Artículos de revistas: "Civics and Politics"

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Rusu, Mihai Stelian. "’Civilising’ the Transitional Generation: The Politics of Civic Education in Post-Communist Romania". Social Change Review 17, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2019): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scr-2019-0005.

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Abstract The paper examines the introduction of civic education in post-communist Romania as an educational means of civilising in a democratic ethos the children of the transition. Particularly close analytical attention is paid to a) the political context that shaped the decision to introduce civic education, b) the radical changes in both content and end purpose of civics brought about by educational policies adopted for accelerating the country’s efforts of integrating into the Euro-Atlantic structures (NATO and the European Union), and c) the actual consequences that these educational policies betting on civics have had on the civic values expressed by Romanian teenagers. The analysis rests on an extensive sample of schoolbooks and curricula of civic education, civic culture, and national history used in primary and secondary education between 1992 (when civics was first introduced) and 2007 (when Romania joined the EU). Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the paper argues that a major discursive shift had taken place between 1999 and 2006, propelled by Romania’s accelerated efforts to join the EU. Set in motion by the new National Curriculum of 1998, the content of civics textbooks went through a dramatic change from a nationalist ethos towards a Europeanist orientation. The paper identifies and explores the consequences of a substantial shift from a heroic paradigm of celebrating the nation’s identity and monumentalised past towards a reflexive post-heroic model of celebrating the country’s European vocation.

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Muff, Aline y Zvi Bekerman. "Agents of the nation-state or transformative intellectuals? Exploring the conflicting roles of civics teachers in Israel". Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 14, n.º 1 (12 de diciembre de 2017): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917743752.

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This article focuses on the role of the civics teacher against the backdrop of the recent political developments in Israel, where the political elite increasingly seeks to underpin citizenship education with a national-religious ideology. As in previous work on this topic by other academics, we draw on Gramsci’s work on cultural hegemony to locate the hegemonic discourse of citizenship education in Israel and focus on the teacher’s role along the spectrum of being an agent of the nation-state to acting as a transformative intellectual. We have interviewed Jewish-Israeli civics teachers to gain a better understanding of how they mediate their role between the different demands that the politics of civic education in Israel imposes on them. Our findings outline how teachers sometimes tend to reproduce the hegemonic discourse and how they also find ways to rebel against it, drawing on counter-hegemonic strategies in their classroom practice.

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SOLT, FREDERICK. "Civics or Structure? Revisiting the Origins of Democratic Quality in the Italian Regions". British Journal of Political Science 34, n.º 1 (12 de diciembre de 2003): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123403000383.

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What determines the responsiveness and effectiveness of democratic governments in meeting their citizens’ needs? Based on his 1993 study of the twenty Italian regions, Robert Putnam argued that ‘civic community’, a self-reinforcing syndrome of social engagement and political participation, is the explanation. A re-examination of Putnam’s data reveals little evidence of such a syndrome, but confirms that where more citizens participate in politics outside of networks of clientelistic exchange, more effective democratic government results. To discern the causes of variation in this self-motivated political participation, I test Putnam’s measures of social engagement against aspects of Italian socio-economic structure. Economic development and the historical distribution of land, not social engagement, are found to be powerful predictors of self-motivated political participation and in turn democratic quality.

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SUNDERLAND, HELEN. "POLITICS IN SCHOOLGIRL DEBATING CULTURES IN ENGLAND, 1886–1914". Historical Journal 63, n.º 4 (21 de octubre de 2019): 935–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000414.

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ABSTRACTDebating was an important part of schoolgirls’ political education in late Victorian and Edwardian England that has been overlooked in the scholarship on female education and civics instruction. Debates offered middle- and working-class schoolgirls an embodied and interactive education for citizenship. Considering both the content of discussions and the process of debating, this article argues that school debates provided a unique opportunity for girls to discuss political ideas and develop political skills. Debates became intertwined with girls’ peer cultures, challenging contemporary and historiographical assumptions of girlhood apoliticism. Positioning girls as political subjects sheds new light on political change in modern Britain. Schoolgirl debates show how gendered political boundaries were shifting in this period. Within the unique space of the school debating chamber, girls were free to appropriate and subvert ‘masculine’ political subjects and ways of speaking. In mock parliaments, schoolgirls re-created the archetypal male political space of the House of Commons, demonstrating their familiarity with parliamentary politics. Schoolgirl debates therefore foreshadowed initiatives that promoted women's citizenship after partial suffrage was achieved in 1918, and they help to explain how the first women voters were assimilated easily into existing party and constitutional politics.

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Reuben, Julie A. "Beyond Politics: Community Civics and the Redefinition of Citizenship in the Progressive Era". History of Education Quarterly 37, n.º 4 (1997): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369872.

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Mellor, Suzanne. "Politics, civics curricula, and decision making in schools: Can schools change student cynicism?" Set: Research Information for Teachers, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 1998): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/set.0836.

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Journell, Wayne y Lisa Brown Buchanan. "Making Politics Palatable: Using Television Drama in High School Civics and Government Classes". Social Studies 103, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2011.571302.

