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1
Udasmoro, Wening, Setiadi Setiadi, and Aprillia Firmonasari. "Between Memory and Trajectory: Gendered Literary Narratives of Javanese Diaspora in New Caledonia." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 5, no. 1 (2022): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol5.iss1.2022.2851.
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The purpose of this research is to explore the memory and the trajectory of the Javanese diaspora on the novels written by two female authors of Javanese descent in New Caledonia using a gender perspective. The Javanese diaspora in New Caledonia is a community that has left their homeland (Java) to start a new life in their destination land (New Caledonia) since 1896. They are descendants of the contract coolies (laborers) sent by the Dutch colonial government who controlled the Dutch Indies, including Java, at the request of French colonial government. The delivery of contract coolies was based on an agreement called the “Koeli Ordonatie” which had become a legal regulation and was implemented since the 1880s. It was a regulation signed by the Governor-General of the Netherlands Number 138 whose purpose was to fid unskilled laborers willing to work in the Dutch colonies, especially in the plantations and mining. The coolies, especially from Java, were mostly used as manual laborers in various parts of Dutch colonies, such as in Suriname. Seeing that this Dutch policy brought positive results for the exploitation of natural resources in the Dutch colonies, the French colonial government asked the help from the Dutch colonial government to recruit the laborers to be sent to French colonial region, New Caledonia.
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Nelissen, Frans A., and Arjen J. P. Tillema. "The Netherlands Antilles and Aruba, an Embarrassing Legacy of the Dutch Colonial era? Dutch Duties Revisited." Leiden Journal of International Law 2, no. 2 (1989): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001254.
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Decolonization in the late twentieth century sometimes differs markedly from the classicalpost-war decolonizationphenomenon. While colonies were then fighting for their independence, today (ex) colonies might have to spend their energy on efforts to prevent being forced into independence. In the case of the Antilles and Aruba, the Dutch seem to view the islands as a somewhat embarrassing legacy of the Dutch colonial era and are seeking to sever all constitutional links with the islands although sofar the Netherlands Antilles have refused to discuss independence at all, while Aruba appears to have some second thoughts about its 1996-independence choice. The issue raises questions of international law, most of them concerning the right of all peoplestoself-determination. The authorsdescribeandanalyze Dutch policy and conclude that it is not in line with Dutch duties under international law.
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Jacobs, J. Bruce. "The Rise of the Dutch Empire: the Broader Context of the Dutch Colonisation of Taiwan." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 2, no. 2 (2019): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-00202008.
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Unlike other European countries, Holland grew as perhaps the world’s first democracy with great wealth and relative egalitarianism, meritocracy rather than an aristocracy, and an absence of true monarchy. Holland’s great wealth also led to a worldwide colonial empire that competed with the other great European colonial empires. It was the Dutch who conquered Taiwan and brought the island under the first of six foreign colonial rulers. Like other colonial rulers around the world, the Dutch were racist, abused human rights, and indulged in slavery. Thus, although atypical at home, the Dutch in ruling their colonies, including Taiwan, were typical of colonial governments around the world.
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Scott, Cynthia. "Renewing the ‘Special Relationship’ and Rethinking the Return of Cultural Property: The Netherlands and Indonesia, 1949–79." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (2016): 646–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658698.
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This article questions how the return of cultural property from metropolitan centers of former colonial powers to the successor states of former colonies have been considered positive – if rare – examples of post-colonial redress. Highlighting UNESCO-driven publicity about the transfer of materials from the Netherlands to Indonesia, and tracing nearly 30 years of diplomacy between these countries, demonstrates that the return of cultural property depended on the ability of Dutch officials to vindicate the Netherlands’ historical and contemporary cultural roles in the former East Indies. More than anything, returns were influenced by the determination of Dutch officials to find and maintain a secure cultural role in Indonesia in the future. This article also considers how Dutch policies were initially independent from, but later coincided with, the anti-colonial activism that emerged within the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) around the issue of cultural property return to former colonies. Yet, rather than reveal a mediating role for UNESCO, this article re-positions the return debate within a broader framework of shifting post-colonial cultural relations negotiated bilaterally between the Netherlands – as a former colonial power – and the leaders of the newly independent state of Indonesia.
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Samsudi, S., Agung Kumoro W, Dyah Susilowati Pradnya Paramita, and Anita Dianingrum. "Aspek-Aspek Arsitektur Kolonial Belanda Pada Bangunan Pendopo Puri Mangkunegaran Surakarta." ARSITEKTURA 18, no. 1 (2020): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/arst.v18i1.40893.
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<p class="Abstract"><em>Dutch colonial architecture that developed in Indonesia, throughout the colonial period (around the 17<sup>th</sup> century to 1942) was a combination of colonial and local culture to respond to the Indonesian climate. Dutch colonial architecture in Indonesia is a work of Dutch colonial heritage in Indonesia during the colonial period. The result was the Dutch East Indies style with a "colonial" image and adapted to the local environment that responded to climate. Colonial architecture grafted architecture from European countries into colonies. The aspects of Dutch colonial architecture in the "Pendopo Puri Mangkunegran" building were studied to find out the elements of Dutch colonial architecture. "Pendopo Puri Mangkunegarn" is a vernacular architecture / Javanese architecture with a pillar structure system, allegedly there is an architectural element from the outside due to acculturation. The results of this study will be encouraged to know aspects of Dutch colonial architecture in the "Pendopo Puri Mangkunegaran" building from aspects of floor plans, structures, materials and other architectural elements. The results of this study are also expected to contribute knowledge in the field of architecture related to acculturation of foreign cultures that have an impact on local architecture.</em></p>
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Ariwibowo, Andika. "PENDIDIKAN SELERA DALAM PERKEMBANGAN RESTORAN HINDIA BELANDAPENDIDIKAN SELERA DALAM PERKEMBANGAN RESTORAN HINDIA BELANDA DAN RIJSTTAFEL DI BELANDA PADA PERIODE KOLONIAL DAN RIJSTTAFEL DI BELANDA PADA PERIODE KOLONIAL." Paradigma: Jurnal Kajian Budaya 14, no. 1 (2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v14i1.1382.
