Tesis: "Civil rights movements United States"

1

Rolph, Stephanie Renee. "Displacing race white resistance and conservative politics in the civil rights era /". Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2009. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-03252009-203932.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

2

Furaih, Ameer Chasib. "Black Poetics, Black Politics: Poetry of the Civil Rights Movements in Australia and the United States, 1960s-1980s". Thesis, Griffith University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/385871.

Texto completo

Resumen

Aboriginal poets Oodgeroo Noonuccal (formerly Kath Walker; 1920–1993) and Lionel Fogarty (1958–), and African American poets Amiri Baraka (formerly LeRoi Jones; 1934–2004), and Sonia Sanchez (1934–) were prominent in the struggles of their peoples during the Civil Rights movements of the 1960s and beyond. Fogarty and Sanchez are still politically engaged. Their poetries display common elements that enable a transcontinental comparative reading. This project examines the works of these poets to demonstrate their role in the struggle for civil and human rights of their peoples during this period. The project’s confluence of poetics and politics is original because it aims to show how these poets collaborated with other civil rights activists in voicing the demands of their peoples, and how they used their poetry to reflect the realities they experienced and to imagine new possibilities. This close, comparative analysis shows how these poets developed a distinctive rhetoric of resistance that drew on the ideas of Malcolm X, Frantz Fanon, and the language of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). As such, it contributes to comparative studies of Australian and American political history by demonstrating how these poets resist cultural and linguistic hegemony and oppose literary universalism in representing their peoples’ cultures and languages. This project also highlights how, through poeticizing some of the milestone events in their histories, these poets revive their peoples’ own history. Instead of tracing the general development of Aboriginal and African American poetries during this period, I narrow the scope of my research to the poetries of the selected poets. In preference to examining the literary development of these poets via a timeline, which may render each chapter in the form of a literary history, this qualitative study is grounded instead in a comparative analysis of content which examines how these writers demonstrate compositional and structural similarities and differences in their poetries, despite their responses to relatively distinct literary and political influences. This thesis places the work of these poets in broader, international contexts, by drawing vivid trans-Pacific connections between their poetries and politics. Black Poetics, Black Politics: Poetry of the Civil Rights Movements in Australia and the United States: 1960s-1980s aims to show the connection between African American poets of the Black Arts movement and Aboriginal poets of the 1960s and 1970s.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Hum, Lang & Soc Sc
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

3

Samad, Sherif Abdel [Verfasser]. "Non-violence in the civil rights movement in the United States of America / Sherif Abdel Samad". Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2009. http://d-nb.info/102358008X/34.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

4

Neumann, Caryn E. "Status seekers long-established women's organizations and the women's movement in the United States, 1945-1970s /". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1135871482.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

5

Thompson, Mark A. "Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/.

Texto completo

Resumen

Using African American newspapers, this study examines the consensual opinion of articles and editorials regarding two events associated with the space race. One event is the Soviet launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957. The second is the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969. Space Race investigates how two scientific accomplishments achieved during the Cold War and the civil rights movement stimulated debate within the newspapers, and that ultimately centered around two questions: why the Soviets were successful in launching a satellite before the US, and what benefits could come from landing on the moon. Anti-intellectualism, inferior public schools, and a lack of commitment on the part of the US government are arguments offered for analysis by black writers in the two years studied. This topic involves the social conditions of African Americans living within the United States during an era when major civil rights objectives were achieved. Also included are considerations of how living in a "space age" contributed to thoughts about civil rights, as African Americans were now living during a period in which science fiction was becoming reality. In addition, this thesis examines how two scientific accomplishments achieved during this time affected ideas about education, science, and living conditions in the U.S. that were debated by black writers and editors, and subsequently circulated for readers to ponder and debate. This paper argues that black newspapers viewed Sputnik as constituting evidence for an inferior US public school system, contrasted with the Soviet system. Due to segregation between the races and anti-intellectual antecedents in America, black newspapers believed that African Americans were an "untapped resource" that could aid in the Cold War if their brains were utilized. The Apollo moon landing was greeted with enthusiasm because of the universal wonder at landing on the moon itself and the prowess demonstrated by the collective commitment and organization necessary to achieve such an objective by decades end. However, consistently accompanying this adulation is disappointment that domestic problems were not given the same type of funding or national commitment.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

6

Parson, Rita L. B. "An Evaluation of the Views of Black Journalists Working at Black Newspapers Concerning the Effects of the Civil Rights Movement on Their Black Newspapers from 1960 to 1985". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500875/.

