Tesis: "Civics and Politics"

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Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.

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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.

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2

Kravatz, Tanya Devra. "Critical pedagogy and oppositional politics in education : developing critical consciousness and building civil society in the classroom /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF formate. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3266842.

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3

Wall, Peter. "EU-undervisning : En jämförelse av undervisning om politik på nationell och europeisk nivå". Licentiate thesis, Karlstads universitet, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-7089.

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This study focuses on, and explores the curriculum content and resources used when teaching on the European Union (EU) and EU-questions within civics education at lower secondary level in Sweden. The research findings have been examined from a ‘best practice’ perspective in relation to subject matter which is seen as positive in the context of political participation. The content, which includes polity, policy and politics, has together with an approach to treat the content as domestic politics, been viewed as a successful model leading to political participation. In order to assess to what extent the taught content facilitates pupils political participation, the EU content taught at lower secondary education is compared to national politics. In addition, as it can be expected to have an impact on what is taught, the context and actual content what is taught about EU and national politics is also compared. The results, based on information and findings collected through questionnaires and semi-structured interviews with teachers from six different municipalities show that EU education does not compare well when contrasted against the educational content taught in relation to national level polity, policy and politics. The curriculum content taught on the EU illustrates primarily that it is the polity dimension which is dominating whereas all EU education is framed more as foreign policy politics rather than as part of domestic politics. Swedish national politics on the other hand, to a larger extent, show signs of the three dimensions and has clear characteristics of domestic politics. The citizen’s ability to influence politics is at the core of education in relation to national politics. However, this does not seem to be the case when it comes to education in relation to the EU. The politics of Swedish political parties advocated at a national level is, for example, explored in detail; however, none or very little of their politics at EU level is addressed. The dominant question, in relation to EU studies, is if Sweden should be a full member of the EU or not. The educational design in relation to national politics comes across as better planned when compared to EU studies. What is brought into the educational content in relation to EU studies depends to a large extent on the context and subject area in which it is being raised.

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Forsberg, Åsa. "”Folk tror ju på en om man kan prata” : Deliberativt arrangerad undervisning på gymnasieskolans yrkesprogram". Licentiate thesis, Karlstads universitet, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-6890.

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Young male vocational students are in academia described as being less interested by politics and social issues and having less knowledge regarding democracy than other students. A culture of resistance is the appellation of the specific culture that emphasise the relations between young male vocational students. Deliberately arranged teaching with deliberate qualities has shown a positive impact on students’ learning as well as being a way of working with moral issues in school. The purpose of this study is to make researches into whether deliberately arranged teaching has an impact on the political and social interest amongst young male vocational students. A questionnaire was conducted before and after the Civics A (social studies) course. Individual interviews, where the students’ ways of expressing themselves in regards to politics and social issues were in focus, were carried out. The deliberately arranged teaching was conducted once a week during one academic year. The students were then responsible for the content as well as ensuring that they abided by the set rules for the conversation. Limited alterations regarding the students’ interest for politics and social issues were identified in the questionnaire. However, the interviews revealed that some of the students have changed their way of looking at politics and their interest has increased. The culture of resistance that usually distinguishes the behaviour of vocational students in regards to core subjects was not found as a dominating factor. The students taking part in focus groups expressed a positive response to the deliberately arranged teaching stating it was the part of the course they enjoyed the most. To be able to express their views and listen to others was highly appreciated by the students who described themselves as serious and ambitious during classes. The teachers felt that this teaching style meant that there was a focus on relations and that the didactic question about content in the course were more complicated to execute.

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Katz, Meredith Ann. "The Politics of Purchasing: Ethical Consumerism, Civic Engagement, and Political Participation in the United States". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29661.

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Although the United States is the worldâ s leading consumer nation, limited empirical research exists on the relationship between consumer choices and political participation. This study provides the first quantitative analysis of the demographic characteristics, motivations, and political activities of political and ethical consumers in the United States. Ethical consumers are broadly defined as socially responsible consumers including the subset of political consumers. Political consumers, while also socially responsible, are primarily concerned with achievement of political or social change through purchasing decisions. While political and ethical consumers engage in similar behaviors, the distinguishing factor between the two is motivation. Participation in both political and ethical consumerism is measured through buycotting (intentionally purchasing) or boycotting (intentionally abstaining from purchasing) of particular products or companies. Based on data from the 2002 National Civic Engagement Survey II, this study finds income and education significantly predict participation in political and ethical consumerism, while race and gender do not. Across political parties, the stronger a respondentsâ political affiliation, the less likely they are to boycott or buycott. This study also finds the primary motivation of participation for 80 percent of boycotters and buycotters is altruistic (ethical consumerism) rather than the achievement of political objectives (political consumerism). Additionally, political and ethical consumers indicate little belief in the ability for their purchases to alter business practices and do not consider their actions a part of organized campaigns. Political and ethical consumers are politically active and individuals who contact public officials, protest, and sign email or written petitions are significantly more likely to boycott or buycott than those who do not. In lieu of these findings, suggestions are offered to consumer-activist groups and social change organizations concerning rationales of consumer motivation and political engagement in the hopes this information will be utilized to mobilize a broader base of citizen-consumers.
Ph. D.