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This article discusses the early development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands during colonial period between the mid-19th and mid-20th centuries. The study takes a closer look at the early development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands during the colonial period, as well as the role of actors in introducing rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies ethnic food in the Netherlands. This study aims to provide an alternative way of studying the history of culinary and gastronomic development and the influence of Dutch East Indies culture in the Netherlands. The historical sources used are newspapers, cookbooks, and guidebooks on Dutch East Indies cuisine, gastronomy, and restaurants in the Netherlands in the colonial period. The development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands demonstrates the strong influence of colonial cultural imperialism in diversifying flavors in Europe in the mid-19th to mid-20th centuries. The early trajectory of rijsttafel in the Netherlands also shows that culinary dishes and gastronomic cultures from colonies such as the Dutch East Indies can be adapted and modified into various flavors that suit the tastes of Dutch society.
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Zijlstra, Suze. "Competing for European Settlers." Journal of Early American History 4, no. 2 (2014): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00402005.
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This article deals with the quest for settlers of the colonial governments in Dutch Suriname and English Jamaica in the 1660s and 1670s. The governors of both newly conquered colonies were eager to further develop the plantations and considered acquiring new colonists as essential. However, not many people were willing to move to the Caribbean and experienced colonists were particularly hard to recruit. This article compares the attempts of the governments of Suriname and Jamaica to attract colonists from other colonies. While a strong rivalry existed between colonies of different European countries, this article will demonstrate that competition between colonies of the same country was also intense. These colonial governments disregarded broader imperial interests when it was in their own colony’s interest, which demonstrates their relatively independent attitude and the local focus of their loyalty.
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Koot, Christian J. "Constructing the Empire: English Governors, Imperial Policy, and Inter-imperial Trade in New York City and the Leeward Islands, 1650–1689." Itinerario 31, no. 1 (2007): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300000061.
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AbstrsctThis article uses a comparative perspective to consider the role that English governors played in facilitating inter-imperial trade with the Dutch in New York City and the ports of the English Leeward Islands, including Bridgetown, Barbados, during the seventeenth century. As governors struggled to establish viable colonies these men worked to supply needed trade goods, often allowing their colonists to turn to Dutch colonies and the Netherlands as trading partners, understanding the ways in which these executives negotiated between imperial policies, primarily the Navigation Acts, and the needs of their charges is crucial to understanding how colonies developed. Further, investigating the ways in which governors fostered, regulated, or prevented inter-imperial trade with the Dutch illustrates how governors and colonists implemented and adapted mercantile policy in different colonies, places that depended upon the transfer of culture, goods and entrepreneurial activities across imperial boundaries. Complementing recent scholarship describing the extent of inter-imperial and cross-national trade in the seventeenth-century Atlantic, this article examines the impact English governors had on local merchant communities and their efforts to trade with the Dutch.
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Arutyunyan, Ruben. "Effect of Dutch Expansion in Malaya on Local Public Authority System." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2023, no. 4 (2023): 496–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2023-7-4-496-504.
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The Dutch expansion in Malaya was associated with the Dutch East India Company, also known as the Dutch VOC. It influenced the development of public authority institutions in Malaya and the Indonesian islands. The VOC had a trade monopoly in the East Indies and adopted state governmental methods and functions in the region. The Charter of 1602 gave the Company rights to maintain a military garrison, build forts, appoint judges, and conclude treaties outside Europe. In the first half of the XVII century, the Dutch defeated the Portuguese in their colonial rivalry for the Indonesian islands and Malaya. As the VOC expanded its boundaries, it used the structure of public authority to manage the colonies. The author analyzed the structure of the VOC public administration, its bodies, and public institutions in Malacca and other colonial cities. The Dutch colonial court system in Malaya and the Indonesian islands included European and traditional courts. However, Batavia had a local authority known as the College van Schepenen while the island of Java had Adat and Islamic courts.
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Wan, Sim Hinman. "Disciplining Otherness in the Tropics." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 81, no. 4 (2022): 420–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.4.420.
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Abstract During the seventeenth century, philanthropy offered the Dutch a self-disciplinary opportunity to expend their globally attained fortunes. As Janus-faced emblems of the wealth and poverty generated by a merchant society, monumentally scaled almshouses, hospices, orphanages, and reformatories in both the Dutch Republic and its colonies commemorated leadership that privileged moderation over extravagance. In Disciplining Otherness in the Tropics: Dutch Philanthropic Sites and the Urbanization of Indonesian Ports, 1640–1730, Sim Hinman Wan considers buildings for organized philanthropy as integral to the Dutch settlement of Batavia and Amboina in Indonesia, arguing that the presence of philanthropic establishments in the peripheral territories of Asian inhabitants served to subject these neighborhoods to colonial power. Dutch builders configured architecture and urban space in these cosmopolitan port cities to reinforce an ethnoculturally determined social hierarchy.
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Hindarto, Teguh, and Chusni Ansori. "Sociological perspective on the elimination of Karanganyar Regency as an impact of the 1930s economic depression." Simulacra 3, no. 1 (2020): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v3i1.7201.
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The 1930s economic crisis in the United States had spread throughout the world and caused a number of social, economic, political and cultural impacts, including for the Dutch East Indies colonies. Karanganyar Regency, which was in the Bagelen Residency territory since 1901, had experienced the effects of the economic shock as well. Karanganyar was a district in the Kebumen Regency area. Before becoming a sub-district, Karanganyar was an independent regency and had its head of government from 1832 until 1936. Through literature studies, this paper intended to thoroughly analyze the existence of Karanganyar Regency in the colonial era, find out the background of its elimination, and the process of social change that occurred. To obtain the main variables that cause the elimination of Karanganyar Regency, the researcher utilized the historical comparative method. From the analysis, we concluded that the Economic Depression centred in the United States affected the Dutch East Indies colonies, particularly on the management of the government bureaucracy. This situation demanded the Dutch East Indies government to adapt to social change by removing a number of Regency, including Karanganyar Regency.
