Artículos de revistas: "Clovis points"

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Buchanan, Briggs, Brian Andrews, Michael J. O'Brien y Metin I. Eren. "AN ASSESSMENT OF STONE WEAPON TIP STANDARDIZATION DURING THE CLOVIS–FOLSOM TRANSITION IN THE WESTERN UNITED STATES". American Antiquity 83, n.º 4 (octubre de 2018): 721–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2018.53.

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It has long been assumed that Folsom points are more standardized than Clovis points, although an adequate test of this proposition has yet to be undertaken. Here, we address that deficiency by using data from a sample of Folsom and Clovis points recovered from sites across the western United States. We used geometric morphometric techniques to capture point shape and then conducted statistical analyses of variability associated with Clovis and Folsom point bases and blades. Our results demonstrate that Folsom bases and blades are less variable than those on earlier Clovis points, indicating an increase in point standardization during the Early Paleoindian period. In addition, despite published claims to the contrary, Clovis and Folsom point bases are no more variable than blades. Based on these results, we conducted additional analyses to examine the modularity and size of Clovis and Folsom points. The results suggest Clovis points have more integrated base and blade segments than Folsom points. We suggest that several classes of Clovis points—intended for different functions—might have been in use during the Clovis period and that the later Folsom points might have served only as weapon tips, the shape of which were constrained by the fluting process.

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2

Prasciunas, Mary M. "Mapping Clovis: Projectile Points, Behavior, and Bias". American Antiquity 76, n.º 1 (enero de 2011): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.1.107.

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The distribution of Clovis projectile points across North America demonstrates distinct spatial patterning that has the potential to inform on many aspects of the colonization process. However, before accurate inferences regarding prehistoric behavior can be drawn from projectile point distributional databases, it is necessary to account for biases potentially affecting point visibility. Using county-level data for a sample of states from the western and southeastern U.S., this paper demonstrates that Clovis projectile point distribution is significantly related to modern population density, cultivated acreage, intensity of archaeological research, and measures of environmental productivity. Interpreting Clovis projectile point distribution is therefore more complex than frequently assumed.

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3

Aldenderfer, Mark. "Pre-Clovis projectile points in North America". Science 362, n.º 6413 (25 de octubre de 2018): 415.6–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.362.6413.415-f.

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4

Slade, Alan Michael. "To haft and to hold: Evidence for the hafting of Clovis fluted points". Journal of Lithic Studies 8, n.º 3 (21 de diciembre de 2021): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/jls.3033.

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Clovis fluted points vary considerably in technology and morphology, but also share a set of attributes, the most diagnostic of which are the flute scars, the remnants of the flake removals from the basal region that travelled up towards the tip. Fluting on Clovis and Clovis-like points generally extends no further than a third of the way up the face of the point. Finished points are usually ground smooth along the base and lower edges, suggesting facilitation of the hafting (attachment) to a wooden shaft or handle by way of an ivory or bone socket. The points may have been hafted directly to a main-shaft and used as a thrusting spear during close encounter attacks, or in the hand as knife or butchery tool. Alternatively, an intermediary shaft, or foreshaft may have been used to secure the point. The suggestion of foreshafts being used by Clovis hunters received support after the discovery of bone rods in association with mammoth remains and Clovis points at the type site at Blackwater Draw, New Mexico in 1936. Several other Clovis-aged sites across North America have yielded ivory and beveled rods that have also been associated with foreshafts and the hafting of Clovis points. Scratches that are present on a couple of Clovis points made on varieties of obsidian, have been identified as being “hafting abrasion” evidence, this roughening of the surface would have helped in securing the point into the shaft or socket. In one example from the Hoyt site in Oregon, remains of a “pitch” or hafting adhesive was discovered in the abrasions in the fluted area of the point.

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5

HAYNES, C. VANCE. "DISTRIBUTION OF CLOVIS POINTS IN ARIZONA AND THE CLOVIS EXPLORATION OF THE STATE, 11,000 B.C." KIVA 76, n.º 3 (marzo de 2011): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/kiv.2011.76.3.004.

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6

Ragan, Kathryn y Briggs Buchanan. "Assessing Collector Bias". Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 43, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 2018): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26599973.

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Abstract Clovis points are found across the contiguous United States as isolated surface finds and as elements of assemblages in surface and subsurface deposits. Despite being scattered over the continent, Clovis points exhibit a remarkable degree of standardization, yet there is still a demonstrable level of variation in their shapes across regions. Including isolated points in regional comparative analyses would significantly increase sample sizes and spatial coverage of these analyses; however, the effects of collector bias—the tendency to collect the most typical and aesthetically pleasing points—are unknown. Here, we examine the shape of a sample of isolated Clovis points from the midcontinent using geometric morphometric techniques. We show that resharpening had little effect on the shape of points and that our sample of isolated points are similar in shape to points from assemblages in the midcontinent. Our findings suggest that isolated points have research potential when collector bias is limited.

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7

Frison, George C., George M. Zeimens, Spencer R. Pelton, Danny N. Walker, Dennis J. Stanford y Marcel Kornfeld. "FURTHER INSIGHTS INTO PALEOINDIAN USE OF THE POWARS II RED OCHER QUARRY (48PL330), WYOMING". American Antiquity 83, n.º 3 (19 de abril de 2018): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2018.11.