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6

Armakolas, Ioannis. "Political competition, civic politics, and war in the Bosnian model city : a study of Tuzla, 1990-1995". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612764.

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7

Tulloch, Scott. "Mapping U.S. Civic Engagement Discourse: A Geo-Critical Rhetorical Wandering". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/TullochS2008.pdf.

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8

Joao, da Costa Cabral Andresen Guimaraes Fernando. "The origins of the Angolan civil war : international politics and domestic political conflict 1961-1976". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2414/.

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This thesis views the Angolan civil war as a conflict that resulted from both internal and external political factors. The war, fought in the period 1975-1976 between the MPLA and the FNLA-UNITA coalition to succeed Portuguese colonialism in Angola, involved the intervention of external powers on behalf of both sides. This study examines, in part, the relationships that were established between these international powers and the Angolan movements. Due to the way in which these external relationships modified the nature of the internal political dispute, they became an intricate part of the origins of the conflict itself. The internationalization of the Angolan civil war was predicated, however, on an internal political conflict that emerged from a dynamic interaction of the effects of both Portuguese colonialism and divergent currents of Angolan anti-colonialism. While the particularities of Portuguese colonialism and the Salazarist regime played their part in establishing some of the conditions within which Angolan anti-colonialism emerged, the latter was also a product of specific political choices on the part of the movements involved. In this interaction there can also be found the roots of the conflict between the Angolan movements. This internal conflict was further exacerbated when the parties to it hoped to bolster their respective positions by establishing relationships with external powers. The establishment of these relationships was in part achieved by appealing to external rivalries, in particular to that of the competition between the superpowers, but also to regional rivalries, such as that between Congo and Zaire and wider continental divisions. The interaction between the internal conflict and these external rivalries is shown to have contributed significantly to the origins of the civil war. This thesis maintains its focus tightly on the specific question of the origins of the Angolan civil war. Those developments that led to the war, rather than the conflict itself are its main concern.

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Smith, Adam Inness Paul. "The presidential election of 1864 : party politics and political mobilisation during the American Civil War". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624391.

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10

Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses

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11

Gill, David Ronald. "Civic equality and social justice in Aristotle's "Politics"". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186763.

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In the Politics, Aristotle claims that a distinctive feature of civic relations is that citizens are "free and equal". Also in the Politics, Aristotle claims that, as a matter of social justice, political power should be unequally distributed because citizens differ in axia ("worth" or "merit"). The tensions that the conjunction of these two claims introduces for Aristotle's political thought, and the theoretical moves Aristotle makes to overcome these tensions, have (I believe) been insufficiently explored. The following study (1) examines Aristotle's explanation of each of the above claims, (2) considers the problem which their conjunction produces for Aristotle's general account of the nature of the political community, and (3) explains and evaluates Aristotle's efforts to accommodate an aristocratically-rooted principle of distributive justice to a basic equality of status among all citizens. In the end, I argue, these efforts are not completely successful; however, Aristotle's project of reconciliation is itself historically important, and is one of the keys to understanding Aristotle's departure from previous thinkers in political theory, most notably Plato.

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12

Murgatroyd, Thomas William Holmes. "Geo-politics in Lucan's Bellum Civile". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612801.

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Kim, Sohhyeon. "Can foreign donors build social capital? : civil society assistance and civic participation sub-Saharan Africa". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20580.