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Kouwenberg, Silvia. "Dutch Guiana." Journal of Language Contact 8, no. 1 (2015): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00801004.
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The first one hundred years of the Dutch presence on the “Wild Coast” of Guiana, beginning with exploratory voyages and establishment of trading networks, and culminating in the establishment of plantation societies in Berbice and Essequibo, forms the historical context for the emergence of the Dutch creole languages of Berbice and Essequibo. This article explores that historical backdrop, focusing on the early plantation colonies, their management, and the presence and roles of different linguistic groups: Amerindian, Dutch, African. Amerindians—both free and enslaved—formed a numerically dominant presence in the initial plantation phase; although they were soon to be outnumbered by enslaved Africans, they were present on and around the plantations throughout the history of these Dutch colonies. It is surprising, then, to note that Arawak-origin material in rather peripheral domains of the Berbice Dutch lexicon forms the sole evidence of an Amerindian presence during its formation. This contrasts sharply with the very central Eastern-Ijo derived contribution to basic lexicon and bound morphology. On the Dutch side, given the dominance of the southwestern provinces in the colonization of both Berbice and Essequibo, it is not surprising that Zeelandic Dutch characteristics can be recognized in many of the Dutch-derived forms. The marginal linguistic role played by Amerindians suggests that the dynamics of slavery determined the linguistic influence of the different groups historically present in the plantation society.
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Roitman, Jessica V. "The Price You Pay." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 2-3 (2016): 196–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00102003.
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Planters and colonial officials throughout the Caribbean feared the consequences of emancipation in the nineteenth century, especially after the British abolished slavery in 1834. Concerns were particularly strong among the planters and colonial officials of the Dutch Leeward islands of St. Maarten, Saba, and St. Eustatius, as their geographical location left them vulnerable to the decisions of neighboring imperial powers. As early as 1825, when British law prohibited the extradition of foreign runaway slaves from their colonies, freedom was just a short boat ride away for the enslaved population of the Dutch islands, leading to worries that their islands would quickly become depopulated of their laborers. These fears were ultimately unfounded, however. As this article shows, the majority of slaves of the Dutch Leeward islands chose to either stay home or, after sojourning in another place, decided to return to their homes.
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Jacobson, Liesbeth Rosen. "‘Preparing Children of Colonialism for a Postcolonial Future’: A Comparison of Orphanages for Eurasians in the Dutch East Indies, British India, and French Indochina during the Decolonisation Period, 1930–1975." Journal of Migration History 4, no. 1 (2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00401002.
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In most colonies children of mixed European and indigenous origin were a concern for colonial authorities, who feared that if these children were abandoned by their European fathers they could harm white prestige, and with that endanger the colonial project. This article compares European-run orphanages in the Dutch East Indies, British India and French Indochina on the eve of decolonisation. At that time, the leaders of the orphanages and the older children in all three colonies faced a dilemma: should the Eurasian children leave or stay after decolonisation? In this article I look at how the orphanages dealt with the impending decolonisation, and how differences in this process between the colonies can be explained. I answer these questions by using archival material from orphanages in the three colonial contexts. I conclude that the differences between the contexts were explained best by the type of legal position Eurasians had in each colony.
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Fatah-Black, Karwan. "Orangism, Patriotism, and Slavery in Curaçao, 1795–1796." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (2013): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000473.
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AbstractThe defeat of the Dutch armies by the French and the founding of the Batavian Republic in 1795 created confusion in the colonies and on overseas naval vessels about who was in power. The Stadtholder fled to England and ordered troops and colonial governments to surrender to the British, while the Batavian government demanded that they abjure the oath to the Stadtholder. The ensuing confusion gave those on board Dutch naval vessels overseas, and in its colonies, an opportunity to be actively involved in deciding which side they wished to be on. This article adds the mutinies on board theCeresandMedeato the interplay between the Curaçao slave revolt of 1795 and the rise of the Curaçaoan Patriot movement in 1796. The mariners independently partook in the battle for the political direction of the island and debated which side they wished to be on in the fight between the French Revolution and the British Empire.
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Bosma, Ulbe. "The HSN and the Netherlands Indies: Challenge and Promise." Historical Life Course Studies 10 (March 31, 2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9565.
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In 2000 Kees Mandemakers and I started a project to trace the life courses of Dutch migrants to the Netherlands Indies. This article describes the process of data collection, the research questions and the project's main findings that have been published in various articles and a monograph. Two conclusions stand out: the first pertains to the heavily urban provenance of this migration and the second emphasizes the relatively educated and skilled background of colonial Dutch migration. This second finding contradicts earlier assumptions about the Dutch colonies as a place where undesirable elements were shovelled off. The current article further discusses findings of projects on Swiss and Luxembourger military migrations to the Netherlands Indies. An important difference between Dutch military migrants and those from other European countries regards the role of their service within a life course. While Dutch colonial military service was often the first step to make a career in colonial Indonesia, for Europeans from abroad it was rather a move of desperation as well as an attempt to earn some money that would enable them to start a business and a family in their country of birth. Their migration experience was rather a 'life cycle' migration. The article finally describes attempts to extend the HSN to the Dutch citizens born in the Netherlands Indies.
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Welie, Rik van. "Slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire: A global comparison." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (2008): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002465.