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We report major new insights from recent research at the Powars II Paleoindian red ocher quarry (48PL330). We salvaged more than 7,000 artifacts from Powars II between 2014 and 2016 by screening redeposited sediment from the talus slope below the intact portion of the site. Clovis artifacts dominate the diagnostic artifact assemblage, including 53 Clovis points, 33 preforms, and artifacts associated with a previously unrecognized blade core industry. We report the first radiocarbon dates from the site, determined from dating bone tools, which indicate Cody-aged use (ca. >10,000 cal BP). Further, salvage efforts discovered a previously unknown toolstone source from which many of the Clovis artifacts were produced. The Powars II Clovis points most resemble early Paleoindian points from the far Northern Plains and were likely both produced and discarded in the red ocher quarry after hunting, as evidenced by preform production and the presence of impact fractures on many used points. Given these production and discard patterns, Powars II holds some of the best evidence archaeologists currently have for Paleoindian ritualism related to hunting.

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8

Frison, George C. "Experimental Use of Clovis Weaponry and Tools on African Elephants". American Antiquity 54, n.º 4 (octubre de 1989): 766–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280681.

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Clovis projectile points and chipped-stone tools have been recovered in a number of archaeological sites in the New World, but these cannot be tested on mammoths, which we know from the archaeological evidence Clovis hunters were able to procure. Extensive culling of elephants in Hwange National Park in Zimbabwe provided the necessary animals to test replicas of Clovis tools and weaponry. The experiments leave little doubt that Clovis projectile points can inflict lethal wounds on African elephants and that simple stone tools will perform the necessary butchering tasks. The physiology of mammoths and elephants is similar enough to make positive statements on the potential of this kind of stone-tool and weaponry assemblage, but we will never be able to compare elephant and mammoth behavior directly.

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9

Fiedel, Stuart J. y Juliet E. Morrow. "Comment on “Clovis and Western Stemmed: Population Migration and the Meeting of Two Technologies in the Intermountain West” by Charlotte Beck and George T. Jones". American Antiquity 77, n.º 2 (abril de 2012): 376–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.77.2.376.

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AbstractBeck and Jones (2010) assert that Clovis “was not first in the Intermountain West”; Western Stemmed points are older than fluted points; and the stemmed point makers derived from a hypothetical pre-13,000 cal B.P. Pacific Coast migration. A less tendentious review of the data suggests instead that Western Stemmed follows Clovis in this region, as previously inferred by Willig and Aikens.

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10

Waters, Michael R., Joshua L. Keene, Steven L. Forman, Elton R. Prewitt, David L. Carlson y James E. Wiederhold. "Pre-Clovis projectile points at the Debra L. Friedkin site, Texas—Implications for the Late Pleistocene peopling of the Americas". Science Advances 4, n.º 10 (octubre de 2018): eaat4505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aat4505.

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Lanceolate projectile points of the Clovis complex and stemmed projectile points of the Western Stemmed Tradition first appeared in North America by ~13 thousand years (ka) ago. The origin, age, and chronological superposition of these stemmed and lanceolate traditions are unclear. At the Debra L. Friedkin site, Texas, below Folsom and Clovis horizons, we find stemmed projectile points dating from ~13.5 to ~15.5 ka ago, with a triangular lanceolate point form appearing ~14 ka ago. The sequential relationship of stemmed projectile points followed by lanceolate forms suggests that lanceolate points are derived from stemmed forms or that they originated from two separate migrations into the Americas.

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11

Shott, Michael J., Justin P. Williams y Alan M. Slade. "Measuring allometry in dimensions of western North American Clovis points". Journal of Archaeological Science 131 (julio de 2021): 105359. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2021.105359.

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12

Eren, Metin I., David J. Meltzer, Brett Story, Briggs Buchanan, Don Yeager y Michelle R. Bebber. "On the efficacy of Clovis fluted points for hunting proboscideans". Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 39 (octubre de 2021): 103166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103166.

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13

Smallwood, Ashley M. "Clovis Technology and Settlement in the American Southeast: Using Biface Analysis to Evaluate Dispersal Models". American Antiquity 77, n.º 4 (octubre de 2012): 689–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.77.4.689.

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AbstractKelly and Todd’s (1988) “high-technology forager” model predicts Clovis groups were highly mobile populations that left behind behaviorally consistent records of Clovis fluted points as evidence of their short-term occupations. Anderson’s (1990, 1996) staging-area model predicts that Clovis settlement was more gradual; groups entered the continent and slowed migration to concentrate territorial ranges around resource-rich river valleys, and these staging areas became the demographic foundations for early cultural regionalization. This study analyzes southeastern Clovis point data and biface assemblages from Carson-Conn-Short; Topper, and Williamson to test the technological implications of these two models. Significant subregional variation exists in Clovis point morphology and biface production techniques. This variation suggests the subregions represent distinct populations who distinctly altered aspects of their technology but maintained fundamental elements of the Clovis tradition. These findings are at odds with the high-technology forager model and more closely fit the staging-area model.

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14

Waters, Michael R., Thomas W. Stafford y David L. Carlson. "The age of Clovis—13,050 to 12,750 cal yr B.P." Science Advances 6, n.º 43 (octubre de 2020): eaaz0455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aaz0455.

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Thirty-two radiocarbon ages on bone, charcoal, and carbonized plant remains from 10 Clovis sites range from 11,110 ± 40 to 10,820 ± 10 14C years before the present (yr B.P.). These radiocarbon ages provide a maximum calibrated (cal) age range for Clovis of ~13,050 to ~12,750 cal yr B.P. This radiocarbon record suggests that Clovis first appeared at the end of the Allerød and is one of at least three contemporary archaeological complexes in the Western Hemisphere during the terminal Pleistocene. Stemmed projectile points in western North America are coeval and even older than Clovis, and the Fishtail point complex is well established in the southern cone of South America by ~12,900 cal yr B.P. Clovis disappeared ~12,750 cal yr B.P. at the beginning of the Younger Dryas, coincident with the extinction of the remaining North American megafauna (Proboscideans) and the appearance of multiple North American regional archaeological complexes.