Texto completo

Resumen

This study was designed to determine whether black journalists who work at black newspapers in Texas felt the Civil Rights movement had affected their industry. Although black newspapers lost an exclusive market for talent that now must be shared with majority-owned newspapers, this report concludes that the operation of black newspapers virtually was unaffected by the Civil Rights movement. It is recommended that this research serve as a starting point for a continuing examination of black newspapers. It would be particularly beneficial if more information could be gathered from people who have worked at now-defunct black newspapers.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

7

Neumann, Caryn E. "Status seekers: long-established women’s organizations and the women’s movement in the United States, 1945-1970s". The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135871482.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

8

Thompson, Mark Allen Dupont Jill. "Space race African American newspapers respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11 /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-5115.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

9

DeFilippis, Joseph Nicholas. "A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement". Thesis, Portland State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3722297.

Texto completo

Resumen

In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.

This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.

This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.

Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.

While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

10

Walker, Pamela N. ""Pray for Me and My Kids": Correspondence between Rural Black Women and White Northern Women During the Civil Rights Movement". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1999.

Texto completo

Resumen

This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

11

Harmon, Joshua M. "“BUT NOT IN VAIN:” THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN SAN LUIS OBISPO, CALIFORNIA 1947-1969". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2009. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/230.

Texto completo

Resumen

Civil rights have long been an important focus of historical scholarship. As the United States continues to grapple with issues of racism and the complicated legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, it is imperative that a variety of perspectives are incorporated into scholarship on the subject. Traditional scholarship on the subject has focused on the large organizations, individuals, marches, and activities that have come to characterize the Civil Rights movement. This study seeks to integrate the perspectives of a case study population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo, California, to assess the ways in which African Americans away from large population centers were able to participate in the Civil Rights movement. This study draws primarily on contemporary newspapers, NAACP records, and government documents to assess the relationship between the local civil rights movement and its national counterpart. Civil rights activities at California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo also reveal important instances of discrimination and exclusion on campus. Research has shown that, despite relative isolation and a miniscule population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo experienced similar discrimination, isolation, and economic exclusion as their urban and rural counterparts throughout the nation. They also attempted to bring attention to their plight using nationally established organizations and tactics. Though African Americans in San Luis Obispo met with limited success, their previously undocumented struggle has revealed a population determined to fight for their rights. The continuity between the experiences of African Americans throughout the country renders a more complete understanding of racism in the United States.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

12

Cashion, Katherine. "The Icon Formation of Ruby Bridges Within Hegemonic Memory of the Civil Rights Movement". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1407.

Texto completo

Resumen

In 1960, when Ruby Bridges was six-years-old, she desegregated the formerly all white William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana. This thesis traces her formation as a Civil Rights icon and how her icon narratives are influenced by, perpetuate, or challenge hegemonic memory of the Civil Rights Movement. The hegemonic narrative situates the Civil Rights Movement as a triumphant moment of the past, and is based upon the belief that it abolished institutionalized racism, leaving us in a world where lingering prejudice is the result of the failings of individuals. Analysis of narratives about Ruby Bridges by Norman Rockwell, Robert Coles, and Bridges herself show that there is a consistent shift over time in which the icon narratives conform to and reinforce the hegemonic narrative. These icon narratives situate Bridges’ story as a historical account of the past that teaches lessons of how to combat instances of interpersonal racism through kindness and tolerance, and obscures Bridges’ lived experience. These reductive stories demonstrate just how powerful the hegemonic narrative is and create a comforting morality tale that pervades dominant culture and prevents us from understanding and finding ways to combat the institutionalized racism and inequality that still exists within the United States.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

13

van, der Valk Adrienne. "Black power, red limits : Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War responses to Black empowerment struggles /". Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

14

Favors, Jelani Manu-Gowon. "Shelter in a time of storm black colleges and the rise of student activism in Jackson, Mississippi /". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155750466.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

15

Vipperman, Justin LeGrand. ""On This, We Shall Build": the Struggle for Civil Rights in Portland, Oregon 1945-1953". PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3124.