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Compares slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire, specifically between the former trading and territorial domains of the West India Company (WIC), the Americas and West Africa, and of the East India Company (VOC), South East Asia, the Indian Ocean region, and South and East Africa. Author presents the latest quantitative assessments concerning the Dutch transatlantic as well as Indian Ocean World slave trade, placing the volume, direction, and characteristics of the forced migration in a historical context. He describes how overall the Dutch were a second-rate player in Atlantic slavery, though in certain periods more important, with according to recent estimates a total of about 554.300 slaves being transported by the Dutch to the Americas. He indicates that while transatlantic slave trade and slavery received much scholarly attention resulting in detailed knowledge, the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean World by the Dutch is comparatively underresearched. Based on demand-side estimates throughout Dutch colonies of the Indonesian archipelago and elsewhere, he deduces that probably close to 500.000 slaves were transported by the Dutch in the Indian Ocean World. In addition, the author points at important differences between the nature and contexts of slavery, as in the VOC domains slavery was mostly of an urban and domestic character, contrary to its production base in the Americas. Slavery further did in the VOC areas not have a rigid racial identification like in WIC areas, with continuing, postslavery effects, and allowed for more flexibility, while unlike the plantation colonies in the Caribbean, as Suriname, not imported slaves but indigenous peoples formed the majority. He also points at relative exceptions, e.g. imported slaves for production use in some VOC territories, as the Banda islands and the Cape colony, and a certain domestic and urban focus of slavery in Curaçao.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Królestwo Niderlandów – trudne „przepraszam” za przeszłość kolonialną." Politeja 20, no. 6(87) (2023): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.87.03.
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THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS – DIFFICULT “I AM SORRY” FOR THE COLONIALPAST On 19 December 2022, Mark Rutte, as the first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, officially apologized for the harm suffered by the descendants of slaves brought to work in colonies in the Caribbean, Suriname, Asia and the European Netherlands. The Prime Minister announced state celebrations on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom’s colonies on 1 July 2023. The slave trade brought great profits. After World War II, only Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles remained within the colonial empire of the Netherlands (New Dutch Guinea was a dependent territory until 1962). As a result of the political reforms of 2010, the Netherlands Antilles were dissolved. Currently, the Kingdom of the Netherlands consist of four autonomous countries and special (overseas) municipalities that are part of the European Netherlands. The decision to apologize for the Kingdom’s colonial past will not end deep-seated disputes. In 2021, a report was issued stating that slavery was a crime against the population and calling for the creation of a Kingdom fund for the families of people affected by slavery. Its adoption will have far-reaching effects on Dutch society.
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van Nifterik, Gustaaf. "Arguments related to slavery in seventeenth century Dutch legal theory." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'histoire du droit / The Legal History Review 89, no. 1-2 (2021): 158–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-12340005.
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Summary The Dutch participated fully in the Transatlantic Slave Trade. The Dutch colonies, it was said, could not do without enslaved workers. But in the Dutch Provinces people were free; the Dutch were freedom loving Christian people. This articles sketches the legal arguments used by the seventeenth century Dutch jurists regarding slavery, and some slavery related topics as freedom and property. It appears that the pro-slavery arguments were so strong that a profound legal discussion among the jurists on the legitimacy of the institution was considered superfluous.
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Booth, Anne. "Accumulation, Development, and Exploitation in Different Colonial and Post-Colonial Contexts: Taiwan, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1900-80." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 61, no. 1 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/efi.v61i1.494.
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The Belgian Congo (Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia), and Taiwan/Formosa (now the Republic of China) experienced policies during the 19th and early 20th century which could be termed exploitative or extractive, although some policies in these colonies could also be termed developmental. All three colonies had a troubled passage to independence, and the immediate post-independence era was marked by considerable political and economic turmoil. But the growth performance of the three former colonies has been very different. Taiwan has seen very rapid growth sustained over decades; Indonesia’s economic growth since 1970 has been quite robust; the Congo has seen a growth collapse which is extraordinary even by African standards. The paper suggests some explanations for this divergence in terms of policies pursued by the Japanese, Dutch and Belgian colonial regimes, and by postindependence governments in these countries.
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Giovani, Evelin. "Power Over Sexuality in Joss Wibisono’s Rijsttafel Versus Entrecôte." Jurnal KATA 3, no. 1 (2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22216/kata.v3i1.3920.
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<em>This research is aimed to describe the power of sexuality in Joss Wibisono's Rijsttafel Versus Entrecôte short story using Foucault's concept of power juridic-discursive which investigates the negative relation rulers toward homosexual and assertively power some rules by creating a cycle of prohibition, censorship, and uniformity of the apparatus. This research was conducted by using qualitative research techniques that analyzed the short story Rijsttafel Versus Entrecôte by Joss Wibisono through a post-structural approach. Data is obtained through hermeneutic reading. Based on the conducted research, it can be concluded that in this short story the power over sexuality was regulated by the Dutch colonial government through the implantation of inferior idea on the values and culture of Bumiputra; the sexuality policymaking that applies to the people of Bumiputra; the creation of discomfort, anxiety, and fear of discuss about homosexuality; and the uniformity of Dutch colonial values over its colonies. The relation between text and actualization in society is the force of power over sexuality that has been going on for a long time and also influenced by the Dutch colonial government’s point of view over homosexual.</em>
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Dewulf, Jeroen. "Emulating a Portuguese Model." Journal of Early American History 4, no. 1 (2014): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00401006.
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This article presents a new perspective on the master-slave relationship in New Netherland in order to complement the existing theories on the treatment of slaves in that Dutch colony. It shows how prior to the loss of Dutch Brazil, the West India Company modeled its slave policy after Portuguese practices, such as the formation of black militias and the use of Christianity as a means to foster slave loyalty. It also points out that in the initial slave policy of the Dutch Reformed Church was characterized by the ambition to replace the Iberian Catholic Church in the Americas. While the Reformed Church in the early decades of the Dutch colonial expansion was characterized by a community-building spirit and a flexible attitude toward newcomers, the loss of Brazil shattered the dream of a Protestant American continent and gave way to a more exclusivist approach with a much stronger emphasis on orthodoxy. This led to a dramatic change in attitude vis-à-vis slaves, which is reflected in the segregationist policies―both at a social and a religious level―in later Dutch slave colonies such as Suriname.