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15

Bement, Leland C. y Brian J. Carter. "Jake Bluff: Clovis Bison Hunting on the Southern Plains of North America". American Antiquity 75, n.º 4 (octubre de 2010): 907–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.4.907.

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Clovis hunters of the North American Great Plains are known for their ability to hunt and scavenge mammoths. Less is known of their hunting strategies for other large animals, such as horse, camel, and bison, although remains of these animals have been found at several Clovis camps. Recent investigations of the Jake Bluff site on the southern Plains have identified a Clovis bison kill in an arroyo. The apparent use of an arroyo style trap for bison hunting provides the opportunity to study Clovis hunting strategies that came to be widely used during later Paleoindian times. The arroyo style bison trap is generally attributed to Folsom and later groups, and yet the Jake Bluff site yielded an association of Clovis-style projectile points with the remains of 22 Bison antiquus at the bottom of a short arroyo. The late date of 12,838 cal. BP suggests that the site spans the gap between the Clovis mammoth hunter and the Folsom bison hunter, indicating that some Clovis hunters developed the arroyo style bison trap to capture multiple bison at the same time, and as mammoths were extirpated from certain areas during the Pleistocene to Holocene transition.

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16

Hamilton, Marcus J., Briggs Buchanan, Bruce B. Huckell, Vance T. Holliday, M. Steven Shackley y Matthew E. Hill. "Clovis Paleoecology and Lithic Technology in the Central Rio Grande Rift Region, New Mexico". American Antiquity 78, n.º 2 (abril de 2013): 248–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.78.2.248.

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AbstractClovis sites occur throughout the southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico, but are poorly documented in the central Rio Grande rift region. Here, we present data from two relatively unknown Clovis projectile point assemblages from this region: the first is from the Mockingbird Gap Clovis site and the second is from a survey of the surrounding region. Our goals are to reconstruct general features of the paleoecological adaptation of Clovis populations in the region using raw material sourcing and then to compare the point technology in the region to other Clovis assemblages in the Southwest and across the continent. Our results show that both assemblages were manufactured from similar suites of raw materials that come almost exclusively from the central Rio Grande rift region and the adjacent mountains of New Mexico. Additionally, we show that Clovis projectile points in the study region are significantly smaller than the continental average. Our results suggest that Clovis populations in this region operated within a large, well-known, and relatively high-elevation territory encompassing much of northern and western New Mexico.

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17

Buchanan, Briggs, J. David Kilby, Bruce B. Huckell, Michael J. O'Brien y Mark Collard. "A Morphometric Assessment of the Intended Function of Cached Clovis Points". PLoS ONE 7, n.º 2 (10 de febrero de 2012): e30530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0030530.

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18

Kooyman, Brian, Margaret E. Newman, Christine Cluney, Murray Lobb, Shayne Tolman, Paul McNeil y L. V. Hills. "Identification of Horse Exploitation by Clovis Hunters Based on Protein Analysis". American Antiquity 66, n.º 4 (octubre de 2001): 686–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694181.

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Positive results were obtained from protein residue analysis on three Clovis points from Wally's Beach, southwestern Alberta. Two tested positive for Equus, the third for a bovid, probably Bison or Bootherium. All genera are present in the site remains. This finding clearly demonstrates use of Equus by Clovis hunters. Four 14C dates indicate that the site was in use between 11,000 and 11,300 B.P.

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19

Pinson, Ariane O. "The Clovis Occupation of the Dietz Site (35LK1529), Lake County, Oregon, and its Bearing on the Adaptive Diversity of Clovis Foragers". American Antiquity 76, n.º 2 (abril de 2011): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.2.285.

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Archaeological models of Clovis adaptations are divided between those that argue for a single hunting adaptation characterized by high residential mobility without fixed territories and those that argue for a diversity of environment-specific adaptations and settlement systems. The Dietz site (35LK1529), the largest Clovis site in the Pacific Northwest, is composed of many overlapping, spatially coherent artifact clusters from which 75 whole and fragmentary fluted points have been recovered. The artifact assemblage is inconsistent with use of the site as a kill, camp, or quarry site. Geoarchaeological data show that the site area during the Clovis occupation was a sparsely vegetated, seasonal playa that is unlikely to have supported large herds of game animals. However, the site sits astride what was probably a major transportation corridor linking highly productive ecosystems in the adjoining basins, and Clovis foragers appear to have camped at Dietz repeatedly while traveling between these nearby basins. The systematic and redundant use of a geographically small landscape by Clovis foragers is inconsistent with expectations based on a model of residentially mobile foragers occupying new territories.

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20

Beck, Charlotte, George T. Jones y Amanda K. Taylor. "What’s Not Clovis? An Examination of Fluted Points in the Far West". PaleoAmerica 5, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2019): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20555563.2019.1613145.

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21

Kipnis, Renato. "Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas: perspectives from central Brazil". Antiquity 72, n.º 277 (septiembre de 1998): 581–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00087019.

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There is a preconception among American archaeologists that the late Pleistocene (c. 12,000-10,000 hap.) and early Holocene human occupation of the Americas would have had highly formalized and diagnostic technologies (Bryan 1986), as seen in bifacial fluted projectiles (Clovis and/or Folsom points) or Palaeoarctic microblades. This bias carries with it two presumptions which have no reason to exist:• Clovis and related industries had to be diffused throughout the Americas; and• there should be a ‘big-game hunting’ horizon in South America.