Texto completo

Resumen

Generally, Oregon historians begin Portland Civil Rights history with the development of Vanport and move quickly through the passage of the state's public accommodations law before addressing the 1960s and 70s. Although these eras are ripe with sources and contentious experiences, 1945 to 1953 provide a complex struggle for civil rights in Portland, Oregon. This time period demonstrates the rise of local leaders, wartime racial tensions, and organizational efforts used to combat inequality. 1945 marked a watershed moment in Portland Civil Rights history exhibiting intergroup collaboration and interracial cooperation converging to eventually provide needed legislation. Although discrimination continued after 1953, the era between 1945 and 1953 provided an era of change upon which subsequent movements in Portland were based. My thesis uses material from various collections to piece together the early struggle for civil rights in Portland, and more broadly, Oregon. These documents show that the local struggle started before the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement, usually defined as Brown v. Board of Education to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. By focusing on the classical phase of civil rights, historians miss the building of a strong foundation for Portland's Civil Rights history. My research proves the existing nuances of the fight for equality by looking at local movements rather than the national struggle. This study demonstrates the nuances by focusing on rising racial tension, the efforts to document them, and the strategies used to combat discrimination.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

16

Peterson, Gigi. "Grassroots good neighbors : connections between Mexican and U.S. labor and civil rights activists, 1936-1945 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10398.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

17

Smith, James G. "Before King Came: The Foundations of Civil Rights Movement Resistance and St. Augustine, Florida, 1900-1960". UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/504.

Texto completo

Resumen

In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

18

Rine, Julia. "Morphing Monument| The Lincoln Memorial Across Time". Thesis, University of Cincinnati, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1559779.

Texto completo

Resumen

The Lincoln Memorial Monument is one of the most successful monuments in Washington D.C. Abraham Lincoln's achievements in his presidency left imprints on every American's life. His memory lives on through the generations. The monument was originally considered a Union Civil War and Presidential memorial, but has evolved into something more. This thesis will analyze the evolution on this monument. This memorial has adapted to a shifting nature of its meaning to different generations throughout the history of the United States. This nature is attributed to its location, the Civil Rights Movement, the Civil War, and the personal character of Abraham Lincoln.

A major aspect of success comes from the location and iconography of the site. The statue alone inspires a spiritual connection to the struggles of Lincoln. The memorial was placed on the direct axis of the National Mall. This is considered a location of great honor and is easily accessible to visitors. The site and design also allows a massive amount of people to gather and participate in events on the grounds of the monument. A visit to the Lincoln Memorial is a remarkable journey though American history and the extraordinary memorials and monuments of the National Mall.

Another crucial aspect to the success of this monument in Washington D.C. is the struggle for civil rights. The Civil Rights Movement was able to use the monument as a stage for protest. The movement could then use the Lincoln Memorial and the character of Lincoln as part of its iconography. This fundamentally changed the meaning of the Lincoln Memorial Monument. This allowed a major shift in the meaning of the movement, allowing the monument to grow within another generation of Americans.

The personal life and views of Lincoln led to many of his successes and accomplishments throughout his political career. His experiences in life impacted many of his policies and the laws that he stood for in the United States. Lincoln's character proved to be inspirational in a time of need and slavery. His political stances paved the way for sociopolitical changes in the United States. His character is a crucial aspect in understanding the need to honor such a great man. The circumstances of Lincoln's death have also made him into a martyr for abolition. The assassination created a legacy in the history of the United States.

Events of the Civil War and its time period also played a crucial matter in the Lincoln memorial's success. The American Civil War and the division of the United States of America proved to be an altering time in American history. Many Southern politicians fought for the right to maintain individual states' rights. These rights mainly pertained to slavery. As the conflict over slavery continued, a total of eleven states seceded from the Union to create the Confederate States of America. The Civil War lasted four years with hundreds of thousands of deaths. In the end, the Union triumphed and the United States remained one nation.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

19

Torrubia, Rafael. "Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century America". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1884.

Texto completo

Resumen

The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

20

Cooper, Graham S. "Broad Shoulders, Hidden Voices: The Legacy of Integration at New Orleans' Benjamin Franklin High School". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1971.

Texto completo

Resumen

This paper seeks to insert the voices of students into the historical discussion of public school integration in New Orleans. While history tends to ignore the memories of children that experienced integration firsthand, this paper argues that those memories can alter our understanding of that history. In 1963, Benjamin Franklin High School was the first public high school in New Orleans to integrate. Black students knowingly made sacrifices to transfer to Ben Franklin, as they were socially and politically conscious teenagers. Black students formed alliances with some white teachers and students to help combat the racist environment that still dominated their school and city. Ben Franklin students were maturing adolescents worked to establish their identities in this newly integrated, intellectually advanced space. This paper explores the way in which students – of differing racial, socio-economic, religious, educational, and political upbringings – all struggled to navigate self and space in this discordant society.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

21

Matsumaru, Takashi Michael. "Defending Desire: Resident Activists in New Orleans‟ Desire Housing Project, 1956-1980". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/449.