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Rosen Jacobson, Liesbeth. "The “Eurasian Question”." Transfers 8, no. 3 (2018): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2018.080306.
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This article examines the arrangements that authorities put in place for populations of mixed ancestry from two former colonies in Asia—the Dutch East Indies and British India—and compares them with those of French Indochina during decolonization. These people of mixed ancestry, or “Eurasians,” as they were commonly called at the time, were a heterogeneous group. Some could pass themselves off as Europeans, while others were seen as indigenous people. The arrangements were negotiated during round table conferences, at which decolonization in all three colonies was prepared. Which agreements were made, what consequences did they have, and how and why did these differ across the three colonial contexts? To answer these questions, I use material from governmental archives from all three former colonial contexts. The article shows that information on the paternal ancestry of Eurasians was decisive in the allocation of European citizenship and admission to the colonizing country.
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van den Bel, Martijn. "“Against Right and Reason”: The Bold but Smooth French Take-Over of Dutch Cayenne (1655–1664)." Itinerario 45, no. 1 (2021): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000073.
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AbstractThe Dutch loss of Brazil in 1654 favoured the resettlement of Dutch merchants along the Wild Coast and in the Lesser Antilles and the establishment of new colonies. Cayenne Island was one of them. One WIC patent was handed to Jan Claes Langedijck, who settled at the former French fort of Cépérou, and another patent was given to David Nassy, who settled in the Anse de Rémire, situated at the opposite part of the former island. Both colonies were taken by the French in May 1664 as part of the imperial French expansion under King Louis XIV and Jean-Baptist Colbert. It is argued here that the main French goal was to gain control of the sugar plantations of the Sephardic community located there, and, to a lesser extent, the much-desired territorial control of this region as proposed by the newly established French West India Company. The Dutch were aware of the attack, but could not intervene as it was already too late to send support to the poorly defended Cayenne colony. Both parties negotiated the take-over and the majority of the Dutch settlers stayed under French rule, as was suggested by the Dutch government and hoped for by the French.
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Franses, Philip Hans, and Wilco van den Heuvel. "Aggregate statistics on trafficker-destination relations in the Atlantic slave trade." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 3 (2019): 624–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419864226.
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The available aggregated data on the Atlantic slave trade in between 1519 and 1875 concern the numbers of slaves transported by a country and the numbers of slaves who arrived at various destinations (where one of the destinations is ‘deceased’). It is however unknown how many slaves, at an aggregate level, were transported to where and by whom; that is, we know the row and column totals, but we do not known the numbers in the cells of the matrix. In this research note, we use a simple mathematical technique to fill in the void. It allows us to estimate trends in the deaths per transporting country, and also to estimate the fraction of slaves who went to the colonies of the transporting country, or to other colonies. For example, we estimate that of all the slaves who were transported by the Dutch only about 7 per cent went to Dutch colonies, whereas for the Portuguese this number is about 37 per cent.
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Cray, Robert E., and Firth Haring Fabend. "A Dutch Family in the Middle Colonies, 1660-1800." American Historical Review 97, no. 3 (1992): 929. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164927.
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Schwartz, Sally, and Firth Haring Fabend. "A Dutch Family in the Middle Colonies, 1660-1800." Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (1992): 1417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079367.
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Wall, Helena M., and Firth Haring Fabend. "A Dutch Family in the Middle Colonies, 1660-1800." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 1 (1992): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205520.
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Goodfriend, Joyce D., and Firth Haring Fabend. "A Dutch Family in the Middle Colonies, 1660-1800." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 3 (1993): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947384.
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JONGKIND, F. "The Agrarian Colonies of Dutch Calvinists in Paraná, Brazil." International Migration 27, no. 3 (1989): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2435.1989.tb00358.x.
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Wesseling, Elisabeth. "In loco parentis: The adoption plot in Dutch-language colonial children’s books." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 1 (2017): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3472.
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This article analyzes the “adoption plot” in colonial children’s literature from the 1950s, which narrates how black children are socialized into Western civilization. Many children’s books about the colonies have been inspired by missionary stories dating from the 1900s about the conversion of black children. Children’s literature generalizes these stories into abstract symbolic structures that can be easily reiterated in other contexts. The enduring relevance of the adoption plot is not to be underestimated. We still tend to conceive of Third World children as essentially parentless and as such, up for adoption by First World citizens, as theimagery of international relief demonstrates.
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Kunkeler, Nathaniël. "Dietsland Empire?" Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (2022): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37259.
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Dutch fascism was marked by an international outlook and character from the outset in the 1920s. Rather than a purely Netherlands affair, it had proponents in multiple countries, particularly Belgium and the East Indies (Indonesia). For many of these, the idea of a Great Netherlands territory uniting all Dutch-speaking nations – Dietsland – was central to their international vision. There were a number of Dutch fascist parties and other organisations spread across the globe which experienced limited success throughout the 1920s, notably Flemish fascists in Belgium, and the reactionary Fatherland Club in the Dutch Indies. The latter was the most important, successfully mobilising the white settler population against perceived weakness in the face of Indonesian nationalism and communism. In the early 1930s they became influenced by fascism. The dominant fascist force of the 1930s however was Anton Mussert’s National Socialist Movement, which became a considerable force in the Netherlands, but proportionally even greater in the East Indies. Permitting mixed-race members in the party, it established integrated branches in the colonies where it became the largest political party. An inclusive culturalist notion of Dietsland was central to the party’s international vision and plans for a future fascist Imperium. It took a broadly positive stance towards the colonial administration, pointing to it as a model of fascist rule. This international Dutch fascism was underpinned by a transnational network of members and colonial administrators and army veterans which moved around the Dutch empire. This had a real impact on the development of party ideology, as leaders had to reckon with the influence of the transnational fascist network. However, ultimately metropolitan chauvinism and white supremacism determined the ultimate failure of Dutch fascism in the Indies and the hollowness of the Dietsland myth.