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22

Braje, Todd J., Jon M. Erlandson, Torben C. Rick, Loren Davis, Tom Dillehay, Daryl W. Fedje, Duane Froese et al. "Fladmark + 40: What Have We Learned about a Potential Pacific Coast Peopling of the Americas?" American Antiquity 85, n.º 1 (10 de octubre de 2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2019.80.

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Forty years ago, Knut Fladmark (1979) argued that the Pacific Coast offered a viable alternative to the ice-free corridor model for the initial peopling of the Americas—one of the first to support a “coastal migration theory” that remained marginal for decades. Today, the pre-Clovis occupation at the Monte Verde site is widely accepted, several other pre-Clovis sites are well documented, investigations of terminal Pleistocene subaerial and submerged Pacific Coast landscapes have increased, and multiple lines of evidence are helping decode the nature of early human dispersals into the Americas. Misconceptions remain, however, about the state of knowledge, productivity, and deglaciation chronology of Pleistocene coastlines and possible technological connections around the Pacific Rim. We review current evidence for several significant clusters of early Pacific Coast archaeological sites in North and South America that include sites as old or older than Clovis. We argue that stemmed points, foliate points, and crescents (lunates) found around the Pacific Rim may corroborate genomic studies that support an early Pacific Coast dispersal route into the Americas. Still, much remains to be learned about the Pleistocene colonization of the Americas, and multiple working hypotheses are warranted.

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23

Wernick, Christopher D. "Clovis points on flakes: A technological variation seen in long distance lithic transport". Plains Anthropologist 60, n.º 235 (agosto de 2015): 246–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/2052546x15y.0000000004.

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24

Jenkins, D. L., L. G. Davis, T. W. Stafford, P. F. Campos, B. Hockett, G. T. Jones, L. S. Cummings et al. "Clovis Age Western Stemmed Projectile Points and Human Coprolites at the Paisley Caves". Science 337, n.º 6091 (12 de julio de 2012): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1218443.

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25

Speer, Charles A. "LA-ICP-MS analysis of Clovis period projectile points from the Gault Site". Journal of Archaeological Science 52 (diciembre de 2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2014.08.014.

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Waitt, Richard B. "Megafloods and Clovis cache at Wenatchee, Washington". Quaternary Research 85, n.º 3 (mayo de 2016): 430–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2016.02.007.

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Immense late Wisconsin floods from glacial Lake Missoula drowned the Wenatchee reach of Washington's Columbia valley by different routes. The earliest debacles, nearly 19,000 cal yr BP, raged 335 m deep down the Columbia and built high Pangborn bar at Wenatchee. As advancing ice blocked the northwest of Columbia valley, several giant floods descended Moses Coulee and backflooded up the Columbia past Wenatchee. Ice then blocked Moses Coulee, and Grand Coulee to Quincy basin became the westmost floodway. From Quincy basin many Missoula floods backflowed 50 km upvalley to Wenatchee 18,000 to 15,500 years ago. Receding ice dammed glacial Lake Columbia centuries more—till it burst about 15,000 years ago. After Glacier Peak ashfall about 13,600 years ago, smaller great flood(s) swept down the Columbia from glacial Lake Kootenay in British Columbia. The East Wenatchee cache of huge fluted Clovis points had been laid atop Pangborn bar after the Glacier Peak ashfall, then buried by loess. Clovis people came five and a half millennia after the early gigantic Missoula floods, two and a half millennia after the last small Missoula flood, and two millennia after the glacial Lake Columbia flood. People likely saw outburst flood(s) from glacial Lake Kootenay.

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Holliday, Vance T., C. Vance Haynes, Jack L. Hofman y David J. Meltzer. "Geoarchaeology and Geochronology of the Miami (Clovis) Site, Southern High Plains of Texas". Quaternary Research 41, n.º 2 (marzo de 1994): 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/qres.1994.1025.

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AbstractThe Miami site, excavated in 1937, is in a small "playa" basin on the High Plains surface. The site is one of the earliest documented co-occurrences of Clovis points and mammoth. Reinvestigation of the site and related collections was undertaken to better understand the stratigraphy, geochronology, and archaeology. The basin, 23 m diameter × 1.6 m deep, filled with (1) dark gray silty clay, and (2) near the top of the section, a lens of well-sorted silt or loess. The basin started to fill ca. 13,700 yr B.P., the loess dates to ca. 11,400 yr B.P., and the bone bed probably dates to ca. 11,400-10,500 yr B.P. The loess may be the local manifestation of a "Clovis drought." The partial remains of five mammoths (three adults and two juveniles) were recovered in 1937; no other animal remains are known. The bone is heavily weathered and there are no clear indications of human modification. Artifacts found at the site include three Clovis points and a scraper found among the bones and two flakes and a scraper found on the surface near the playa. The origins of the bone and stone assemblage are uncertain but four scenarios are offered: a successful mammoth kill, an unsuccessful kill with wounded animals dying at the watering hole, opportunistic scavenging following natural deaths, or a palimpsest of multiple deaths following both natural and human causes.

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Haynes, C. Vance. "On the Age of the Sylwester Clovis Point and the Borax Lake Fluted Points". PaleoAmerica 4, n.º 4 (2 de octubre de 2018): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20555563.2019.1574141.

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Story, B. A., M. I. Eren, K. Thomas, B. Buchanan y D. J. Meltzer. "Why Are Clovis Fluted Points More Resilient than Non-Fluted Lanceolate Points? A Quantitative Assessment of Breakage Patterns Between Experimental Models". Archaeometry 61, n.º 1 (2 de julio de 2018): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12407.