Texto completo

Resumen

The Desire Housing Project opened in 1956 as a segregated public housing development in New Orleans‟ Upper Ninth Ward. The Desire neighborhood, one of the few neighborhoods in the city where black homeownership had been encouraged, was transformed by the project. Hundreds of former Desire residents were displaced by the mammoth project, which became home to more than 13,000 residents by 1958. Built on what had once been a landfill, the Desire Housing Project came to epitomize the worst in public housing, before it was torn down by 2001. Although the project was isolated from the rest of the city and lacked basic services, residents worked to create a viable community, in spite of the pitfalls of segregation. Within the context of the civil rights movement, Desire residents fought to bring in basic services, pushing local government to more fully develop their neighborhood.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

22

Jones, Alfred Renard. "Civil rights initiation and implementation the role of the United States' president 1960-1980 /". Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1993. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

Texto completo

Resumen

Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1993.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2945. Abstract precedes thesis title page as [2] preliminary leaves. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-91).

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

23

Bryan, Joshua Joe. "Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers: Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.

Texto completo

Resumen

The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced. The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging. The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

24

Jordan, Amanda Shrader. "Faith in Action: The First Citizenship School on Johns Island, South Carolina". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1964.

Texto completo

Resumen

This thesis examines the first Citizenship School, its location, participants, and success. Johns Islanders, Esau Jenkins, Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and the Highlander Folk School all collaborated to create this school. Why and how this success was reached is the main scope of this manuscript. Emphasis is also placed on the school's impact upon the modern Civil Rights Movement. Primary sources such as personal accounts, manuscripts, and archive collections were examined. Secondary sources were also researched for this manuscript. The conclusion reached from these sources is that faith was the driving force behind the success of the Citizenship School. The schools unlocked the chains of political, social, and economic disenfranchisement for Gullah Islanders and African Americans all over the South, greatly affecting the outcome of the Civil Rights Movement. African Americans, who had once been forced into second-class citizenship, now through faith and the vote, obtained first-class citizenship.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

25

Pascale, Meredith Grace. "Determining a legacy John F. Kennedy's civil rights record /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.

Buscar texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

26

Lai, David Andrew. "UP IN THE BALCONY: WHITE RELIGIOUS LEADERS AND SCHOOL DESEGREGATION IN ARKANSAS, 1954-1960". UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/5.

Texto completo

Resumen

This paper examines the various responses of progressive white southern clergy to school desegregation events in Arkansas. I investigate why no major white clerical movement emerged to support civil rights, arguing that internal and external factors limited their genuinely motivated witness. National and local clergy endorsed Brown for both religious and practical reasons, arguing that segregation was counter to Christian brotherhood and hurt worldwide evangelism. However, like William Chafe’s progressives in Greensboro, too many clergy worked for school desegregation but ignored African American voices, believing that their demands unnecessarily inflamed the local opposition and unfortunately urged patience and civility instead of justice. Furthermore, clerical intervention proved to be less effective than ministers expected. Sympathetic clergy experienced physical harassment and congregational opposition for speaking out, and local communities simply ignore their messages.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

27

Sexton, Jared C. "The politics of interracial sexuality in the post-civil rights era United States". Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Pat_Diss_04.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

28

Juhasz-Nagy, Monika. "The Statue of Liberty is under attack derogation of human rights in the age of terrorism /". Thesis, Available online, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2004:, 2004. http://etd.gatech.edu/theses/available/etd-06072004-131218/unrestricted/juhasz%5Fnagy%5Fmonika%5F200405%5Fms.pdf.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

29

Morgaine, Karen Lynn. "“Creative Interpretation and Fluidity in a Rights Framework”: The Intersection of Domestic Violence and Human Rights in the United States". PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3933.