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Iswahyudi, Iswahyudi. "Islamic Policy of the Dutch East Indies Colonial Government in Madura in the First Quarter of the 20th Century." Humanities and Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v4n1p1.
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At first the Dutch East Indies government policy towards Islam was wrong, because Islam in the Dutch East Indies was considered a strict religion like the hierarchical priesthood and the pope in Christianity where there was a high relationship of loyalty to the Turkish caliph, so that Islam was considered a formidable enemy. Starting with the implementation of a massive policy by the Dutch East Indies government to suppress Muslims, for example, one of them was in terms of limiting and heavier the regulations for the implementation of the pilgrimage, but in reality, regardless of the obstacles, the frequency of going on hajj was still high. Awareness of the mistakes in political policy towards Islam, the figure of Cristian Snouck Hurgronje, one of the supporters of ethical currents in the Netherlands, appeared, submitting a letter to the minister of the colonies on June 2, 1889 to participate in solving problems in the Dutch East Indies. In this case Snouk Hurgronje was the main advisor and was assisted by advisers consisting of one for Arab affairs and two experts in regional languages in the Dutch East Indies. Based on Snouck Hurgronje's advice, the Dutch colonial government distinguished between Islam in the meaning of worship and Islam as a social, social and political force. This policy towards Islam is divided into three categories, namely the socio-religious field, the socio-cultural sector, and the socio-political sector.
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Jordaan, Han. "Free Blacks and Coloreds and the Administration of Justice in Eighteenth-Century Curaçao." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 84, no. 1-2 (2010): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002447.
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Two case studies show the daily practice of justice regarding free Blacks and Coloreds in Curacao and the functioning of the early modern Dutch legal system pertaining to colonial and slavery-related matters. According to the author, both cases reveal that the application of the law, when free non-Whites were involved, was apparently open to interpretation and that there was a divergence in this respect between the colony and the metropole. Author assesses this conflict between the theory of the law and the practice of the administration of justice in the colonies.
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Dell, Melissa, and Benjamin A. Olken. "The Development Effects of the Extractive Colonial Economy: The Dutch Cultivation System in Java." Review of Economic Studies 87, no. 1 (2019): 164–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdz017.
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AbstractColonial powers typically organized economic activity in the colonies to maximize their economic returns. While the literature has emphasized long-run negative economic impacts via institutional quality, the changes in economic organization implemented to spur production historically could also directly influence economic organization in the long-run, exerting countervailing effects. We examine these in the context of the Dutch Cultivation System, the integrated industrial and agricultural system for producing sugar that formed the core of the Dutch colonial enterprise in 19th century Java. We show that areas close to where the Dutch established sugar factories in the mid-19th century are today more industrialized, have better infrastructure, are more educated, and are richer than nearby counterfactual locations that would have been similarly suitable for colonial sugar factories. We also show, using a spatial regression discontinuity design on the catchment areas around each factory, that villages forced to grow sugar cane have more village-owned land and also have more schools and substantially higher education levels, both historically and today. The results suggest that the economic structures implemented by colonizers to facilitate production can continue to promote economic activity in the long run, and we discuss the contexts where such effects are most likely to be important.
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Holtrop, Pieter N. "The Governor a Missionary? Dutch Colonial Rule and Christianization during Idenburg’s Term of Office as Governor of Indonesiaw (1909-16)." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002830.
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As a reslut of forced Christianization, the motherland threatens to alienate the indigenous population of our colonies from herself.’ With this slogan a combination of left-wing political parties entered the elections for the Dutch Parliament in June 1913. This combination won the elections and in the end it was the liberal Cort van der Linden who was commissioned to form a government. The then governor-general of what was called the Dutch East Indies, the Christian statesman A. W. F. Idenburg (1861-1935), consequently considered relinquishing his post, now that a government would be formed of a political colour different from his own. On the advice of the leader of his party, the Dutch politician, journalist, and church leader Abraham Kuyper, however, he decided that his decision to stay or to resign would depend on the possibilities of co-operation with the new minister of colonial affairs. But he had no illusions about the opinion of the European press in Indonesia. ‘Against me,’ he wrote in a letter to the outgoing minister of colonial affairs, J. H. de Waal Malefijt (1852-1931), a fellow party member, ‘a devilish howling has burst out in some of the papers. They all agree that I must go.’
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Twomey, Christina. "Protecting Slaves and Aborigines." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2018): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.1.10.
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The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes.
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De Klerk, Pieter. "Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie (1652-1795) binne vergelykende konteks – ‘n historiografiese studie." New Contree 59 (May 31, 2010): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v59i0.374.
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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a number of European countries founded settlements on the American and African continents. The colonizing powers sent settlers from Europe and slaves from Africa and Asia to their colonies. Most of these colonies existed for several centuries, and during this period the economic, social and cultural relations between the settlers, the slaves and the indigenous peoples did not remain static. In none of these colonies were the descendants of the original groups totally integrated into a homogeneous society, but by the end of the eighteenth century the differences between the groups were much less marked in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of Central and South America than in the British colonies of North America. The article examines recent research on integration processes in the Cape Colony from 1652 to 1795, when the colony was ruled by the Dutch East India Company. It appears that some researchers emphasize the similarities between integration processes in the Cape Colony and North America while others point out significant differences. The article argues that the development of racial barriers in South Africa from the early nineteenth century has influenced scholarly interpretations of the characteristics of Cape colonial society before 1800. It is concluded that, regarding integration processes during this period, the Cape Colony had more in common with the Portuguese colony of Brazil than the British colonies in North America. However, more comparative research is necessary to obtain a clear perspective on integration processes in the Cape Colony within the context of developments in the European settler colonies during the period from 1500 to 1800.
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Kroon, Sjaak, and Jeanne Kurvers. "Opvattingen Over Nederlands En Andere Talen Als Instructietaal Op Aruba En In Suriname." Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 82 (January 1, 2009): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.82.06kro.