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Dickinson, William R. "Geological perspectives on the Monte Verde archeological site in Chile and pre-Clovis coastal migration in the Americas". Quaternary Research 76, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2011): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2011.06.011.

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AbstractDiscovery of the Monte Verde archeological site in Chile overturned the previous consensus that the first Americans into the New World from Asia were the makers of Clovis projectile points, and rejuvenated the hypothesis that migration through the Americas occurred largely on portions of the Pacific continental shelf exposed by Pleistocene drawdown in eustatic sea level. The postulate of travel along a paleoshoreline now hidden underwater is an attractive means to posit pre-Clovis human movement southward from Beringia to Chile without leaving traces of migration onshore. Geologic analyses of the Pleistocene paleoenvironment at Monte Verde and of the morphology of the potential migration route along the continental shelf raise questions that have not been fully addressed. The periglacial setting of Monte Verde may call its antiquity into question and the narrowness of the Pacific continental shelf of the Americas makes it unlikely that people could travel the length of the Americas without impacting ground still onshore and no farther inland than Monte Verde itself. Geological perspectives on Monte Verde and coastal migration jointly suggest that the Clovis-first hypothesis for peopling the New World may have been abandoned prematurely.

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Fiedel, Stuart J. y Yaroslav V. Kuzmin. "Is More Precise Dating of Paleoindian Expansion Feasible?" Radiocarbon 52, n.º 2 (2010): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200045380.

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Recent efforts to precisely date the florescence of the Clovis culture in North America have been hampered by both practical and theoretical problems: 1) The era of Clovis expansion (about 11,200–10,700 BP or 13,200–12,700 cal BP) coincides with the gap between the anchored central European tree-ring sequence (back to 12,400 cal BP) and the floating Bølling-Allerød sequence; 2) Clovis seems to immediately precede the onset of the Younger Dryas (YD) stadial. The “black mats” of the US Southwest appear to mark the regional occurrence of this climatic downturn. However, the timing and means of long-distance propagation of this climatic event are not yet well understood. Greenland ice cores (GISP2, GRIP, and NGRIP) remain poorly synchronized, with a discrepancy of 100 to 250 yr for the date of onset (as late as 12,700 cal BP, or as early as 12,950 cal BP); 3) The YD onset was accompanied by a rapid drop of radiocarbon ages from 11,000 to 10,600 BP in less than a century. The mechanism causing this was probably a change in overturning circulation in the North Atlantic. Do variable Clovis ages, often from what appear to be single-occupation contexts, reflect this “cliff” effect, slightly earlier minor reversals during the late Allerød, or simply the practical limitations of precision of the 14C method? 4) Dates for Fishtail or Fell I sites (with fluted, stemmed points) in southern South America are statistically indistinguishable from Clovis dates in North America. Does this imply very rapid population expansion, diffusion of tool-making techniques through long-established local populations (as argued by Waters and Stafford 2007), or abnormally large interhemispheric 14C offsets? 5) Are recent ostensibly high-precision collagen-derived dates for Paleoindian-associated fauna (e.g. horse and mammoth) reliable? Are interlaboratory blind tests of the new filtration processes necessary?

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32

Wygal, Brian T., Kathryn E. Krasinski, Charles E. Holmes, Barbara A. Crass y Kathlyn M. Smith. "Mammoth Ivory Rods in Eastern Beringia: Earliest in North America". American Antiquity 87, n.º 1 (14 de octubre de 2021): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2021.63.

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The Holzman archaeological site, located along Shaw Creek in interior Alaska, contained two mammoth ivory rods, of which one is bi-beveled, within a stratigraphically sealed cultural context. Dated 13,600–13,300 cal BP, these are the earliest known examples of osseous rod technology in the Americas. Beveled ivory, antler, and bone rods and points share technological similarities between Upper Paleolithic Europe, Asia, eastern Beringia, and the Clovis tradition of North America and are important tool types in understanding the late Pleistocene dispersal of modern humans. The Holzman finds are comparable to well-known Clovis tradition artifacts from Anzick (Montana), Blackwater Draw (New Mexico), East Wenatchee (Washington), and Sherman Cave (Ohio). We describe these tools in the broader context of late Pleistocene osseous technology with implications for acquisition and use of mammoth ivory in eastern Beringia and beyond.

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33

Pichardo, Mario. "Redating Iztapan and Valsequillo, Mexico". Radiocarbon 42, n.º 2 (2000): 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200059117.

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Recent radiocarbon dating of tephra sequences and biostratigraphic analysis in the Valley of Mexico and the Valley of Puebla, respectively, reveal that the FAD (first appearance date) for lanceolate Lerma/El Jobo points at Iztapan and Hueyatlaco archeological sites at about 14–16,000 BP predates the Clovis culture FAD. A lack of interdisciplinary communication is responsible for the neglect of these sites for three decades.

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34

Morrow, Juliet E. y Toby A. Morrow. "Geographic Variation in Fluted Projectile Points: A Hemispheric Perspective". American Antiquity 64, n.º 2 (abril de 1999): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694275.