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Donors have been using various strategies to promote democracy in developing countries. One of the strategies is to support civil society organisations to foster vibrant civil society that can hold government responsive and accountable. Sub-Saharan Africa is no exception, in that all sub-Saharan countries except for the Seychelles were the recipient countries of civil society assistance. This research tests whether donors' civil society assistance is related to the changes in the level of civic participation in the 18 sub-Saharan countries. Firstly, I measure civil society assistance between 2005 and 2009 employing OECD aid statistics, and measure the subsequent change in the level of civic participation by comparing the civic participation level in 2005/6 and 2011/3 using Afrobarometer survey Round Three and Round Five. Then, I investigate whether there is a positive correlation between the two variables. The findings show that the level of civic participation did not change significantly over time. However, further analyses indicate that there is a partially positive correlation between civil society assistance and the change of civic participation. Also, the positive correlation between the assistance and the specific type of civic participation, communing activities, is sustained even when an endogenous factor, the political environment of the countries is hold constant.

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Maxson, Brian J. y Nicholas Scott Baker. "After Civic Humanism: Learning and Politics in Renaissance Italy". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://www.amzn.com/0772721777.

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The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia University
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg

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Watson, Ruth. ""Civil disorder is the disease of Ibadan" : chieftaincy and civic culture in a colonial city /". Oxford [UK] : Athens : J. Curry ; Ohio University Press, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy045/2002074827.html.

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Kim, Sung-Ho. "Max Weber's politics of civil society /". Cambridge (GB) : Cambridge university press, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39148042g.

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Lo, Yin-fun. "Civic education and political change : a case study in a primary school in Hong Kong /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18811413.

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18

Michalak, Katja. "Civil Service Reform and the Quality of Governance in Romania". The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1222181181.

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19

Hanada, Nanaho. "A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.

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Mahoney, Smith Melissa. "Civic Dignity and Meaningful Political Participation". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/111.

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This dissertation looks at how enhanced political participation opportunities can increase individual liberty and improve public-sector reform efforts. It blends political theory with contemporary concerns for individual well-being and government accountability. To do this, several research methodologies are used, including normative, qualitative process-tracing, and quantitative analysis. First, the dissertation draws insights from ancient and modern political philosophy and the political thought and example of Jane Addams in 19th Century Chicago. It begins with Josiah Ober’s work on civic dignity, which he defines as “equal high standing” among citizens, marked by “non-infantilization and non-humiliation.” This definition is a useful starting point but somehow seems thin for a concept of such import. In exploring the wisdom of Tocqueville’s “schools” of democracy and Jane Addams’ notion of fellowship, I expand the definition of civic dignity to include “having a sense of ownership.” In other words, being dignified as a citizen in a self-governing political community should include having a seat at the proverbial table where one can speak and be heard. This means that political participation opportunities would ideally carry low transaction costs while maximizing the substance that can be contributed. Through Addams’ experience at Hull House, the settlement house she co-founded, I highlight how these opportunities for meaningful political participation are indispensable to individual civic dignity, and by extension, individual liberty and well-being. Second, civic dignity is viewed through a different lens, namely the role it can play when incorporated successfully into policy design and implementation. Arguably, a self- governing political community’s greatest asset is the collective knowledge and lived experience of its citizens. But current political participation mechanisms and policy designs do not do a good job leveraging that resource, and many individuals may find themselves unofficially shut out. Using process-tracing methodology, a case study explores resettlement projects targeting the urban poor in Mandaue City, the Philippines. The case study results demonstrate that deepening democracy (by incorporating civic dignity into the policy design and implementation) not only benefits individual liberty, but can also produce better outcomes and contribute to anti-corruption efforts. Taking civic dignity into account during policy design and implementation is not merely a “feel good” option; it is a strategic option that allows the political community to leverage local knowledge by enlisting the participation of those individuals or groups closest to the problem or challenge at hand. While this finding is not entirely novel, it is far from standard practice. Domestically and internationally, the coercive force of government and/or the “tyranny of experts” is too often the default approach for policy design and implementation. Third, the theoretical and practical explorations of civic dignity are used to construct a measure for civic dignity. In a data driven world, reliable and valid measurement is key, and if the concept of civic dignity is going to gain currency, then validating a scale to capture it is essential. Through Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), survey items are examined to determine which items map onto the latent factors that comprise civic dignity. A 22-item four-factor solution that maps onto the four components of civic dignity is presented. The newly minted Civic Dignity Scale is then compared against measures from political science and psychology literature that are theoretically related but distinct from civic dignity, such as political efficacy and self-determination, to test for construct validity. Spearman correlations yield reassuring results, showing statistically significant strong positive correlations as hypothesized. Finally, the relationship between the Civic Dignity Scale and political participation is analyzed for further construct validity. A Poisson regression model shows that for every one unit increase in an individual’s civic dignity, the likelihood that one would participate in political activities also increases. While a confirmation factor analysis is needed for further scale validation, the EFA and subsequent analyses do codify and deepen our understanding of civic dignity. In the future, a fully validated Civic Dignity Scale would enable reformers like Addams and those in Mandaue City to legitimize and track their efforts empirically.