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The Republic of Suriname in South America and the Carribean island of Aruba are both former Dutch colonies. After its independence in 1975 Suriname opted for maintaining Dutch as an official language and a language of education and also in Aruba, which is nowadays an autonomous part of the Kingdom of The Netherlands, Dutch remained the official language and the language of instruction in education. The fact that Suriname and Aruba are both multilingual societies - Suriname has some twenty different languages and in Aruba, apart from Dutch, Papiamento is the main language - over the years gave rise to heated debates about what language or languages should best serve as a medium of instruction in schools. This question was investigated by means of a survey that was administered with 200 respondents in the case of Aruba (educational professionals and lay people living in Aruba) and 315 in the case of Suriname (partly living in Suriname and partly in The Netherlands). The investigation showed that on Aruba lay people, among which parents of school going children, are the main advocates of Dutch as language of instruction in schools whereas educational professionals show a clear preference for including Papiamento as a language of instruction. In Suriname on the other hand, both groups of respondents showed a clear preference for using Dutch as a language of instruction. These outcomes seem to be related to differences in the linguistic landscape in Suriname and Aruba and to the different colonial history of the two countries.
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Brasseur, Sophie M. J. M., Tamara D. van Polanen Petel, Tim Gerrodette, Erik H. W. G. Meesters, Peter J. H. Reijnders, and Geert Aarts. "Rapid recovery of Dutch gray seal colonies fueled by immigration." Marine Mammal Science 31, no. 2 (2014): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mms.12160.
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De Jong,, C. "Dullstroom 1884-1984." New Contree 17 (July 9, 2024): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v17i0.757.
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In 1883 a company was formed in the Netherlands to buy agricultural land in the Transvaal for the establishment of Dutch farming colonies. As a result in 1884 a number of Dutch families settled on the farms Groot Suikerboschkop and Elandslaagte and established the town of Dullstroom at the foot of Suikerboschkop. Despite serious teething problems the town eventually developed and was granted municipal status in 1891. However, during the Anglo-Boer War it was almost completely destroyed and after the war few of the original inhabitants returned. Although the rebuilt town has almost no essential Dutch character the memory of the pioneers is still honoured.
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Kochetov, Dmitriy. "Colonial Past in Italian Relations with the Former African Colonies." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2 (54) (September 4, 2021): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-54-2-214-225.
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The subject of article is influence of the colonial past on the relations of former metropole, namely Italy, with its former colonies in Africa. The question is considered in the context of the fact that the British, French or even Portuguese colonialisms definitely left interstate entities. In other words, they continue to considerably influence the relations with their former African colonies. Italian one, in its turn, left nothing like the Commonwealth of Nations, the International Organisation of La 
 Francophonie or the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. However, by 2021 even in relations with each individual former colony of Rome in Africa (Eritrea, Somalia and Libya), it was replaced by the current agenda. Only in the case of Eritrea, which emerged as a result of Italian rule, there is probability, that in the nearest future the colonial past will affect its relations with Italy. Somalia, and especially Libya, which had been a reminder of the need to repair colonial damage for more than half a century, ceased to exist as single 
 states. As a result, the long-ended colonialism ceased to be vital for their relations with the former metropole in a positive and negative way. Moreover, the author highlights that for any former colony, not only in Africa, or a country with big Italian community, Rome did nothing comparable with at least the Dutch Language Union. It means, that the elimination of any trace of Italian colonialism from international affairs is related not only to its weakness, but also to the lack of efforts made by modern Italy.
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Adams, Sarah J. "De rebellen van Berbice." Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 136, no. 3 (2020): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tntl2020.3.003.adam.
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Abstract In the preface to his neoclassical tragedy Monzongo, of de koningklyke slaaf (1774), Nicolaas Simon van Winter advocates for the gradual abolition of slavery in the Dutch colonies. He declares that he wrote this play in reaction to the brutal executions of African rebels after the nearly successful slave revolt in the Dutch colony of Berbice. The plot, however, centers around the enslavement of the Mexicans by Hernán Cortés in the early sixteenth century. Following Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s notion of ‘silencing’ the past (1995), this article explores the absence of the Dutch Atlantic in Monzongo. Van Winter’s choice to present enslaved Amerindians under a Spanish yoke, I will argue, is strongly connected to late-eighteenth-century ideas about suppression, the legitimacy of revolt, and ‘race’ in the Dutch Republic.
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Heron, Heronimus. "Tugu Ngejaman: Penanda Kuasa dan Pengingat Waktu di Yogyakarta." Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora 10, no. 1 (2022): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ret.v10i1.4850.
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Tugu Ngejaman or Stadsklok is a monument to commemorate a century of the return of Java to the Dutch colonial rule in 1916. This story begins with the French conquest of the Netherlands in January 1795 which led to the conquest of Java in 1808-1811. But France finally lost the war against Russia in 1814, so the Netherlands negotiated with Britain over its colonies. The British and the Dutch managed to reach an agreement to cede Java to the Dutch, while the British took control of Malacca in 1816. In this paper, I trace the history of the establishment of the Ngejaman monument, the meaning of the Ngejaman monument for the Dutch population in Yogyakarta, and the reasons for maintaining the Ngejaman monument today. I use Walter Benjamin's perspective on aura to explore the relationship between monuments and history and the technological revolution. The data in this paper comes from archival documents and existing scholarly literature, interviews, as well as field observations that elucidate the Ngejaman monument and the activities of the surrounding community. This study finds that the construction of the Ngejaman monument was related to the markers of Dutch colonial power in Yogyakarta and the "revolution of time" in the modern society. However, the Yogyakarta City Government maintains the Ngejaman monument without providing a narrative about the history of the monument's establishment in Malioboro. The government ignores historical literacy in tourism development in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, even when the importance of preserving the Ngejaman monument lies in its being a marker of the introduction of time as a regulator of modern human activity in Yogyakarta and a reminder that liberation has not necessarily meant freedom for all.
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Roitman, Jessica Vance. "Economics, Empire, Eschatology: The Global Context of Jewish Settlement in the Americas, 1650–70." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (2016): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000371.