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This paper examines geographic variation in fluted point morphology across North and South America. Metric data on 449 North American points, 31 Central American points, and 61 South American points were entered into a database. Ratios calculated from these metric attributes are used to quantify aspects of point shape across the two continents. The results of this analysis indicate gradual, progressive changes in fluted point outline shape from the Great Plains of western North America into adjacent parts of North America as well as into Central and South America. The South American “Fishtail” form of fluted point is seen as the culmination of incremental changes in point shape that began well into North America. A geographically gradual decline in fluting frequency also is consistent with the stylistic evolution of the stemmed “Fishtail” points. Although few in number, the available radiocarbon dates do suggest that “Fishtail” fluted points in southern South America are younger than the earliest dates associated with Clovis points in western North America. All of these data converge on the conclusion that South American “Fishtail” points evolved from North American fluted points.

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35

Boulanger, Matthew T. y Metin I. Eren. "On the Inferred Age and Origin of Lithic Bi-Points from the Eastern Seaboard and their Relevance to the Pleistocene Peopling of North America". American Antiquity 80, n.º 1 (enero de 2015): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.134134.

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AbstractRecently, advocates of an “older -than- Clovis” occupation of eastern North America have suggested that bi-pointed leaf-shaped lanceolate stone bifaces provide definitive evidence of human culture on the eastern seaboard prior to the Late Glacial Maximum. This argument hinges on two suppositions : first, that points of this form are exceedingly rare in the East and second, that all known occurrences of these point forms are from landforms or depositionaI environments dating to some time before the late Pleistocene. Neither of these suppositions is supported by the archaeological record. Bi-pointed leaf shaped blades have been recoveredfrom throughout the Middle Atlantic and Northeast, where they have been repeatedly dated, either radiometrically or by association with diagnostic artifacts, to between the Late Archaic and the Early Woodland. Statistical analysis of supposed “older-than-Clovis” leaf-shaped blades demonstrates that there are no significant differences in morphology between them and unequivocally Middle Holocene leaf-shaped blades. Until such time as evidence demonstrates otherwise, there is no reason to accept that these leaf-shaped bifaces are diagnostic of a Pleistocene, much less pre-Late Glacial Maximum, occupation in eastern North America.

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36

Ragan, Kathryn y Briggs Buchanan. "Assessing Collector Bias: A Geometric Morphometric Analysis of a Collection of Isolated Clovis Points from the Midcontinent". Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 43, n.º 2 (28 de enero de 2018): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01461109.2018.1426430.

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O’Brien, Michael. "Setting the Stage: The Late Pleistocene Colonization of North America". Quaternary 2, n.º 1 (21 de diciembre de 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/quat2010001.

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The timing of human entrance into North America has been a topic of debate that dates back to the late 19th century. Central to the modern discussion is not whether late Pleistocene-age populations were present on the continent, but the timing of their arrival. Key to the debate is the age of tools—bone rods, large prismatic stone blades, and bifacially chipped and fluted stone weapon tips—often found associated with the remains of late Pleistocene fauna. For decades, it was assumed that this techno-complex—termed “Clovis”—was left by the first humans in North America, who, by 11,000–12,000 years ago, made their way eastward across the Bering Land Bridge, or Beringia, and then turned south through a corridor that ran between the Cordilleran and Laurentide ice sheets, which blanketed the northern half of the continent. That scenario has been challenged by more-recent archaeological and archaeogenetic data that suggest populations entered North America as much as 15,300–14,300 years ago and moved south along the Pacific Coast and/or through the ice-free corridor, which apparently was open several thousand years earlier than initially thought. Evidence indicates that Clovis might date as early as 13,400 years ago, which means that it was not the first technology in North America. Given the lack of fluted projectile points in the Old World, it appears certain that the Clovis techno-complex, or at least major components of it, emerged in the New World.

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ARAUJO, ASTOLFO G. M. "On Vastness and Variability: Cultural Transmission, Historicity, and the Paleoindian Record in Eastern South America". Anais da Academia Brasileira de Ciências 87, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2015): 1239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0001-3765201520140219.

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Eastern South America, or what is today Brazilian territory, poses interesting questions about the early human occupation of the Americas. Three totally distinct and contemporaneous lithic technologies, dated between 11,000 and 10,000 14C BP, are present in different portions of the country: the Umbu tradition in the south, with its formal bifacial industry, with well-retouched scrapers and bifacial points; the Itaparica tradition in the central-west / northwest, totally unifacial, whose only formal artifacts are limaces; and the "Lagoa Santa" industry, completely lacking any formal artifacts, composed mainly of small quartz flakes. Our data suggests that these differences are not related to subsistence or raw-material constraints, but rather to different cultural norms and transmission of strongly divergent chaînes opératoires. Such diversity in material culture, when viewed from a cultural transmission (CT) theory standpoint, seems at odds with a simple Clovis model as the origin of these three cultural traditions given the time elapsed since the first Clovis ages and the expected population structure of the early South American settlers.

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Werner, Angelia, Andrew Kramer, Crystal Reedy, Michelle R. Bebber, Justin Pargeter y Metin I. Eren. "Experimental assessment of proximal-lateral edge grinding on haft damage using replicated Late Pleistocene (Clovis) stone projectile points". Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 11, n.º 11 (17 de enero de 2018): 5833–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12520-017-0594-2.

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40

Smith, Heather L. y Ted Goebel. "Origins and spread of fluted-point technology in the Canadian Ice-Free Corridor and eastern Beringia". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, n.º 16 (2 de abril de 2018): 4116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1800312115.