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Gordon, Mordechai. "Lying in Politics: Fake News, Alternative Facts, and the Challenges for Deliberative Civics Education". Educational Theory 68, n.º 1 (febrero de 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/edth.12288.

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Berch, Neil. "A Practical Project for Introductory American Politics Classes". Political Science Teacher 3, n.º 2 (1990): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800001057.

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Many political scientists find that they have difficulty generating enthusiasm (from both themselves and their students) when they teach the introductory course in American politics. The material can be very dry and basic, students are often required to take the course, and many believe they know the material from high school civics classes. In short, motivation can be a major problem, and the instructor must find a way to get students involved with the course. This is especially important, because this course often serves as the gateway to other offerings in American politics. If students are not excited about the Intro class, they may not go any farther in political science.I believe the key to motivation in this class lies in getting students to actually participate in the interest group process. This allows them to test the theoretical constructs presented in the course in the laboratory of real world politics. Therefore, I have designed an introductory course in American politics that is centered around a small group project that requires students to try to get a government (local, state, or national) to do something substantial that the group proposes.In many respects, my course is a fairly traditional introduction to American politics. We cover the Constitution, federalism, interest groups, civil rights, elections, theories of power,and the institutions. The reading is reduced a bit to allow time for students to work on the projects. After describing the project, I will explain how it fits into the framework of the course.

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Ahmad Sodikin. "Kontribusi Pondok Pesantren Haji Ya’qub Lirboyo Kediri dalam Mengembangkan Pendidikan Politik Islam di Indonesia". Dirasah : Jurnal Studi Ilmu dan Manajemen Pendidikan Islam 1, n.º 2 (30 de agosto de 2018): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29062/dirasah.v1i2.21.

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Speaking of pesantren and Islamic politics, it cannot be separated from Islam and its people, while Muslims have been encouraged by their leaders (although in minority number) that to not mix religion with politic, especially in Indonesia in the 1980s so that there is an impression that Muslims do not need to engage in politic mainly in the pesantren community and that's why Muslims and their leaders become afraid talking about politics. It encourages the writer to find out more about how political education in pesantren which finally the writer do research in the pesantren in particular pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo in Kediri. The type of research used was qualitative descriptive. Because the research aimed to describe the phenomena at the research location. This research succeeded in obtaining findings according to the problem questions which in the outline can be summarized as follows: Islamic political education in pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo indirectly existed since the time of its establishment, but limited only to the role model of the kyais. On the other hand, the form of political education such as organizations still exist, for example Jamiyyah, Bahtsul Masa'il Institution, and Madrasah Diniyah. While education that is purely in the form of lesson is understanding Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Civics that learned in public school. Contribution of Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school in Islamic political education consisted of two types which is fund and behavior. In the form of fund contribution was donation to the local election committee. Whereas in the form of the behavior, the Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school formed organizations such as LBM, Jamiyyah, and Madrasah Diniyah.

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Jent, William. "Supranational Civics: Poverty and the Politics of Representation in Brian Friel'sThe Freedom of the City". Modern Drama 37, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1994): 568–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.37.4.568.

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Macknight, Vicki. "The politics of pedagogy: civics education and epistemology at Victorian primary schools, 1930s and 1950s". History of Education Review 36, n.º 2 (14 de octubre de 2007): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/08198691200700009.

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Weninger, Csilla y Ee Moi Kho. "The (bio)politics of engagement: shifts in Singapore's policy and public discourse on civics education". Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 35, n.º 4 (6 de enero de 2014): 611–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2013.871231.

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Molina-Giron, L. Alison. "Civics Is Largely About Politics: The Possibilities and Challenges of a Citizenship Education Pedagogy that Embraces Democratic Politics and Recognizes Diversity". International Journal of Multicultural Education 18, n.º 1 (29 de febrero de 2016): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18251/ijme.v18i1.1091.

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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="section"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Research investigating the practice of citizenship education in multicultural schools is scarce. Drawing on classroom observations and teacher and student interviews in four multicultural Grade 10 Civics classrooms in Ottawa, Canada, this case study discusses one teacher’s unique citizenship education pedagogy, an approach that embraces democratic politics and affirms diversity. Vignettes of class instruction illustrate the teaching strategies implemented and the struggles faced in employing this pedagogical approach. The case study contends that a critical multicultural citizenship education must have a strong political orientation and, additionally, be responsive to the existing social and cultural diversity that defines our democratic community. </span></p></div></div></div></div><br />

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Menefee-Libey, David. "High School Civics Textbooks: What We Know Versus What We Teach about American Politics and Public Policy". Journal of Political Science Education 11, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2015): 422–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2015.1072051.

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Lee, Mordecai. "Pop Culture as Civics Lesson: Exploring the Dearth of State Legislatures in Hollywood’s Public Sector". Public Voices 12, n.º 2 (23 de noviembre de 2016): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.85.