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Watson, Ruth. "Chieftaincy politics and civic consciousness in Ibadan history, 1829-1939". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287518.

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Doherty, Liz. "Service or Politics?: The Civic Identities of Boston College Undergraduates". Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104302.

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Thesis advisor: Michael Malec
American universities provide undergraduate students with seemingly endless opportunities for civic engagement. According to a recent report released by Boston College, students volunteer more than 444,000 hours of community service throughout the year (Community Benefits and Service Programs). This honors thesis offers a critical exploration of students’ attitudes towards civic engagement and how they make meaning of the change-making processes in which they choose to engage. The research was designed to explore how students feel about civic engagement divided into two main categories: service and politics. Declining political participation has become a characteristic identifier of young adults today. How, then, does this generational trend fit into the civic engagement story of Boston College? By exploring students’ civic and political attitudes, one can make sense of the decisions students make regarding how they can best produce social change in a democratic society, namely whether they select a service-oriented or political path. First, this research aims to highlight the crucial intersections and interdependencies between involvement in both service and politics. In other words, the change-making capacity of either service or politics is limited when the two are considered mutually exclusive. Second, this research aims to assess whether students draw parallels Boston College undergraduates between service and politics. Ultimately, this research aims to inspire undergraduates at Boston College and elsewhere to develop civic identities, which incorporate service-oriented and political ideals
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Sociology

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Klaas, Brian Paul. "Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.

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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

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Fortou, Reyes Jose Antonio. "Political Participation After Civil Conflict: Nationalization, Militant Groups, and Subnational Democracy". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555427761071329.

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Sammut, Jeremy 1971. "The quest for civic virtue : citizenship and politics in federal Australia". Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7610.

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April, Alexandra L. "Civic Participation: Factors That Drive an Individual to Become Politically Involved". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/698.

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In order to understand the motivations and driving factors that encourage individuals to join the political sphere, as volunteers, the individual’s stories and background will be examined through an exploratory study without any initial hypothesis. Utilizing qualitative research methods, this study will directly look at the lived experiences of political volunteers that drive campaigns and candidates in Colorado’s 5th Congressional District. A greater understanding for both the factors that compel an individual to enter the political sphere in the first place as a volunteer as well as variables that persuade the volunteer to continually stay active will be analyzed. Results: Based off of 10 different interviews with registered voters in Colorado’s 5th Congressional District, this thesis found significant differences in motivations varying from party affiliations, religious values, as well as relationships with the campaign staff.

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Bernstein, Hilary J. "Between crown and community : politics and civic culture in sixteenth-century Poitiers /". Ithica (N. Y.) : Cornell University Press, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39126361p.

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Krolik, Theodore. "Playing to win : democratic deliberation, planning, and politics in Toronto's civic lottery". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/104988.

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Thesis: M.C.P., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2016.
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 180-196).
Government institutions across the world are currently experimenting with randomized household-selection engagement methods designed to maximize the diversity and representativeness of their sampled citizen participants. Varieties of "mini-publics" have been asked to deliberate on topics as wide-ranging as electoral reform and health care policy. As they have become more widespread, the focus of randomly selected citizen bodies has also been moving from topics debated at the national and state level to more practical questions affecting specific cities and communities. In this thesis project, I examine what happens when a city planning agency develops its own "mini-public" that is neither a one-off event nor supervised by elected officials. The heart of my research is an investigation of the Toronto Planning Review Panel, a "civic lottery" initiative begun in fall 2015 by the City of Toronto Planning Division intended to cover a broad spectrum of city planning topics over the course of multiple years. I present initial analysis of not only what the Panel looks like in practice, but also how it performs as a deliberative body. Though I consider the outlook of both volunteer and professional participants, I place special emphasis on the convening agency's perspective. I make a contribution to the extensive theoretical discussion by assessing the potential long-term ramifications for governance when city agencies form "mini-publics." While I present evidence to show that the Panel's contributions toward social justice and effectiveness immediately strengthen the legitimacy of the Planning Division's staff reports, I also argue that the Panel's popular element could eventually serve to validate the entire Planning Division within Toronto's larger "deliberative system."
by Theodore Krolik.
M.C.P.