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Fluted projectile points have long been recognized as the archaeological signature of early humans dispersing throughout the Western Hemisphere; however, we still lack a clear understanding of their appearance in the interior “Ice-Free Corridor” of western Canada and eastern Beringia. To solve this problem, we conducted a geometric morphometric shape analysis and a phylogenetic analysis of technological traits on fluted points from the archaeological records of northern Alaska and Yukon, in combination with artifacts from further south in Canada, the Great Plains, and eastern United States to investigate the plausibility of historical relatedness and evolutionary patterns in the spread of fluted-point technology in the latest Pleistocene and earliest Holocene. Results link morphologies and technologies of Clovis, certain western Canadian, and northern fluted points, suggesting that fluting technology arrived in the Arctic from a proximate source in the interior Ice-Free Corridor and ultimately from the earliest populations in temperate North America, complementing new genomic models explaining the peopling of the Americas.

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41

Pearson, Georges A. "First Report of a Newly Discovered Paleoindian Quarry Site on the Isthmus of Panama". Latin American Antiquity 14, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2003): 311–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557563.

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AbstractAn archaeological survey on the Azuero Peninsula in Panama has recently discovered a Paleoindian quarry/workshop at the base of a quartz outcrop. The Nieto site contains seldom-seen preforms and flake blanks that provide new information on early-stage reduction strategies used by Clovis-like point makers in the Neotropics. Finished tools recovered at the site include gravers, side scrapers, and large scraper planes. The production of flake blanks followed a core reduction and rejuvenation strategy already observed at other Paleoindian sites in Costa Rica and Florida. Although the quartz outcrop is located only a few kilometers away from better-quality sources of jasper and chert, Paleoindians appear to have preferred this translucent stone for their weaponry. This new information, when combined with late-stage production strategies previously recorded from other Panamanian sites, brings us closer to tracing a complete manufacturing trajectory for Clovislike points on the Isthmus. It is hoped that data from the Nieto quarry/workshop will eventually help archaeologists determine if the presence of the fluting technique in Central and South America is attributable to a migration of Clovis-related people or a technological diffusion among pre-established southerly populations.

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42

Yohe, Robert M. y Jill K. Gardner. "Recently Discovered Clovis Points in Indian Wells Valley on the Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake, Southeastern Alta California". California Archaeology 8, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2016): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1947461x.2016.1176361.

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43

Waters, Michael R. y Thomas W. Stafford. "Redating the Mill Iron Site, Montana: A Reexamination of Goshen Complex Chronology". American Antiquity 79, n.º 3 (julio de 2014): 541–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.3.541.

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The Paleoindian Goshen complex occurs in the northern Plains and eastern Rocky Mountains. Since its identification, there has been much discussion about the chronological placement of the Goshen complex. This is especially true because diagnostic Goshen projectile points occur stratigraphically below Folsom artifacts at two sites, and early dates from the Mill Iron site, Montana, and the Hell Gap site, Wyoming, have suggested that this point type might be coeval with Clovis or the very earliest Folsom sites. This report presents new radiocarbon dates from the Mill Iron site, reviews Goshen chronology, and revises the age of the Goshen complex as 10,450 ± 15 to 10,175 ± 40 radiocarbon years B.P.

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44

Wriston, Teresa y Geoffrey M. Smith. "Late Pleistocene to Holocene history of Lake Warner and its prehistoric occupations, Warner Valley, Oregon (USA)". Quaternary Research 88, n.º 3 (5 de septiembre de 2017): 491–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qua.2017.59.

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AbstractDuring the late Pleistocene, Warner Valley (Oregon, USA) was filled by Lake Warner; however, little is known about its rise and fall and how its changing lake levels effected the distribution of the valley’s earliest occupants. The discovery of Paleoindian projectile points along ancient shorelines of the lake spurred us to examine them for geochronological controls to aid in constructing the lake’s history. We found that Lake Warner filled the valley floor between ca. 30,000 and 10,300 cal yr BP, probably reaching its maximum ca. 17,000–16,100 cal yr BP before it began to recede. People arrived with Clovis and Western Stemmed Tradition (WST) projectile points before ca. 12,800 cal yr BP, around the time the lake stalled in its retreat. When the lake continued its decline, people using WST points followed it southward into the valley floor, where dune-and-slough topography began developing ca. 10,300 cal yr BP in response to episodic wetting and drying during the early Holocene. By the time Mazama tephra fell, ca. 7600 cal yr BP, the once large lake was divided into a series of small lakes, ponds, and sloughs that attracted people to their abundant resources of endemic fish and marsh plants.

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45

Kelly, Thomas C. "Preceramic Projectile-Point Typology in Belize". Ancient Mesoamerica 4, n.º 2 (1993): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000900.

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AbstractSufficient numbers of preceramic projectile points have now been found in Belize to define two morphologically distinct projectile-point types, Lowe and Sawmill. A provisional type —Allspice—is proposed but lacks both the necessary numbers and adequate context for acceptance as a diagnostic type. A single Clovis point is so far the only diagnostic of the Paleoindian period. This study also suggests that the projectile-point typology, the foundation for much of the Belize Archaic Archaeological Reconnaissance chronology, is so badly flawed that the resulting chronology has little merit. Recent discoveries of major preceramic sites with associated radiocarbon dates and their possible association with early raised-field agriculture indicate that studies of preceramic Belize are entering an exciting new era. This typology should provide a useful tool for future studies and is the beginning of a meaningful chronology.

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46

Davis, Loren G., Daniel W. Bean y Alexander J. Nyers. "MORPHOMETRIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL ATTRIBUTES OF WESTERN STEMMED TRADITION PROJECTILE POINTS REVEALED IN A SECOND ARTIFACT CACHE FROM THE COOPER'S FERRY SITE, IDAHO". American Antiquity 82, n.º 3 (4 de mayo de 2017): 536–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2017.9.

