, Jagannath P. "China in SAARC." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600310.

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Crafting interregional cooperation that involves China as a participant has been the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy in recent times. Though the Chinese involvement in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a statement of China’s adherence to the theory of multilateral practices; it is Beijing’s orderly contact with the SAARC members and systematic ‘good-neighbourhood’ policy that have fetched adequate space to China in South Asian politics today. Consequently, Beijing institutionalises the China–South Asia network through SAARC. In addition, the rise of China offers gr

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24

Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Usha Rehman. "Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.

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South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 200

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25

DE CASTRO, Renato Cruz. "The Marcos Administration’s Foreign Policy towards the Great Powers: Seeking the Elusive Balance in Dealing a Changing Indo-Pacific Region." East Asian Policy 15, no. 04 (December 2023): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000314.

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This article examines the Marcos administration’s efforts to seek the elusive balance in managing its relations with the United States, China and Japan. At the beginning of his term, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr planned a balanced foreign policy marked by China providing the investments and market for the Philippines while the United States extended its security guarantee. In conclusion, the article argues that Marcos Jr’s foreign policy reflects the Philippines’ acumen in practising ASEAN’s age-old and proven statecraft in dealing with the significant powers that require the small

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26

Myšička, Stanislav. "Gagliardone, Iginio. 2019. China, Africa, and the Future of the Internet. London: Zed Books." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 9, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v9i1.403.

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He holds a PhD and is Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics, Philosophical Faculty, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic. He specialises in Chinese modern history, Chinese foreign politics, international relations in Asia, and the history of Asian political thinking. He is the author of the book John Rawls a Teorie Mezinárodních Vztahů [John Rawls and the Theory of International Relations]. E-mail: stanislav.mysicka@uhk.cz

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27

Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.

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The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diploma

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28

Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.

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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as

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29

Panin, V. N., A. K. Botasheva, and M. M. Abazalieva. "Sino-Indian socio-political relations at the modern stage." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 3 (43) (2023): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.18.

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Modern Sino-Indian relations are characterized on the one hand by similarity in views on many key issues of world politics and mutual attitude to cooperation, on the other hand, there is an element of competition and disagreement in a number of areas. In general, the geopolitical balance of power in South and Southeast Asia is unstable and largely depends on the relations between such powers as India and China. A certain concern is caused by the fact that in modern conditions, India, having abandoned the long-standing policy of neutrality, has taken a course to build up military power, since C

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ZABELLA, Anastasia A., and Evgeniya Yu Katkova. "NEW TRENDS IN CHINA-AUSTRALIA RELATIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(60) (2023): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-4-3-60-161-171.

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The article is devoted to the latest trends in the development of Australian-Chinese relations, including the Chinese policy of the new Labor administration of Anthony Albanese. China at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries has undoubtedly become one of the key participants in the system of international relations, as well as an important player on the "Asian chessboard". In the context of the growing confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, the attempts of the main "hawks" of world politics to create a new region - the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), to equip Au

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Samphantharak, Krislert. "The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.

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This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised

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32

Khanal, Gopal. "Blending Foreign Policy with Nepal’s Geostrategic Location." Journal of Foreign Affairs 2, no. 01 (September 5, 2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v2i01.44021.

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Over the course of a century, the Western world’s power hegemony has gradually shifted to Asia. China is emerging as a superpower with technological advancement, cashless transactions, 5Gdevelopment, and one of the most powerful military forces. China’s power in Asia has added worries to the United States of America. The purpose of this research is to emphasize Nepal’s geostrategic location and its impact on foreign policy. Nepal is located between the two rising economies in the world, China, and India, who have had conflicting and competitive relations, and therefore requires to delicately b

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33

Freeman, Carla P. "China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia." Contemporary Politics 24, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.

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Ding, Sheng. "China Among Unequals: Asymmetric Foreign Relations in Asia by Brantly Womack." China Review International 19, no. 1 (2012): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2012.0014.

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Petrunina, Zhanna V. "on china’s foreign POLICY IN SOUTHern ASIA: China-Pakistan relations today." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 21 (January 30, 2015): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2015.i-2(21).4.

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Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.

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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believe

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37

Keith, Ronald C. "Review: Asia: The Making of Foreign Policy in China." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 2 (June 1986): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100213.

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38

Wang, Dong. "Is China Trying to Push the U.S. out of East Asia?" China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 01 (April 2015): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500049.

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One of the key questions for understanding the future trajectory of regional order is whether or not China is trying to push the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order. Some Western analysts accuse China of pursuing the Monroe Doctrine and excluding the United States from the region. This article argues that the Western discourse of China practicing the Monroe Doctrine is a misplaced characterization of China's behavior. Rather than having intention of pushing the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order, China is pursuing a h

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Bunyavejchewin, Poowin, Wichian Intasi, and Watcharabon Buddharaksa. "The Myth of Sino–Thai Brotherhood: Archival Evidence on Thailand’s Relations with China in Continental Southeast Asia in the 1990s." Asian International Studies Review 23, no. 1 (June 10, 2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10014.

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Abstract Thailand–China relations have often been described metaphorically as fraternal, signifying the special place China has in Thai foreign policy. However, Sino–Thai brotherly friendship is an illusion. Based on archival evidence recently made available in Bangkok, this study provides a new account of Thailand’s relations with China in the 1990s, usually described by scholars as the period of partnership. This study argues that during this period, Thai foreign policy vis-a-vis China was almost exclusively driven by the Kingdom’s national interests, framed by its consistent diplomatic ment

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40

Tingting, F. "Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.

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In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.

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QINGSONG, TIAN, and IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.

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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s eco

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Ng, Beoy Kui. "The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (February 5, 2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.

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Abstract The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in Chi

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43

Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (January 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.

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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated reg

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Wong, Pak Nung, and Wai Kay Ricky Yue. "U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.

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AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.

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45

Hevia, James L. "Tribute, Asymmetry, and Imperial Formations: Rethinking Relations of Power in East Asia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645751.

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AbstractIn organizing the conference “History and China's Foreign Relations, ” John Wills set two difficult tasks for the participants. The first was to consider the role of the academy in U.S. policy-making toward China and surmise whether academics were more influential in John Fairbank's day than today. The second involved a consideration of the models or theoretical constructs used for characterizing China's relations with other countries. Although there is much to say about the relation between area studies and the state, my focus will be on the latter topic, models and theories of foreig

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Berdiyev, Ahmet, and Nurettin Can. "THE IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND BEIJING’S SOFT POWER INSTRUMENTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 015–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.02.

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Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore,

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Garbuzarova, Elena Gennad'evna. "The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)." Contemporary Europe, no. 2 (April 15, 2023): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020043.

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From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proac

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NELSON, TRAVIS, and MATTHEW CARLSON. "Charmed by China? Popular Perceptions of Chinese Influence in Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000230.

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AbstractChinese influence in Asia is complicated by many factors. There are those who argue that China's growing military and economic power make this influence an automatic threat, while others maintain that China's recent attempts at a ‘charm offensive’ mute this threat and have succeeded in creating a positive image for many of its regional neighbors. Drawing on survey data collected across 23 countries, we enter this debate by asking what individuals in and across Asia think about Chinese influence. Do they see this influence as positive or negative? What factors at the individual and nati

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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.

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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign p

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Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. "The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.

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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian fo

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