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Sato, Shunsuke. "Civic Integration Policy in Europe between Politics and Law. Diversity within Convergence". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/277203.

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It is often said that European Immigration Policy has been converged to civic integration policy, which requires immigrants to learn the culture, history, and language etc. of the host country. That trend of convergence is sometimes regarded as the European retreat from multiculturalism, and sometimes even as convergence to the assimilationism, and so called 'fortress Europe.' This doctoral thesis is aiming at attaining more sophisticated understanding of this phenomena, by conducting analyses both at the national level and European level. At national level, it challenges the common wisdom that civic integration basically aims at restricting migrants and tries to revalorize national citizenship, through comparative analysis of the Dutch and the German party politics at the stage of legislating key national civic integration policy. By doing so, it found that the diversity of national civic integration policy from liberal to restrictive. At the EU level, it challenges the assumption that the EU played a role in uploading national interests and promoted European convergence towards restrictive immigration policy. Through the analysis of each EU institution's attitude and their influence over national immigration policy. It tries to figure out the processes of negative Europeanization where the effects of EU laws and soft governance tools of the commission actually pre-emptively guide the national policy towards rather modest civic integration, and even prohibited national member states from adopting very restrictive policy at national level. From the combination of those findings, the thesis tries to propose new model of immigrant integration and citizenship acquisition, that is, 'phased integration model'. It interprets the convergence towards civic integration as institutionalization of immigrant integration path in each member states.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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30

Netshiswinzhe, Rembuluwani Bethuel. "Civic associations in Khayelitsha : transition from politics of resistance to community development". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22440.

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Bibliography: pages 157-165.
The new political dispensation gave way to much questioning of the importance of the organs of civil society, and the role they play in development of our society. Civic Associations are but one of such institutions of civil society, and this study seeks to explore the role they will continue to play in a post-apartheid South Africa (SA). Civics truly played a major role in bringing about democracy in our country. Now the political changes that have occurred forces Civics to redefine their role within a democratic society. Widespread speculations are that Civics will focus in development and/or that they will be watchdogs to government. This is a qualitative study and data was collected mainly through interviews (structured and unstructured) and use of secondary sources. The study was conducted in Khayelitsha in the period July to December 1995, before the local government elections. Two Civic organisations participated in this study, that is, Western Cape United Squatter Association (WECUSA) and South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) of Khayelitsha. The respondents were mainly members of the executive committees of the two organisations. The sample was drawn through non-probability sampling, using purposive and snowball sampling. This allowed the researcher an opportunity to choose respondents who best meet the purpose of the study. The major conclusions of the study are that Civics are aware of the need to redefine their role, though to date they have achieved very little in this regard. The perception is that Civics will continue to exist, and shift their focus to development work. The other role that Civics see themselves as playing is that of acting as watchdogs to government. This view is rejected by some people because of the close relationship that Civics have with the political parties. Civics are aligned to specific political parties, for example, both Civics (WECUSA and SANCO) who participated in this study are aligned to the African National Congress (ANC). In the local government elections, these Civics canvassed people to vote for the ANC. The findings of the study have also shown that Civics are playing a significant role in their communities. They are concerned with provision of basic services such as water, electricity, building of roads, schools and health facilities. The major challenge that still remains facing Civics is for them to redefine their role and the question of their alliance with political parties.

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31

Burker, Matthias <1979&gt. "Three essays in civic capital". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4134/.

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McCann, Aislinn Bronwyn. "Civic Culture: Scotland's Struggle for its Political Interests". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77922.

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Politics today is facing a troubling trend towards the empowerment of nationalist movements. With strong historical traditions and a powerful Scottish National Party, Scotland would appear to be a prime candidate for such movements. However, this thesis argues that Scotland represents a nation with a unique civic culture. This thesis seeks to determine which elements of Scottish political and cultural history have led to its modern day civic culture, in the form of a civic nationalism, or patriotism. It asks: why is Scottish nationalism unique, and why does it matter? To answer, I have broken down the thesis into three main chapters that consider the theories of nationalism that are significant to the study of Scottish nationalism, the foundations of Scottish nationalism, and how Scottish nationalism manifests itself in civic contexts. The results reflect that Scottish civic culture deeply permeates the nation's politics. Even when given the opportunity for independence, Scotland chose to remain a part of the United Kingdom in order to maintain its interests with the European Union. And, while political cultures are subject to rapid change, the current state of Scottish culture reflects a civic manifestation.
Master of Arts

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33

Hash, Andrae Stephen. "Civic and political involvement among young adults: Exploring political talk, political efficacy and political participation in a community context". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51153.