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The Dutch and English offered Spanish and Portuguese Jews inducements such as liberties unheard of in Europe until the mid-nineteenth century in order to lure them to their New World colonies. As compelling as the economic and military rationales for Jewish settlement were, there were also “spiritual” reasons to encourage Jewish settlement – and for Jews, themselves, to venture to the colonies. The mid-seventeenth century was a time of eschatological fervor in both Christian and the Jewish communities and millenarianism and messianism formed the backdrops against which Jewish colonization in the New World occurred. The seventeenth century saw an increasingly acute expectation of apocalyptic events by Christians and Jews, and was marked by an outpouring of messianic prophecy all over Europe and the Mediterranean. This article will discuss whether the English and/or the Dutch encouraged Jewish settlement in the New World with the idea that it could help in ushering in the much yearned for second coming. It will also discuss whether Jews may have been tempted to go to the colonies with the idea that they were helping to bring about the dispersion described in Daniel 12:7 – a scattering that was necessary before the prophesized “Second Coming”.
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Wilson, James David. "The Dutch and the Second British Empire in the Early Nineteenth-Century Indian Ocean World." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 2 (2019): 366–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.179.
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AbstractDuring the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, the British Empire grew through its invasion of Dutch colonies around the Indian Ocean rim. The incursions entwined British and Dutch politics, cultures, and social networks. These developments were significant for the Dutch East Indies, but have received relatively little attention in histories of the Second British Empire. In light of recent interest in Anglo-Dutch interaction, connectivity across empires, and the uses of prosopography to question the boundaries of imperial history, this article uses Dutch biographies to interrogate the relationship between the politics of liberal reform and despotism in the Cape Colony and Java under the British. A dialectic between despotism and liberalism dominates the Second Empire's historiography. Conversely, tracing the biographies of two interstitial figures who passed between the Dutch Empire and that of Britain shows how despotism and reform were connected. The Dutch drew notions of reform from their social networks into the Cape and Java through their manipulation of loyalist rhetoric. Concurrently, the use of such rhetoric legitimized societies and controls linked to the entrenchment of autocracy. This article thus reveals links between connectivity and control in Britain's Indian Ocean empire.
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Israel, Jonathan I. "The Dutch merchant colonies in the Mediterranean during the seventeenth century." Renaissance and Modern Studies 30, no. 1 (1986): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14735788609366498.
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Burnard (review), Trevor, Joyce Goodfriend (review), Cynthia Van Zandt (review), Willem Frijhoff (review), and Wim Klooster (response). "The Empire that Never Was." Journal of Early American History 7, no. 1 (2017): 33–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00701004.
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This book forum focuses on Wim Klooster’s The Dutch Moment: War, Trade, and Settlement in the Seventeenth-Century Atlantic World (Cornell University Press, 2016). In his book, Wim Klooster shows how the Dutch built and eventually lost an Atlantic empire that stretched from the homeland in the United Provinces to the Hudson River and from Brazil and the Caribbean to the African Gold Coast. The fleets and armies that fought for the Dutch in the decades-long war against Spain included numerous foreigners, largely drawn from countries in northwestern Europe. Likewise, many settlers of Dutch colonies were born in other parts of Europe or the New World. According to Klooster, the Dutch would not have been able to achieve military victories without the native alliances they carefully cultivated. Indeed, Klooster concludes, the Dutch Atlantic was quintessentially interimperial, multinational, and multiracial. At the same time, it was an empire entirely designed to benefit the United Provinces. The four reviewers – Trevor Burnard, Joyce Goodfriend, Cynthia Van Zandt, and Willem Frijhoff – all offer praise, some more profusely than others. Their reviews critically question some aspects of Klooster’s narrative, particularly in relation to slavery, the inevitability of the Dutch Atlantic empire’s decline, his assessment of the rule of Johan-Maurits van Nassau-Siegen in Dutch Brazil, the role of violence and of women in Dutch colonization, as well as the relationship between microcosmic and macrocosmic perspectives on the history of Dutch America.
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van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle. "“Gij kent genoegt mijn gevoelig hart”. Emotional Life at the Occupied Cape of Good Hope, 1798-1803." Itinerario 35, no. 2 (2011): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115311000295.
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With the eighteenth century drawing to a close, Anglo-French hostilities were rapidly escalating in Europe. Besides competing for power on the continent, both the British and the French were concerned with expanding their influence in the East, where the once mighty trading empire of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had been in steady decline for some decades. By the end of 1794, conflicts on the continent were turning firmly in France's favour and in January 1795 French troops invaded the Netherlands, forcing the ruling Prince of Orange to seek refuge in England. Members of the Dutch Patriot movement—the democratically-minded opponents of the Dutch monarchy and the old order in general—were sympathetic towards French revolutionary ideals and welcomed the French presence in their country. Meanwhile, the occupation of the Netherlands was of great concern to the British government, who suspected that the French would waste no time in also taking control of strategically-located Dutch colonies.
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Verma, Rupalee. "Western Medicine, Indigenous Doctors and Colonial Medical Education: A Case of Desire for ‘Hegemony’ in Conflict with Demands of ‘Colonial Partiality’." Itinerario 19, no. 3 (1995): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021355.
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David Arnold in his recently published work on colonial medicine in India refers to the necessity of assessing, ‘the various compulsions that lay behind attempts to propagate Western medicine in India, the agencies involved in this work of medical evangelization, and the various constraints – political, cultural, financial and technical – which operated in the reverse direction. The colonial context vithin which Western medicine was required to function and the contradictions – many of them remarkably deepseated and pervasive – that beset its diverse operations also require investigation’. Taking one of the agencies involved in this work of ‘medical evangelization’ – that of medical education – I would like to compare the utilitarian and the hegemonic considerations which led the two colonial governments of British-India and the Dutch-Indies to promote a particular kind of medical education in their colonies and to assess their impact on the colonized societies concerned.