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In western North America, the Western Stemmed Tradition (WST) is contemporaneous with, but technologically different from, the Clovis Paleoindian Tradition as initially defined from the Great Plains and American Southwest. The foundational principles of WST lithic technology have not been as clearly delineated as those of their fluted and unfluted Paleoindian Tradition technological counterparts, largely due to the paucity of extensive WST lithic assemblages recovered from intact buried contexts. Recent excavations at the Cooper's Ferry site, located in western Idaho, revealed a stratified series of WST components spanning the late Pleistocene to early Holocene periods. The study of these components offers a unique opportunity to evaluate current expectations about WST lithic technology. Here, we describe the discovery, context, and contents of a new cache of 14 WST projectile points from the Cooper's Ferry site that provide clues about WST lithic reduction patterns and the design of early stemmed projectile points. We employ several novel methods of lithic analysis based on three-dimensional digital scanning technology and geometric morphometry and, in doing so, seek to demonstrate new ways of studying stone tools through the use of next-generation methods of lithic analysis applied to exploring the poorly known technological details of the WST.

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O'Brien, Michael J., Matthew T. Boulanger, Mark Collard, Briggs Buchanan, Lia Tarle, Lawrence G. Straus y Metin I. Eren. "Solutreanism". Antiquity 88, n.º 340 (1 de junio de 2014): 622–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00101243.

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The comments of Stanford and Bradley (above) do not address our criticisms and obfuscate the topic at hand with irrelevant data (e.g. the south-to-north movement of fluted points through the Ice Free Corridor), nonexistent data (e.g. ‘under the water’ or ‘destroyed sites’), and questionable data (e.g. Meadowcroft and Cactus Hill are by no means widely accepted, nor are Stanford and Bradley's ‘eight LGM sites’ in the mid-Atlantic region). Before touching on some of these points, we direct the reader to several recent articles (e.g. Morrow 2014; Raff & Bolnick 2014) that provide new evidence or arguments inconsistent with a trans-Atlantic migration, including the fact that DNA from the Clovis Anzick child (Montana) shows no European ancestry (Rasmussenet al. 2014). Although Stanford and Bradley describe their Solutrean ‘solution’ (Stanford & Bradley 1999) to the Pleistocene colonisation of North America as ‘testable’, their position is that the idea is correct until falsified. They propose that their colleagues have yet to provide sufficient ‘critiques’ or ‘challenges’ to discount it (see also Collins 2012; Collinset al. 2013). Yet they are the ones proposing a hypothesis inconsistent with overwhelming multidisciplinary evidence, and they ignore results of tests that do not support their claims.

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48

Sholts, Sabrina B., Dennis J. Stanford, Louise M. Flores y Sebastian K. T. S. Wärmländer. "Flake scar patterns of Clovis points analyzed with a new digital morphometrics approach: evidence for direct transmission of technological knowledge across early North America". Journal of Archaeological Science 39, n.º 9 (septiembre de 2012): 3018–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2012.04.049.

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Henrikson, L. Suzann, David A. Byers, Robert M. Yohe, Matthew M. DeCarlo y Gene L. Titmus. "FOLSOM MAMMOTH HUNTERS? THE TERMINAL PLEISTOCENE ASSEMBLAGE FROM OWL CAVE (10BV30), WASDEN SITE, IDAHO". American Antiquity 82, n.º 3 (27 de junio de 2017): 574–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2017.14.

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The 1960s and 1970s excavations at Owl Cave (10BV30) recovered mammoth bone and Folsom-like points from the same strata, suggesting evidence for a post-Clovis mammoth kill. However, a synthesis of the excavation data was never published, and the locality has since been purged from the roster of sites with human/extinct megafauna associations. Here, we present dates on bone from the oldest stratum, review provenience data, conduct a bone-surface modification study, and present the results of a protein-residue analysis. Our study fails to make the case for mammoth hunting by Folsom peoples. Although two of the point fragments tested positive for horse or elephant protein, recent AMS dates indicate that all of the mammoth remains predate Folsom, and horse remains are absent from the Owl Cave collection. Further, no unambiguously cultural surface modifications were identified on any of the mammoth remains. Given the available data, the Owl Cave deposits are most parsimoniously read as containing a Folsom-age occupation in a buried context, the first of its kind in the desert West, but one nonetheless part of a palimpsest of terminal Pleistocene materials.

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Davis, Loren G., Alex J. Nyers y Samuel C. Willis. "Context, Provenance and Technology of a Western Stemmed Tradition Artifact Cache from the Cooper’s Ferry Site, Idaho". American Antiquity 79, n.º 4 (octubre de 2014): 596–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.596.

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AbstractThe discovery of an artifact cache containing Western Stemmed Tradition (WST) projectile points in a clearly defined pit feature at the Cooper’s Ferry site offers a unique perspective on early lithic technology and logistical organization in western North America. A description and analysis of the cache feature reveals several new insights, including: a rocky cairn capped the surface of the pit feature; some of the artifacts were made from cryptocrystalline silicates found 16 km away; debitage analysis, including aggregate and attribute based measures, identified two distinct lithic reduction stages present in the cache; new radiocarbon assays suggest that the cache is probably not early Holocene in age and may date to associated age estimates of 11,410–11,370 radiocarbon years before present (B.P.). Unlike Clovis caches, the Pit Feature A2 cache at Cooper’s Ferry appears to be a generalized toolkit that was probably placed at the site for future use. If the 11,410–11,370 radiocarbon years B.P. assays date the creation of the Pit Feature A2 cache, then its creators were probably not pioneers in the lower Salmon River canyon but possessed local knowledge about the landscape and raw material sources; these patterns suggest greater time depth for WST foragers.

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