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This study expands research on uses and gratifications by exploring political information-seeking uses of the Internet and social networking sites (SNS) and their relationships with political efficacy and political participation. Approximately 300 young adults completed a survey covering information-seeking, information access, and information sharing uses for local civic and political purposes. The study hypothesizes that young adults' political talk, particularly in their online social networks, is associated with political efficacy. Variables that support the relationship between information-seeking and political efficacy are also explored. Random and convenience samples of young adults were combined in this study to explore the cognitive (perceived efficacy) and civic (actual behavior) behaviors of undergraduate students at Virginia Tech in order to examine the role of political talk in individuals' opinion networks measured by the outcome of political talk. Results show considerable support for hypotheses emphasizing the predicted relationships between Internet and SNS for political information-seeking uses, political efficacy, and political participation gratifications. Future research exploring the broad range of political communication uses and their association with political efficacy and political participation is warranted.
Master of Arts

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34

MacDonald, David G. "Implementation of programmes of deliveration and civic education to counter erosional effects of civic apathy upon Liberal-Democratic politics". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0007/MQ42171.pdf.

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35

Blankshain, Jessica Deighan. "Essays on Interservice Rivalry and American Civil-Military Relations". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11505.

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How does interservice rivalry affect American civil-military relations? In three essays, I develop theoretical propositions about the relationship between interservice rivalry and civil-military outcomes; propose a two-stage model of civil-military interaction surrounding use of force decisions; and investigate the correlates of interservice rivalry with a focus on budget pressure.

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36

Orjuela, Camilla. "Civil society in civil war : peace work and identity politics in Sri Lanka /". Göteborg : Göteborg university, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400665147.

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37

Cheung, Chor-yung. "The quest for civil order : politics, rules, and individuality". Thesis, University of Hull, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421981.

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38

Collins, David A. "Absentee soldier voting in Civil War law and politics". Thesis, Wayne State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3643244.

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During the Civil War, twenty northern states changed their laws to permit absent soldiers to vote. Before enactment of these statutes, state laws had tethered balloting to the voter's community and required in-person participation by voters. Under the new laws, eligible voters – as long as they were soldiers – could cast ballots in distant military encampments, far from their neighbors and community leaders. This dissertation examines the legal conflicts that arose from this phenomenon and the political causes underlying it. Legally, the laws represented an abrupt change, contrary to earlier scholarship viewing them as culminating a gradual process of relaxing residency rules in the antebellum period. In fact, the laws left intact all prewar suffrage qualifications, including residency requirements. Their radicalism lay not in changing rules about who could vote, but in departing from the prewar legal blueprint of what elections were and how voters participated in them. The changes were constitutionally problematic, generating court challenges in some states and constitutional amendments in others. Ohio's experience offers a case study demonstrating the radicalism of the legal change and the constitutional tension it created. In political history, prior scholarship has largely overlooked the role the issue of soldier voting played in competition for civilian votes. The politics of 1863-1864 drew soldiers into partisan messaging, since servicemen spoke with authority on the themes the parties used to attack their opponents: the candidates' military incompetence, Lincoln's neglect of the troops, and McClellan's cowardice and disloyalty. Soldiers participated politically not only as voters, but also as spokesmen for these messages to civilian voters. In this setting, the soldier-voting issue became a battleground in partisan efforts to show kinship with soldiers. The issue's potency became evident nationally after the 1863 Pennsylvania gubernatorial race, presaging the 1864 presidential contest. The Republican incumbent ran as "the soldiers' friend" and attacked his Democratic rival as the enemy of soldiers for opposing that state's soldier-voting law. The issue was decisive in securing civilian votes for the victorious Republican. That experience launched a nationwide push by Republicans to enact soldier-voting laws in time for the 1864 elections.

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39

Stewart, Laura A. M. "Urban politics and British civil wars : Edinburgh, 1617-53 /". Leiden [u.a.] : Brill, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0701/2006298112.html.

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40

Pearce, Justin. "Control, ideology and identity in civil war : the Angolan Central Highlands 1965-2002". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1eaeab2-9116-45d8-8df3-47b967fd9f1f.