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While there is a growing body of academic literature on the cinematic depictions ofAmerican politics, there has not been a specific focus on the screen image of statelegislatures, the source of the laws that public administrators in state government are empowered by. This exploratory inquiry seeks to identify, describe and analyzeHollywood’s presentation of state legislatures. While only six movies and one television series met the criteria used for this investigation, these few examples conveyed, in part, the vividness and dynamism of the work of state legislatures. Of the seven examples, six occurred in the South and several put the legislature in a reactive role to the governor. Still, given Hollywood’s requirement for drama that necessitates exaggerating reality, these seven examples nonetheless were, in part, credible visual depictions of state legislatures doing their jobs.

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Blevins, Brooke, Karon Nicol LeCompte y Michelle Bauml. "Developing students’ understandings of citizenship and advocacy through action civics". Social Studies Research and Practice 13, n.º 2 (10 de septiembre de 2018): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-02-2018-0009.

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PurposeIn the wake of the 2016 US presidential election and the political turmoil that has ensued since, the need to prepare youth as active, well-informed citizens is self-evident. Middle and high school students have the potential to shape public and political opinion and encourage others to engage in collective, grassroots civic efforts to enact positive change in their communities through social media and face-to-face communication (CIRCLE Staff, 2018). Action civics has emerged as a promising civic education practice for preparing young people for active and informed civic participation. By providing students with the opportunity to “engage in a cycle of research, action, and reflection about problems they care about personally while learning about deeper principles of effective civic and especially political action” (Levinson, 2012, p. 224). The paper aims to discuss these issues.Design/methodology/approachThis interpretive qualitative case study utilized Westheimer and Kahne’s (2004) citizen typology to examine 30 fifth through ninth graders’ conceptions of citizenship, civic action and advocacy as a result of their participation in an action civics inquiry project that took place during summer civics camps.FindingsFindings show that overall, students’ conceptions of citizenship remained relatively unchanged after participating in the summer civics camps; however, students did develop increased understanding of advocacy and were more readily able to identify the “root causes” of community issues.Originality/valueImplications of this study add to a small but growing body of literature on the outcomes of action civics programs and may inform the design and implementation of these kinds of programs.

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Hudson, Martyn y Hazel Donkin. "TESTT Space: groundwork and experiment in a complex arts organisation". Arts and the Market 9, n.º 2 (9 de diciembre de 2019): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aam-05-2019-0016.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to document and describe an omni-disciplinary ethnography of a complex arts and cultural regeneration organisation in Durham (TESTT Space). The organization and its art spaces are hybrid combination tools explicitly designed to test and experiment with ideas, social forms, human interactions and arts practice. Its ground or practice is a repurposed meanwhile space in a city centre embedded in a unique cultural landscape of local communities, a University and a World Heritage Site. The research attempted to understand its groundwork, its interactions and its civic mission and aspirations in a time of radical change and rupture. Design/methodology/approach The authors assumed an ethnographic approach, working with and within this organisation for a year, thinking of the research as embedded, intimate research and committed to social change. It was a work of co-production – working with studio-holders, curators, artists and facilitators using a range of triangulated qualitative research methods. These include structured interviews, auto-ethnography, ethnography of spaces, arts-led research, art as research and research as art. Findings TESTT Space has allowed both the retention of artists in the city and the propulsion of artists into the world. It has offered different ways of engaging in the complex lives of artists and curators, allowing them to test aesthetics and try out new social models. It has thought up its own network as a thinking practice, has developed its own politics, civics and imagined a set of new futures. Originality/value The paper documents interactions and aspirations, describing the lived phenomenological experience of being in this experimental space.

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Journell, Wayne. "We Still Need You! An Update on the Status of K-12 Civics Education in the United States". PS: Political Science & Politics 48, n.º 04 (octubre de 2015): 630–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651500089x.

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ABSTRACTIn 2001, Richard Niemi and Julia Smith published an article inPS: Political Science and Politicson enrollments in high school civics and government courses. They framed their study on the premise that political scientists were ignoring an important aspect of American civic and political life, and they concluded by issuing a call for political scientists to become more involved in K-12 civics education. This article provides an update on the state of K-12 civics education and renews Niemi and Smith’s call for political science engagement in K-12 education.

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Koyama, Jill. "Competing and Contested Discourses of Citizenship and Civic Praxis". education policy analysis archives 25 (27 de marzo de 2017): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.25.2730.

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In this paper, I utilize complementary features of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Actor-Network Theory (ANT) to trace and investigate issues of power, materiality, and reproduction embedded within notions of citizenship and civic engagement. I interrogate the often narrow and conservative political and public discourses in Arizona, as well as the xenophobic-driven civics education policy. To these, I juxtapose the enactment of citizenship by youth who use, produce, and share language materials and counter authoritative citizenship and civic discourses, especially, but not exclusively, in online contexts. I explore the questions: In what ways are discourses of civic engagement and citizenship assembled, interpreted, understood, enacted, and contested in Arizona? What are the relationships between the civics education policy, discursive enactments of citizenship, and the youth of Mexican descent’s online civic practices? I draw on a mixture of textual (language materials) and discursive (events, acts, and practices) data collected in Arizona to argue that youth are doing critical, yet unrecognized and undervalued, forms of civic engagement online, which could be incorporated in the formal civics education curriculum.