Texto completo

Resumen

This study explores the manner in which leaders working in the domestic violence field in the US have or have not adopted a human rights framework and what impact this has had on domestic violence policy and intervention. Participants included leaders from national domestic violence and human rights organizations. These organizations are instrumental in developing policy and in framing the issues of domestic violence and human rights, many of which also work with specific racial and ethnic populations. Some of the primary research questions included: If the human rights discourse is being put to practical use within the US, how does it meet the needs of women of color, immigrants, and other women who have been marginalized? Does bringing the issue of domestic violence into a human rights framework reinscribe hegemonic feminism in ways that are either ineffectual or oppressive and colonizing to women of color, immigrants and/or women in marginalized groups in the US and if so, in what ways? Additional research objectives include assessing whether there is active resistance to adopting a human rights framework and benefits and challenges to using the framework. This research uses the critique and experiences of women of color as a focal point. Through the use of critical ethnography and autoethnography, this study examines the manner in which the power to frame and define social problems unfolds. Findings suggest a limited dialogue to date between national domestic violence and human rights organizations with a range of thoughts regarding potential benefits and barriers to reframing domestic violence as a human rights violation. Barriers include lack of resonance/U.S. exceptionalism, power of the State to direct funding and focus, and reluctance to shift status quo based in part in white privilege. Benefits of cross-organizational dialogue include expanding focus, building coalitions, and engaging diverse communities in addressing domestic violence issues. Intersectional issues related to gender, race/ethnicity, immigration, and sovereignty are also explored. This research suggests that social workers need to continue to critically assess the application of human rights to social justice issues and the role that privilege plays in social movements and social policy formation.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

30

Rainville, Brian Clement. "Walk to Freedom: How a Violent Response to the Civil Rights Protest at Alabama's Pettus Bridge Unwillingly Created the Voting Rights Act of 1965". W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626610.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

31

Ducharme, Kevin C. "Prospects for temptation in Persia by "The Great Satan" United States engagement with Iran /". Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FDucharme.pdf.

Texto completo

Resumen

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey ; Kadhim, Abbas. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Middle East, Foreign Policy, United States, Engagement, Positive incentives, Negative incentives, Iranian arms control, International relations, Strategic Studies, Sanctions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-69). Also available in print.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

32

Scott, Katherine Anne. "Reining in the State: Civil Society, Congress, and the Movement to Democratize the National Security State, 1970-1978". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/38730.

Texto completo

Resumen

History
Ph.D.
This dissertation explores the battle to democratize the national security state, 1970-1978. It examines the neo-progressive movement to institutionalize a new domestic policy regime, in an attempt to force government transparency, protect individual privacy from state intrusion, and create new judicial and legislative checks on domestic security operations. It proceeds chronologically, first outlining the state's overwhelming response to the domestic unrest of the 1960s. During this period, the Department of Justice developed new capacities to better predict urban unrest, growing a computerized databank that contained millions of dossiers on dissenting Americans and the Department of Defense greatly expanded existing capacities, applying cold war counterinsurgency and counterintelligence techniques developed abroad to the problems of protests and riots at home. The remainder of the dissertation examines how the state's secret response to unrest and disorder became public in the early 1970s. It traces the development of a loose coalition of reformers who challenged domestic security policy and coordinated legislative and litigative strategies to check executive power.
Temple University--Theses

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

33

O'REILLY, JOSEPH MATTHEW. "LEGAL PRIVACY AND PSYCHOLOGICAL PRIVACY: AN EVALUATION OF COURT ORDERED DESIGN STANDARDS (ENVIRONMENTAL, PSYCHIATRIC HOSPITALS, ARCHITECTURE)". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187916.

Texto completo

Resumen

The legal system and the social sciences share an interest in privacy but have developed separate conceptualizations of the concept. The result is two similar but conflicting theories of privacy that make different assumptions about how people behave and how that behavior can be controlled. The purpose of this study was to begin testing these theories by examining the operationalization of privacy through mandated standards intended to ensure privacy for the mentally ill. Specifically, the standards set in Wyatt v. Stickney, which reflect the idea that privacy is a sphere of space free from outside intrusion, were examined to see if they did indeed ensure privacy. Using two units in a facility that met the standards mandated by the court in Wyatt v. Stickney, the research examined staff and patient perceptions of privacy. Thirty-five patients were interviewed and twenty-four staff completed questionnaires on the overall habitability of the unit and patient privacy. Results indicated that the Wyatt court's operationalization of privacy as primarily a visual phenomena was inadequate and although the specific standards ordered to ensure privacy were reported to be effective by a simple majority of patients, overall patients reported a lack of privacy. Staff responses were generally in agreement with patients but they tended to use more extreme or stronger ratings. The present study also has implications for the legal conceptualization of privacy. It was found that privacy was perceived as important by patients; that autonomy as evidenced by control was an important issue for a minority of patients; and, the right of selective disclosure was not a major concern of patients. Needed future areas of research that were identified included: comparing privacy ratings across a variety of group living situations, comparing the mentally ill's conceptualizations of privacy from others, determining the effect of privacy on the therapeutic goals of an institution and therapeutic outcome and, determine the relative importance of privacy to the mentally ill.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

34

Martin, Ruth Ellen. "American civil liberties, fear and conformity, 1937-1969". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648218.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

35

Barker, Thomas Patrick. "Music, civil rights, and counterculture : critical aesthetics and resistance in the United States, 1957-1968". Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11693/.