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This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from different strands of nationalism, and neither achieved complete control over Angola’s territory and people. Instead, I draw on constructivist approaches to statehood in analysing the war as a contest in which both sides invoked ideas of the state in asserting their legitimacy. The MPLA state controlled the cities while UNITA established rural bases and a bush capital, Jamba. Violence, often involving the capture of people, occurred at the margins of the areas of influence. Within each zone, each movement controlled public discourse to make its control hegemonic. Each presented itself as the authentic representative of the Angolan nation and condemned the other movement as the agent of foreign interests. These nationalist claims were given substance by processes of state building, more fully realised by the MPLA than by UNITA. Each movement’s claim to statehood served to legitimise its own violence while criminalising the violence of the other side. Public dissent was prohibited in either zone, but people’s responses to politicisation ranged from genuine support, to co-operating only as necessary to avoid punishment, depending largely on their degree of involvement in the state building process. War itself was central to constituting perceptions of common interest, and political actors’ capacity to manipulate perceptions depended largely on military control.

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41

Vicente, Tainá Dias [UNESP]. "A aproximação entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia e o processo de negociação do acordo nuclear civil (2008)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/128174.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-08-08. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:09Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000786856.pdf: 1216745 bytes, checksum: b504031a4ac0dfc529dbd1e9d3a05232 (MD5)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil
This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred

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42

Marčiulaitytė, Julija. "Tinklaraščiai kaip komunikacijos su rinkėjais ir įvaizdžio formavimo priemonė:Lietuvos politikų tinklaraščių analizė". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20100302_135535-75724.

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Magistro darbe nagrinėjamas politikų komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo procesas tinklaraščiuose, analizuojant skirtinguose valdymo lygmenyse: Europos Parlamente, Lietuvos Respublikos Seime bei vietos savivaldos institucijose piliečių interesus atstovaujančių politikų tinklaraščius. Tyrimu buvo siekiama patikrinti dvi pagrindines darbe formuluojamas hipotezes: 1) Lietuvos politikai tinklaraščiuose komunikuoja pasyviai bei formuoja personalizuotą politiko įvaizdį; 2) politiko veiklos aplinka lemia politiko tinklaraščio komunikacijos pobūdį: Lietuvos piliečių interesus Europos Parlamente, Lietuvos Respublikos Seime bei vietos savivaldos institucijose atstovaujančių politikų komunikacinės bei įvaizdžio formavimo strategijos skiriasi. Tyrimas buvo atliekamas keliais etapais. Pirmiausia, buvo aiškinamasi, kaip aktyviai tinklaraščiuose komunikuoja politikai. Šiame etape kiekybiškai ir kokybiškai tirti šešių politikų tinklaraščiai. Tyrimo metu siekta nustatyti politikų tinklaraščiuose vyraujančias komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo strategijas. Turinio analizės duomenys toliau buvo analizuojami remiantis penkiais pusiau struktūruotais kokybiniais interviu su skirtingo valdymo lygmenyse piliečių interesus atstovaujančiais politikais, kurių komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo strategijos nėra aiškiai apibrėžtos, ir ekspertais: elektroninės ir politinės komunikacijos specifiką tyrinėjančia mokslininke bei aktyviu tinklaraštininku, politikų tinklaraščiais besidominčiu politikos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
This MA thesis focuses on the process of politicians’ communication and image formation in blogs and analyses different administration levels, i.e. the blogs of the politicians representing citizens’ interests in the European Parliament, the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and local municipal institutions. The goal of the analysis is to test the two main hypotheses enunciated in the paper – 1) Lithuanian politicians communicate passively and embody a personalised politician’s image in their blogs; 2) the environment of a politician’s activity preconditions the nature of the politician’s blog – communication and image formation strategies of politicians representing citizens in the European Parliament, the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and local municipal institutions differ. The analysis consists of several stages. The first stage is an investigation of how actively politicians communicate in their blogs. This stage contains a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the blogs of six politicians. The goal of this research is to determine the communication and image formation strategies dominating in the politicians’ blogs. The data of the content analysis is further analysed based on the five half-structured qualitative interviews with the politicians representing citizens on various administration levels whose communication and image formation strategies are not clearly defined; the experts, a scientist analysing the specifics of the electronic and political... [to full text]

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43

Treviño, González Mónica. "Race, hegemony, mobilisation : what roles for the state and for civil society? : the transformation of racial politics in Brazil". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102219.

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An enduring puzzle of race relations in Brazil is that for most of the 20th century this topic was conspicuously absent from politics, in spite of deep-rooted inequalities between whites and non-whites. The ideology of "racial democracy" effectively depoliticised the issue until the late 1990s, when a wide-ranging programme of affirmative action policies for Afro-Brazilians was implemented.
Beginning with the idea that the myth of racial democracy functioned as an ideological hegemony in the Gramscian sense, this dissertation seeks to explain the process through which public policies ceased to reflect this hegemonic ideology, and instead began to represent a counterhegemonic project. Contrary to traditional Gramscian analysis, I argue that a counterhegemonic project can be defended not only by civil society actors, but also by the state, and that the relative strength of counterhegemonic actors is often influenced by transnational factors. Indeed, I argue that when civil society actors lack the necessary strength to reach a leadership position in civil society that can counter the hegemonic order, a counterhegemonic confluence of civil society, state and transnational actors can produce this change.
An analysis of the evolution of racial politics in Brazil since the return of democratic rule in the 1980s demonstrates that such a confluence did indeed take place in Brazil, culminating at the United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001. A study of the implementation of admissions quotas for Afro-Brazilians in the state universities of Rio de Janeiro serves to confirm the importance of the contribution of the state and transnational actors, as well as to examine the limits of the confluence.

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44

Ekman, Joakim y Erik Amnå. "Political participation and civic engagement : towards a new typology". Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-22607.

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Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the articleoffers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previousdefinitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civicengagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. Inparticular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest 'political participation'(including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary politicalaction) and less direct or 'latent' forms of participation, conceptualized here as 'civicengagement' and 'social involvement'. The article argues that the notion of 'latent'forms of participation is crucial to understand new forms of political behaviour and theprospects for political participation in different countries. Due to these innovations itcontributes to a much-needed theoretical development within the literature on politicalparticipation and citizen engagement.

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45

Man, Charles Chi Wai. "Impacts of digital inequality on civic and political participation /". View abstract or full-text, 2010. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202010%20MAN.

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46

McQuiston, James M. "Social capital in the production gap: social networking services and their transformative role in civic engagement". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1374593081.

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47

Lo, Yin-fun y 盧燕芬. "Civic education and political change: a case study in a primary school in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31959672.

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48

Beattie, Laura Isobel Helen. "Politics of community in Shakespeare's comic commonwealths". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33052.

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This thesis explores the politics of community in five Shakespearean comedies: The Comedy of Errors (1594), The Merchant of Venice (1596-8), Measure for Measure (1603-4), The Tempest (1611) and The Two Noble Kinsmen (1613). The idea of community addresses many issues usually thought to belong to 'high politics'. Thinking about this topic therefore enables us to articulate a notion of the political firmly grounded within the functioning of the commonwealth at a local level and as a state of interpersonal relations. This thesis has three key aims. Firstly, it argues that the plays highlight the responsibility of all community members, no matter their gender or status, in shaping and contributing to their political environment by displaying civic virtue, working to obtain justice and influencing their ruler's behaviour. By so doing, it focuses on the processes of civic engagement and the political implications of everyday life within a community which have often been neglected in readings of Shakespeare's work thus far. Secondly, this thesis illustrates the inseparability of ethics and politics. It demonstrates throughout that relationships between individuals within a community can have widereaching implications, whether that be in terms of the existence of trust between friends, family members or fellow citizens; the importance of consent existing between subjects and ruler; or the ability of fellow-feeling to confer a sense of agency upon subjects. Lastly, it contends that Shakespeare's assessment of the commonwealth in his comedies, with its emphasis on civic values and on the relationship between the community and the individual, remains attuned to Aristotelian and Ciceronian thought, in contrast to the Tacitean influences critics have detected in the darkness and scepticism of his tragedies and histories. Shakespeare's comedies therefore question the commonly accepted paradigm in early modern intellectual history that Tacitus' prominence increased greatly in the intellectual climate of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, while Aristotle's and Cicero's diminished. Moving away from the predominant focus on the tragedies and histories in analyses of Shakespeare's political thought, this thesis foregrounds the significance of citizenship, the household and friendship and reassesses the role of the comedies in Shakespeare's thinking about politics.

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49

Gross, Deanna Katherine y deanna gross@adelaide edu au. "POLITICS AND PLUNDER: Civil war and regional intervention in Africa". Flinders University. School of Political and International Studies, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080502.111658.

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Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.

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50

Clark, Kristen Ellam. "Predatory politics?: an assessment of Jamaica's civil war, 1990-2000". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192313.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Civics and Politics"

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