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Blevins, Brooke, Karon LeCompte y Sunny Wells. "Innovations in Civic Education: Developing Civic Agency Through Action Civics". Theory & Research in Social Education 44, n.º 3 (2 de julio de 2016): 344–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2016.1203853.

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Chignola, Sandro. "Civis, civitas, civilitas". Contributions to the History of Concepts 3, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2007): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/180793207x237713.

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By focusing on the Italian translations of civilization, the author explores ways in which conceptual change has reflected historical developments in Italy. Unlike the widespread literal translation of civilization from English or French to other languages, civilizzazione has been a marginal term in Italian. On the other hand, terms such as civiltà, more akin to the Latin civitas, are more frequently employed. e article maps out the complex semantics of civitas and how its trajectory in the philosophy of history was uniquely translated into Italian. Whereas in other European nations civilization and the notion of historical progress it conveyed became a central concept, in Italy, due to the elaboration of an identity heavily influenced by Christian heritage, the more static concept of civiltà proved to be more significant.

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Boyte, Harry C. "Civic Populism". Perspectives on Politics 1, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2003): 737–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592703000549.

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Daniel Patrick Moynihan once argued, “The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society.” Today, politics, as conventionally understood, illustrates the unspoken danger in Moynihan's point. Politics itself reflects larger trends that point not toward success but toward social failure. Superficial sloganeering, domination by marketplace modes of thought, and bitter sectarian divisions—cultural patterns also evident in politics—made “being political” an accusation of choice in the 2002 elections. These patterns are creating a civic illness that seems both all-pervasive and ineluctable.

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CAMPBELL, DAVID E. y RICHARD G. NIEMI. "Testing Civics: State-Level Civic Education Requirements and Political Knowledge". American Political Science Review 110, n.º 3 (agosto de 2016): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000368.

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Do state-level exams in civics have a positive impact on young people's civic knowledge? We hypothesize that civics exams have the biggest effect in states where they are a requirement for high school graduation—theincentivehypothesis. We further hypothesize that civics requirements have the biggest effect on young people with less exposure to information about the U.S. political system at home, specifically Latinos and, especially, immigrants—thecompensationhypothesis. We test these hypotheses with the 2006 and 2010 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) civics test administered to high school students, and with a large national survey of 18–24 year-olds. Across the two datasets, we find modest support for the incentive hypothesis and strong support for the compensation hypothesis.

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Lenkowsky, Leslie. "The Politics and Civics of National Service: Lessons From the Civilian Conservation Corps, VISTA, and AmeriCorps, by Melissa Bass, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2013, 304 pp., $32.95, hardback." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 33, n.º 1 (10 de diciembre de 2013): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.21736.

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Gainous, Jason y Allison M. Martens. "The Effectiveness of Civic Education". American Politics Research 40, n.º 2 (8 de noviembre de 2011): 232–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11419492.

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Past research has explored the effectiveness of civic education in America’s classrooms. We build on these efforts using a survey of American students to test whether civics instruction enhances students’ political knowledge, political efficacy, and their voting intent. We refer to these outcomes, collectively, as democratic capacity. Recognizing that not all classroom experiences are created equal, we break new ground by exploring the degree to which the effectiveness of civic education is conditioned on variation in instructional methods employed by teachers. We also examine how variation in students’ home environment affects the effectiveness of civic education. The results suggest that civic education seems to influence democratic capacity only for those students who come from less privileged backgrounds and that teachers who use a wider range of instructional methods appear to deter the stimulation of knowledge for these students while simultaneously boosting their efficacy. We discuss the implications of these findings.

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Smith, Michael y The Honorable Bob Graham. "Teaching Active Citizenship: A Companion to the Traditional Political Science Curriculum". PS: Political Science & Politics 47, n.º 03 (19 de junio de 2014): 703–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000870.

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ABSTRACTThe authors of this article advocate a new curriculum that can be applied to American government, introduction to political science, and state and local government courses. For the past half-century, high school and college general-education requirements have deemphasized civics, government, and political science. In response to the corresponding decrease in the nation’s civic health, this proposal is based on three principles. First, teaching citizenship is different than teaching civics. Second, citizenship is taught most effectively by engagement in the “real world,” with students completing projects that take them step by step through the policy-change process. Finally, the education and preparation of future high school government teachers needs to change to encourage them to teach their students the rights, responsibilities, and competencies of active citizenship.

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Kopeček, Michal. "The Rise and Fall of Czech Post-Dissident Liberalism after 1989". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, n.º 2 (15 de abril de 2011): 244–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410389175.

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The article describes the rise and fall of the Civic Movement during the early 1990s, the most distinct post-dissident political group in Czech politics after 1989. Basically it follows two lines of enquiry. The first describes the post—Charter 77 community of people during the first years after the 1989 Czechoslovak democratic revolution, when strong personalities of the Czech culture and civic activism from its midst strove to cultivate a vision of “November 1989” in the nascent Czech democratic political culture and to promote the Velvet Revolution’s ethos as its base, first in the Civic Forum and later through one of the successor organisations, Civic Movement. Analysing the main reasons why these efforts were rather unsuccessful, the article turns to the “the politics of history” of the early Czechoslovak and Czech democracy. The “politics towards the past,” namely, turned out to be a soft spot of the post-dissident political elite and actually one of the main conflict points among the various cultural-political streams stemming from the former anticommunist opposition. The second line of enquiry focuses on this community’s half-hearted, if not even forced attempt at a political-ideological delineation heading towards socially conceived liberalism. The article describes how this attempt at recasting the “legacy” of former dissidence into a civic or social liberal political form also failed relatively soon due to the structural development of the Czech political system as well as internal ideological and political diversity of the Civic Movement.

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Potulski, Jakub. "The Civic Culture: Between Analytical Category and Normative Ideal". Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 27 (22 de diciembre de 2020): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2020.27.02.

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Political culture is one of the most popular research areas related to the functioning of the sphere of politics. Contemporary research on political culture was initiated in the 1950s by American researchers Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. Their research was characterised by the assumption that the stability of a political system requires a balance between political structures and the accompanying political patterns. They pointed out that modern democratic institutions require civic participation and thus the development of a specific type of attitudes towards the sphere of politics referred to as the civic culture. In this article, the author analyses the social context in which the concepts of Almond and Verba arose, noting that they strongly influenced the way the concept of the civic culture was conceptualised. The author draws attention to the normative aspect of the theory of the American researchers, the consideration of which is necessary for a full understanding of the concept of the civic culture.

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Violante, Luciano. "TANGENTOPOLI: GIUDICI CONTRO?" Il Politico 251, n.º 2 (3 de marzo de 2020): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2019.242.

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I processi per corruzione politica e amministrativa iniziati a Milano nel 1992 hanno segnato la fine del sistema politico stabilitosi dopo la Liberazione. Non sempre consapevolmente, la magistratura ha svolto il ruolo di ostetrica del nuovo sistema nato dalle elezioni del 1994. quel sistema è nato in un clima di sospetto e diffidenza nei confronti della politica e dei leader politici. questi tratti continuano a prevalere e continueranno a prevalere fino a quando non si troverà la forza di ricostruire modalità di condotta civile, politica e istituzionale sul modello dei principi di fiducia e rispetto.

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Chitiga, Miriam. "Performing Arts for Effective Civic Engagement". International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 1, n.º 3 (julio de 2014): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2014070105.

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There is a dearth of civic knowledge, skills, dispositions, and interest among pre-and post-secondary students and the general public. Many people are not equipped with the necessary knowledge of American political history, democratic institutions, processes, and civic life needed to allow them to become active, effective, responsible, and empowered citizens and leaders of the future. The traditional mode of incorporating civics in the lecture format in social studies and political science curricula is ineffective. The Performing Arts for Effective Civic Engagement (PAECE) program is a cross-disciplinary, multi-institutional effort that was created to address this problem through creative, entertaining performance-based content delivery that is designed by students. This paper describes the details on the program implementation, evalution, as well as its outcomes, in an effort to disseminate pertinent information for possible replication or adaptation of the model by other institutions. The paper concludes with some implications for higher education institutions.

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Jamieson, Kathleen Hall. "The Challenges Facing Civic Education in the 21st Century". Daedalus 142, n.º 2 (abril de 2013): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00204.

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This essay explores the value and state of civics education in the United States and identifies five challenges facing those seeking to improve its quality and accessibility: 1) ensuring that the quality of civics education is high is not a state or federal priority; 2) social studies textbooks do not facilitate the development of needed civic skills; 3) upper-income students are better served by our schools than are lower-income individuals; 4) cutbacks in funds available to schools make implementing changes in civics education difficult; and 5) reform efforts are complicated by the fact that civics education has become a pawn in a polarized debate among partisans.

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Barr, Hugh. "Citizenship Education without a Textbook". Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 3, n.º 1 (marzo de 1998): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.1998.3.1.28.

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It has always been acknowledged that a free society is dependent on the knowledge, skills, and virtues of its citizens and those they elect to office. For this reason, civic education has always been regarded as an essential component of any education system. A new enthusiasm for citizenship education has recently seen the revision, or re-introduction of civics programmes into the schools of Western Europe, North America and Australasia. This paper suggests that while facts are undoubtedly an essential ingredient of any civic education programme, formal instruction in civics and government may not be the best way to teach effective citizenship. In a world that demands confident, informed and responsible citizens, citizenship education may be taught best through programmes which develop appropriate skills and encourage appropriate attitudes and values.

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Leege, David C. "Catholics and the Civic Order: Parish Participation, Politics, and Civic Participation". Review of Politics 50, n.º 4 (1988): 704–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500042017.

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Renewed interest in the relationship between religion and politics in the United States and widespread discussion of recent pastoral letters adopted by the American bishops, especially those dealing with disarmament and the economy, have drawn attention to the political values of American Catholics. After a brief historical review of the political experiences of American Catholics and of the roles social theorists accord religion in political life, this article addresses three concerns: (1) in a nation of joiners, does parish participation reinforce civic participation? (2) are there patterns in the connection between religious values and political values? and (3) do parishioners feel that church leaders should offer teachings on personal morality and sociopolitical questions and, if so, should the teaching be accorded special respect? The primary basis for empirical generalizations is a sample of 2667 active, parish-connected non-Hispanic Catholics.