Texto completo

Resumen

This dissertation explores the role of music within the politics of liberation in the United States in the period of the late 1950s and the 1960s. Its focus is on the two dominant, but very different (and, it is argued, interconnected) mass political and cultural movements that converged in the course of the 1960s: civil rights and counterculture. Divergent tendencies in the popular musics of the period, which were drawn into the orbits of these two movements, are considered in the context of tensions between political commitment and aesthetic autonomy, between the call for collective political action and the pull of individualism, and between existing political reality and the utopian perspectives offered by art. The theoretical approach derives largely from critical theory (in particular Adorno, Bloch, and Marcuse), and the thesis argues that by tending toward autonomy and individualism popular musics in this period articulated a vision of society that was radically different from existing political realities. The study situates itself in the existing literature on protest music, but seeks to take this further by examining the complexity of responses in music of this period to protest and liberation movements beyond protest songs and politically committed music to discuss issues of social critique and critical reflection. After an initial consideration of what might be meant by the categories ‘protest music’ and socially or politically engaged music, considering among others the work of Eyerman and Jamison (1998), Mattern (1998), Roy (2010), Street (2011), and in particular Denisoff (1968), notions of political engagement and autonomy are discussed in relation to Adorno (1970) and Marcuse (1977). Subsequent chapters then function as case studies of particular tendencies as well as considering significant figures in the music of the period in the context of liberation, civil rights, Black Power, the counterculture, and the New Left. The Highlander Folk School is considered for the ways that it used music to foreground a collective political identity that was subverted by the needs of individual activists; Bob Dylan is examined in light of his retreat from collective political projects and his move toward aesthetic individualism that was nevertheless met with an increase in his perceived relevance to the liberation movements; John Coltrane for his experiments with autonomous music, despite the bitter political realities faced by many African Americans; and Frank Zappa, whose music, it is argued, attempted to stimulate a form of critical self-reflection amongst his audience.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

36

Walsh, Stephen Roy James. "Black-oriented radio and the campaign for civil rights in the United States, 1945-1975". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/376.

Texto completo

Resumen

This thesis offers a detailed examination of the relationship between black-oriented radio and the African-American campaign for civil rights in the United States between 1945 and 1975. The thesis begins by establishing the central role that black-oriented radio has historically enjoyed in the lives of millions of African-Americans. Arguing that the medium assumed a particular significance in many African-American communities in the post-war era, the study contends that black radio at least enjoyed considerable potential to become an effective vehicle for the articulation of African-American aspirations and grievances. The remainder of the study assesses both the extent, and the ways, in which that potential was harnessed to the black freedom struggle. By charting the evolution of the relationship between the medium and the Movement in three different eras - 1945 to 1954; 1955 to 1965; and 1966 to 1975 - the thesis concludes that black-oriented radio enjoyed a significant, but complex and frequently ambiguous, relationship with the freedom struggle. While most stations eventually adopted a supportive posture towards the issue of civil rights, only a small - if influential - minority undertook a more active commitment to become a genuine force for community mobilisation. Considerable attention is therefore devoted to the personal, social, economic and legal factors which shaped this relationship. In the final part of the study, the main themes of the dissertation are drawn together in a detailed case study, which explores the role of black-oriented radio in the struggles of the African-American community of Washington, D.C.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

37

Lynn, Denise M. "Women on the march gender and anti-fascism in American communism, 1935-1939 /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

Buscar texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

38

Sinclair, Donna Lynn. "Caring for the Land, Serving People: Creating a Multicultural Forest Service in the Civil Rights Era". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2463.

Texto completo

Resumen

This qualitative study of representative bureaucracy examines the extension and limitations of liberal democratic rights by connecting environmental and social history with policy, individual decision making, gender, race, and class in American history. It documents major cultural shifts in a homogeneous patriarchal organization, constraints, advancement, and the historical agency of women and minorities. "Creating a Multicultural Forest Service" identifies a relationship between natural and human resources and tells a story of expanding and contracting civil liberties that shifted over time from women and people of color to include the differently-abled and LGBT communities. It includes oral history as a key to uncovering individual decision points, relational networks, organizational activism, and human/nature relations to shape meaningful explanations of historical institutional change. With gender and race as primary categories, this inquiry forms a history that is critical to understanding federal bureaucratic efforts to meet workforce diversity goals in natural resource organizations.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

39

Al-Aulaqi, Nader. "Arab-Muslim views, images and stereotypes in United States". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2275.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

40

Mehegan, David J. "The custom of the country: Alistair Cooke and race in America: a selected edition of Letter from America, 1946-2003". Thesis, Boston University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/21849.

Texto completo

Resumen

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University.
The Custom of the Country: Alistair Cooke and Race in America is a selected, annotated edition of 142 installments of Alistair Cooke's BBC broadcast, Letter from America, on race and the struggle for civil rights in the United States. Alistair Cooke (1908-2004), English-born American journalist, produced a variety of works over a seventy-year career, almost all about American politics, society, and culture. Besides writing numerous books, he was for 25 years American correspondent for the Manchester Guardian newspaper (later The Guardian). From 1946 to 2004 he wrote and recorded a weekly 2,100-word commentary, Letter from America, broadcast to the United Kingdom and British Commonwealth - a total of 2,869 broadcasts. Over the decades, the relation of white and black was a frequent concern of Letter from America. The Custom of the Country records events from Harry Truman's efforts to advance civil rights, through the Brown v. Board of Education decision, battles over segregation and passage of civil rights laws, the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the riots of the 1960s, school busing and Affirmative Action, up to and beyond the O.J. Simpson case. The letters include profiles of such figures as Joe Louis, George Wallace, Lyndon Johnson, Duke Ellington, Marian Anderson, J. William Fulbright, and Jesse Jackson. They explore changes in the language of race and in black and white society. The texts also reveal the process of change (and lack of change) in the views of one immigrant over more than half a century. The Custom of the Country is an accurate edition of scripts as near as possible to the words as Cooke wrote and spoke them. The edition, spanning the years 1946-2003, was compiled from manuscripts and transcripts in the Alistair Cooke collection at the Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center at Boston University, and at the BBC Written Archives Centre in Reading, England. Available versions were consulted and compared in the preparation of the text. In addition to the introduction, which contains specific references to the texts, footnotes report key variant readings, along with historical and biographical background, as well as extensive cross-referencing of topics and events.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

41

Santos, Bevin A. "A Narrative Analysis of Korematsu v. United States". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2238/.

Texto completo

Resumen

This thesis studies the Supreme Court decision, Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944) and its historical context, using a narrative perspective and reviewing aspects of narrative viewpoints with reference to legal studies in order to introduce the present study as a method of assessing narratives in legal settings. The study reviews the Supreme Court decision to reveal its arguments and focuses on the context of the case through the presentation of the public story, the institutional story, and the ethnic Japanese story, which are analyzed using Walter Fisher's narrative perspective. The study concludes that the narrative paradigm is useful for assessing stories in the law because it enables the critic to examine both the emotional and logical reasoning that determine the outcomes of the cases.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

42

Weber, Hedda Anne. "Comparison of the legal protection standards of HIV-infected public employees in Canada and the United States". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30334.

Texto completo

Resumen

This thesis examines the legal protection of public employees who are HIV-infected or have AIDS in Canada and the United States. Emphasis is placed on the dealing with mandatory HIV-testing schemes in each country. To this end, the first section presents medical facts about the disease itself, the transmission risks, and testing methods as ethical considerations about HIV-testing schemes. The second section addresses the protection standards guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States and compares them to the standards set out by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms . Finally, the third section compares protection offered under the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and the Canadian Human Rights Act.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

43

Bergstrom, M. Ann. "The USA PATRIOT ACT and civil liberties the media's response /". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4333.

Texto completo

Resumen

Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2005.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iii, [50] p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 46-48).

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

44

Curran, Thomas F. "Soldiers of Peace : Civil war pacifism and the postwar radical peace movement /". New York : Fordham Univ. Press, 2003. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e3x8-aa.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

45

Wiltshire-Gordon, Richard. "Presidential Political Realignment in the Southern United States: Beyond the Civil Rights Act, but not Beyond Race". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2195.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

46

Taylor, Shockley Megan Newbury. ""We, too, are Americans": African American women, citizenship, and civil rights activism in Detroit and Richmond, 1940-1954". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284135.