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35

Patrushev, Sergey V., Artemiy M. Kuchinov, Olga A. Miryasova, Irina L. Nedyak, Tamara V. Pavlova y Ludmila E. Filippova. "Formation of Civic Responsibility in Russia". Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 8, n.º 1 (2020): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.1.7093.

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The concept of civic responsibility is poorly studied by modern political science and is not sufficiently used in the analysis of the Russian political situation. This article attempts to develop the concept of civic responsibility as a category in political science using political, sociological and institutional approaches. The scientific novelty lies in the deployment of the concept of civic responsibility in the institutional context of civil society and the state. The identification of the normative and value structure of civic responsibility and its congruence in the institutional environment and the assessment of the development potential of civic responsibility will allow the better understanding of Russian politics and Russian society, as well as the expansion of the possibilities for influencing the process of the formation of civic responsibility as a stable foundation of modern politics. For empirical verification of theoretical assumptions, we used the data of an all-Russian representative survey of the population aged 18 years and older conducted by the comparative political research department of the Institute of Sociology of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (with the support of the Center of Social Forecasting and Marketing) in June 2019. The size of the sampled population was 700 people (OSPI-2019).

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36

WANG, CHING-HSING y DENNIS LU-CHUNG WENG. "The Effects of Civic Consciousness and Civil Disobedience on Support for and Participation in Contentious Politics". Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, n.º 2 (9 de mayo de 2017): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000044.

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AbstractThis study examines the effects of civic consciousness and civil disobedience on individual attitudes toward, and participation in, contentious politics. Using the newly collected survey data on civic consciousness and civil disobedience in Taiwan in 2015, this study finds that both civic consciousness and civil disobedience are significantly associated with individual support for and engagement in contentious politics. Specifically, people with strong civic consciousness and civil disobedience are more likely to support the Sunflower Movement and take part in contentious political activities such as rallies, marches, and strikes. The findings imply that as the ideas of civic consciousness and civil disobedience prevail in a democracy, the public will be more likely to choose to use contentious political activities to express their opinions instead of institutional and legal approaches when the government is unable to respond to public needs in a timely manner.

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37

Fitri, Rina. "Kreativitas Guru dalam memanfaatkan berita politik sebagai media pembelajaran kelas IX di SMP Negeri 31 Padang". Journal of Civic Education 1, n.º 1 (29 de octubre de 2018): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jce.v1i1.5.

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The goal of this study is 1) describe the creativity of teachers in using online political news as a medium of learning on civic education subject at Class IX in SMP Negeri 31 Padang. 2) identify the obstacles of teachers in using online political news as a medium of learning on civic education at Class IX in SMP Negeri 31 Padang. This research uses qualitative approach with descriptive method. The result of the research shows that the first form of teacher's creativity in using online politics news as a learning media of civic education can be seen through five stages: planning stage, preparatory phase of teacher, class preparation stage, learning implementation using political news media, and evaluation stage. Both teachers' obstacles in using the political news media are caused by several factors including teachers still difficulty in formulating learning indicators, less supportive school facilities, poor internet access, too short learning time allocation, and some students are less fond of political news. The benefits of the news media politics on civic education subject can increase students' political knowledge, students can distinguish the political problems with other problems, and can know the current political problems. In addition, learning by using the political news media to make students more active in learning, students are more motivated to follow the learning of civic education subject.

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38

Malafaia, Carla, Eeva Luhtakallio, Isabel Menezes y Tiago Neves. "Being civic while disavowing politics: An ethnography of a youth NGO in Portugal". Current Sociology 66, n.º 5 (28 de abril de 2017): 769–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117704243.

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Civic and political participation are the vehicles through which citizens of democratic societies engage in the public sphere, identify and address matters of public concern, and monitor governments’ activities. While the civic and the political are often regarded as two sides of the same coin, that assertion deserves questioning in times of an expanding voluntary sector and shrinking participation in institutional and electoral politics. Based on an ethnographic study in a large volunteer organization in the north of Portugal, this article discusses the complexities of civic and political participation, namely whether it is possible to be civic without being political. The article shows how an emphasis in caring for the other and promoting volunteers’ personal development coexists with indifference regarding political issues, and how high levels of motivation and engagement concur with resolving (or smothering) conflict through a strong investment in affective bonds, rather than open discussion. Finally, the article examines the role of religion in creating collective identity and simultaneously legitimizing a depoliticized approach to social intervention, thus exploring the paradoxes and limitations that may lie in the way of wishing to change the world without engaging in politics.

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39

Boyte, Elkin, Levine, Mansbrige, Ostrom, Sotan y Smith. "The New Civic Politics:". Good Society 23, n.º 2 (2014): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/goodsociety.23.2.0206.

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Boulianne, Shelley, Kaiping Chen y David Kahane. "Mobilizing mini-publics: The causal impact of deliberation on civic engagement using panel data". Politics 40, n.º 4 (9 de marzo de 2020): 460–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395720902982.

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Deliberative exercises may reinvigorate civic life by building citizens’ capacity to engage in other types of civic activities. This study examines members of a citizens’ panel ( n = 56) who participated in a 6-day deliberative event on climate change and energy transition in Edmonton, Alberta (Canada), in 2012. We compared panellists’ civic engagement, political interest, and political knowledge with those of the general population using a concurrent random digit dialling survey conducted 2.5 years after the event ( n = 405). Panellists are more likely to talk about politics, and volunteer in the community compared to their counterparts in the larger population. Examining three points in time, we reveal a trajectory of increasing political knowledge and civic engagement. Finally, we examine the mechanisms that mobilize panellists into greater civic engagement. This study illustrates how deliberative events could strengthen engagement in civic and political life, depending on the degree to which deliberation was perceived to have occurred.

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41

Beaumont, Elizabeth y Richard M. Battistoni. "Introductory Essay: Beyond Civics 101: Rethinking What We Mean by Civic Education". Journal of Political Science Education 2, n.º 3 (22 de septiembre de 2006): 241–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512160600840459.

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42

Dabach, Dafney Blanca. "“My Student Was Apprehended by Immigration”: A Civics Teacher's Breach of Silence in a Mixed-Citizenship Classroom". Harvard Educational Review 85, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2015): 383–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.85.3.383.

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In this article, Dafney Blanca Dabach investigates how teachers and their students of different citizenship statuses navigate tensions in formal state-sponsored citizenship education. In traditional US high school civics courses, undocumented immigrant youths' liminal status is often invisible and overlooked as undocumented youth are educated alongside their peers who have full citizenship rights. Disjunctures between idealized rights and structural exclusions become barriers to meaningful civic education. Through this qualitative case study, Dabach examines the possibilities of a teacher's brokering role across different forms of knowledge and experience in a classroom that included undocumented immigrants, naturalized immigrants, and US-born students whose parental origins spanned twelve countries across five continents. She asks: How do civics teachers who are aware of their students' varied citizenship statuses discuss political participation in mixed-status classrooms during nationally focused events, such as elections? And, how do students of differing citizenship statuses respond during such times? Dabach demonstrates how the teacher apprenticed youth into practices of political participation while recounting narratives about the impact of immigration deportation policies at the local school site. In doing so, the teacher breached norms of silence, interrupting norms that contribute to maintaining status quo exclusions. This case study documents how the teacher simultaneously socialized youth of different citizenship statuses in ways that they found meaningful—across citizenship types. This work contributes to conceptualizing how civic education may be more inclusive in the face of systematic exclusions.

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Gotlieb, Melissa R. y Chris Wells. "From Concerned Shopper to Dutiful Citizen". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, n.º 1 (3 de octubre de 2012): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212453265.

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Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are “crowding out” participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. An analysis of survey data shows that identification with other political consumers significantly enhances the relationship between political consumerism and traditional political engagement, particularly among younger generations of Americans. The authors argue that engaging in political consumerism alongside others provides an important opportunity for young citizens to develop the civic competencies necessary for engagement in the formal political sphere.

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Gaskins, Ben. "The Effects of Religious Attendance and Evangelical Identification on Media Perception and Political Knowledge". Politics and Religion 12, n.º 02 (15 de marzo de 2019): 346–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000809.

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AbstractScholars have shown that religious activity can prepare individuals for civic activity by endowing them with the skills and motivation to engage in politics. Others, however, assert that religious dogmatism may lead to disengagement with the secular world and politics more generally. These two perspectives have resulted in contradictory findings on a key aspect of civic ability: political knowledge. I argue that while religiosity may indeed increase individuals’ engagement in a wide array of political activities, including some aspects of political knowledge, religious commitment decreases the ability to acquire accurate information about certain types of political facts. This argument is tested with a number of national surveys, and I find that while religion has a mixed effect on knowledge of general political structures and actors, it increases the perception of media hostility, which leads to lower levels of political knowledge about policy-specific surveillance information.

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LAMB, MICHAEL. "Between Presumption and Despair: Augustine's Hope for the Commonwealth". American Political Science Review 112, n.º 4 (7 de agosto de 2018): 1036–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000345.

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Many political theorists dismiss Augustine as a pessimist about politics, assuming his “otherworldly” account of love precludes hope for this-worldly politics. This article challenges this pessimism by applying recent research on Augustine's “order of love” to reconstruct his implicit order of hope. Analyzing neglected sermons, letters, and treatises, I argue that Augustine encourages hope for temporal goods as long as that hope is rightly ordered and avoids the corresponding vices of presumption and despair. I then identify “civic peace” as a common object of hope that diverse citizens can share. By recovering hope as a virtue and reframing civic peace as a positive form of civic friendship, I argue that Augustine commends a hope for the commonwealth that avoids both presumption and despair. I conclude by analyzing how Augustine's vision of the commonwealth can inform contemporary political theory and practice.

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Wohnig, Alexander. "Explaining Political Apathy in German Civic Education Textbooks". Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 10, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2018): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2018.100202.

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Since the 1990s, political apathy among young people has been a recurrent issue in political science. This article examines, on the basis of a survey of the current debate about political apathy in Germany and an analysis of civic education textbooks for the lower secondary level in Baden-Württemberg, how contemporary German textbooks reflect young people’s interest in politics. This article will show that, while political apathy in textbooks can be explained as the result of either an individual deficit on the part of the reader or a structuralist deficit of the political system, the latter explanation is more likely to encourage critical political thinking among young people in Germany.

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Onguny, Philip Oburu. "Mediated political participation and competing discourses of online civic engagement". Journal of Development and Communication Studies 6, n.º 1 (15 de febrero de 2019): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jdcs.v6i1.3.

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This article focuses on the interconnections between mediated political participation and online citizen engagement. The objective is threefold. First, it examines whether the notion of digital democracy captures the dynamic and “renewed” sense of civic responsibility brought to bear by disruptive information and communication technologies (ICTs). Second, it asks the question of whether the creation, negotiation, dissemination, and consumption of online political content really rivals those circulated by the traditional or legacy media. Finally, the article discusses the potential pitfalls of confining technological use patterns to pessimist-optimist dichotomy, arguing that such characterization ignores innovative or adapted use patterns that emerge based on varying social, political, and economic realities. Overall, the discussions presented in this article are meant to generate conceptual discussions around the links between mediated political participation and online civic engagement, and how they inform democratization processes and redistribution of political influence.Keywords: Mediated politics, mediated political participation, digital democracy, mediated public sphere, ICTs, digital divide, online civic engagement, civic responsibility

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Brunvand, Amy. "Researching Bears Ears: reference practice for civic engagement". Reference Services Review 48, n.º 1 (10 de febrero de 2020): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rsr-09-2019-0061.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to describe practical, generalizable competencies for reference librarians to promote civic engagement and social justice while assisting with politicized queries. Design/methodology/approach Working through an example of tension between land development and protection of an indigenous sacred place illustrates reference strategies that model an ideally inclusive community dialogue. Findings To promote civic engagement, librarians have a role to teach basic civics and to help identify opportunities for public comments and other “leverage points” in a system. An information trail for civic engagement is generated though an interaction between government planning, industry lobbying and citizen activism; it is supported by online and gray literature sources that typically fall outside of typical library collections and databases. A way to grapple with contentious and distorting political claims is to model ideal stakeholder inclusivity, a strategy that also helps to bring marginalized voices into the civic dialogue. Sources from the humanities express cultural and spiritual considerations that are absent from typical political discourse. Research limitations/implications Strategies are based on experience as a staff writer for a community magazine. Practical implications Specific strategies and competencies promote civic engagement during the time period allowed by a typical extended reference dialogue. Social implications An overly sunny view of community problem-solving glosses over some messy realities. To promote civic engagement, librarians must develop competencies to help citizens grapple with marginalization and distorting claims. Originality/value Calls to promote civic engagement and social justice in libraries require librarians to develop new competencies. Working through a case study illustrates specific knowledge and reference practices that support strong democracy.

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Landwehr, Barbara y Georg Weisseno. "The significance of trust in the political system and motivation for pupils’ learning progress in politics lessons". Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 15, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2016): 212–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047173417692342.

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Very little research has been conducted on the contribution of political education to learning progress in Germany. Hence, there is a need for intervention studies measuring performance against the theoretical background of a political competence model. This model comprises three constructs: subject knowledge, motivation and attitudes. According to this model, politics lessons should not only convey knowledge but also arouse subject interest, promote political attitudes and develop problem-solving skills. This study investigates how knowledge acquisition is influenced by intervention using theory-oriented teaching materials on the European Union, intervention using conventional textbooks on the European Union and politics lessons without any reference to the European Union. It further asks how the performance-related self-concept and subject interest in political issues impact political knowledge and whether civic virtue and trust in the system are related to it. The sample comprises 1071 pupils. Theory-oriented politics classes lead to greater growth of pupils’ knowledge than in the control group. As anticipated, this study proves that a positive subject-specific self-concept impacts knowledge. The examination of political attitudes reveals a positive correlation between civic virtue and knowledge. There is no connection between trust in the political system and knowledge.

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Mullinix, Kevin J. "Civic Duty and Political Preference Formation". Political Research Quarterly 71, n.º 1 (5 de septiembre de 2017): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917729037.

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While a sense of civic duty has long been perceived as important for political participation, little is known about its implications for political preference formation. I argue that civic duty has salubrious effects for opinion formation by dampening partisan distortions in decision making. I theorize that a heightened sense of civic duty stimulates a motivation to form “accurate” opinions and, in doing so, diminishes the effects of partisan motivated reasoning. Using survey experiments focused on tax and education policies, I provide evidence that when civic norms are accentuated, at times, people shirk party endorsements and incorporate substantive policy information in preference formation. The implications for citizen competence and public opinion in democratic politics are discussed.

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