Texto completo

Resumen

This dissertation explores the activities of middle- and working-class African American women during and immediately after World War II in Detroit and Richmond, Virginia, in order to examine how World War II enabled African American women to negotiate new state structures in order to articulate citizenship in a way that located them within the state as contributors to the war effort and legitimated their calls for equality. This study provides a new understanding of the groundwork that lay behind the civil rights activism of the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at African American women's wartime protest and exploring how those women created templates for activism and networks for the dissemination of new discourses about citizenship, it reveals the gendered roots of the civil rights movement. This study uses a cross-class analysis within a cross-regional analysis in order to understand how African American women of different socioeconomic levels transformed their relationship with the state in order to use state structures to gain equality in diverse regions of the country. Class and region framed African American women's possibilities for activism. In both Detroit and Richmond, women's class positions and local government structures affected how African American women constructed claims to citizenship and maintained activist strategies to promote equality. This study finds that the new discourse and programs of middle-class African American women, linked with the attempts of working-class women to gain and retain jobs and better living conditions, contributed to a new sense of militancy and urgency within the civil rights movement of the 1940s and 1950s. By attempting to claim their rights based solely on their status as citizens within the state, African American women greatly contributed to the groundwork and the ideology of the more aggressive civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s. African American women's initial forays into desegregating restaurants, jobs, transportation, and housing created the momentum for the entire African American community's struggle for equality.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

47

Briscoe, Dolph IV Parrish T. Michael. "He was ours : Lyndon Baines Johnson and American identity /". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4838.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

48

Seay, Stephen Heywood. "The transformation of the American Constitution". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/576.

Texto completo

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

49

Whitehead, Daniel K. "An historical study of a criminal defendant's right to exculpatory information under the protection of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution". Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033641.

Texto completo

Resumen

This study has presented a comprehensive historical overview of the context and significance of a, criminal defendants constitutional right to due process of law. The evidence suggests that, in many circumstances, a criminal defendant is not being afforded our most basic constitutional guarantee of fairness and justice for allOne of the primary objectives of this study was to develop a working definition for journalists to better understand the fundamental concepts of a defendants right to exculpatory evidence during criminal proceedings.Since 1791, the Supreme Court has had to continually broaden a criminal defendants right to exculpatory information. In case after case, a similar fad pattern has shown that pauper criminal defendants with court appointed attorneys having to compete against state or federal prosecutors with unlimited investigative and legal research funding This disparity is further compounded when the state or government prosecutors define to turn over information or evidence which could help the defendants case.Further analysis identified other problem areas within the scope of due process which deserve significant attention such as: the grand jury process, plea-bargains, probable cause warrants, and post-conviction hearings.
Department of Journalism

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

50

Borchardt, Gregory M. "Making D.C. Democracy's Capital| Local Activism, the 'Federal State', and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Washington, D.C". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3592178.

Texto completo

Resumen

This dissertation considers the extensive and multifaceted efforts by civil rights activists to fight racial discrimination and promote social and economic equality in the nation's capital city. It examines the prolonged battles District of Columbia activists waged to end segregation and discrimination and encourage integration and equality in public accommodations, schools, employment, housing, and voting rights over the course of the mid-twentieth century. As the nation's capital and seat of the federal government, Washington, D.C. represented a significant symbolic and strategic location for nationally-focused institutional campaigns; however, the District of Columbia's pervasive Jim Crow policies and significant black population meant the city also served as an important site for local grassroots activism. Civil rights groups, often comprised of interracial coalitions of residents, pioneered complex strategies that employed direct action protest, espoused political rhetoric, and engaged the federal establishment to challenge discrimination and promote justice. While federal officials expressed various positions on civil rights, from supportive to antagonistic, the complex, overlapping, and often competing jurisdictions of the federal state made deep-seated and long-lasting progress difficult.

This project also explores the complicated role of the state in promoting, obstructing, and institutionalizing civil rights programs in the city. Additionally, this dissertation analyzes these civil rights campaigns within the context of shifting social and political circumstances within the city and nation. As the city underwent massive demographic shifts with rural African Americans moving into the city and white residents moving out to the suburbs, civil rights activists responded with more aggressive campaigns focused on economic and political issues. While leaders of the burgeoning Southern civil rights movement concentrated on legal freedoms and individual rights, local efforts emphasized fairness and collective equality. Civil rights activists employed more aggressive rhetoric and more assertively demanded justice. Despite the turn toward a more militant tone, the men and women in Washington remained committed to the liberal ideal of making the city truly democratic. It was not their dedication to liberal ideals and solutions that impeded progress in the city, but rather the convoluted federal power structure in the city that impeded meaningful progress and hindered the movement toward full equality. As in most places, the legacy of the civil rights movement in Washington, D.C. remains ambiguous.

Los estilos APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

Tesis sobre el tema "Civil rights movements United States"

Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros