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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Communist countries"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2024

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1

Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.

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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in e

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2

Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.

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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Sov

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3

Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The aut

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4

Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "Nepali Communist Parties in Elections: Participation and Representation." Dristikon: A Multidisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dristikon.v10i1.34537.

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The communist parties are not gaining popularity throughout the countries of the world, as they are shrinking. The revolutionary communist forces are in a defensive position, and the reformist communists have failed to achieve good results in the elections. Communist parties are struggling just for their existence in the developed countries. They are not in a decisive position, even in developing countries as well. Nevertheless, communists of Nepal are obtaining popularity through the elections. Although the communists of Nepal are split into many factions, they have been able to win the signi

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5

Dashdavaa, Badamdash. "Nationalistic tendency in communist camp." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 3 (May 1, 2002): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.3.6.

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The purpose of the paper is to examine the nationalistic characters of socialist regimes after the Second World War until the 1990s in the cases of Romania and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Therefore, I will attempt to examine whether the communist leaders in Romania and Yugoslavia appealed to nationalistic communism or communism with national distinction in order to demonstrate that they were not directly controlled or directed by The Soviet Union. They enjoyed sovereignty greater than other communist countries in Eastern Europe. Both Romania and Yugoslavia could receive maximum of aid

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6

Głowacka-Grajper, Małgorzata. "Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (2018): 924–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418757891.

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This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussio

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7

Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.

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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent p

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8

Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.

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This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of pos

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9

Rueschemeyer, Marilyn. "Research in Communist Countries." Problems of Post-Communism 60, no. 4 (2013): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216600400.

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10

Bogdan, Michael. "Autonomy in Communist Countries." Nordic Journal of International Law 55, no. 1-2 (1986): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181086x00355.

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11

Choi, Changyong, and Hyeyoung Woo. "A Comparative Study on Political Trust in Transition Countries." Journal of Policy Studies 38, no. 4 (2023): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/jps38404.

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This paper investigates the origin of political trust in post-communist Central European and Soviet Union countries. By comparing two competing theories that explain political trust, institutionalism, and socialization theory, the paper tried to explore which theory shows a higher explanatory power in the transitional context. The research employs ordinary least squares (OLS) methodology, using country and time as dummies to control for unobserved heterogeneity. The main independent variable is constructed based on the ‘cohort effect,’ representing years of experience of communist rule. The st

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12

El-Amin, Mohammed Nuri. "The Role of the Egyptian Communists in Introducing the Sudanese to Communism in the 1940s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 4 (1987): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056506.

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The Sudan came to know of Communism directly during the 1940s, through Egypt and Herbert Storey. Egyptian Communism had passed through two phases. The first phase was in the 1920s when, under Joseph Rosenthal and his Alexandria Group, it appeared first as a socialist movement and then as a Communist one proper. During this phase it made some impact on some of the Egyptian intelligentsia, a few trade unions, and a small number of workers. It also tried, though unsuccessfully, to join the Comintern so as to act as its official representative in this part of the world, thereby assuming for itself

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13

Redžić, Ena, and Judas Everett. "Cleavages in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe: A Review." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (2020): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0011.

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AbstractThis review of the historical studies of cleavages and seeks to bridge the gap between the historical study of cleavages and frozen cleavage theory and the post-communist states of Europe which have transitioned to democracy. The study identifies the literature on frozen cleavages and new divides which have arisen transition, as well as the primary actors in their political representation and issue positioning. The key literature in the development of studies on cleavages was provided by Lipset and Rok-kan, but their work focused mostly on Western democracies and did not include any of

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14

Mihalic, Tanja. "Redesigning tourism in CEE countries: the main areas of change and the communist past." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (2017): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-10-2016-0036.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide details of the communist and socialist past to inform the debate on redesigning tourism in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries as impacted by the transition and accelerated by European Union (EU) membership. Design/methodology/approach The issues from two sides are addressed: academic and practical. Based on a literature review, the authors propose a model of five main research topics that represent the main areas of change and conceptualise the general EU accession research debate on tourism. Content analysis is conducted on each of the

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15

Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.

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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the Fre

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Meleshkina, E. Yu. "The Prohibition of Communist Symbols in Post-Communist Countries." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (2019): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-36-45.

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The article focuses on communist symbols bans in post-communist countries. The author highlights the influence of various conditions such as existence as a part of USSR or Russian empire, the experience of independent state-building in XX century, membership in European Union, lack of dominant political actor and resources for his long domination, the popularity of successor parties, the radicalism of institutional reforms. The analysis also accounts associated impacts of international environment and relations of post-communist countries with Russia. Based on a combination of various conditio

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17

Sinitsyn, Fedor. "External Challenges to Soviet Ideology in the Second Half of the 1960s and in the 1970s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017638-0.

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The Soviet Union&apos;s foreign policy challenges of the 1960s and 1970s had an ideological aspect to them. Contradictions between Soviet Communism and Eastern European socialist models of development became more pronounced. Eastern European socialist countries began to emphasize the variety of models for “building socialism” and offered their own theories, not sanctioned by Moscow, of the construction of socialism in other European countries. Certain “ideological dangers” for the USSR also came from the Communist parties of capitalist countries. Authority of the Soviet Union and the CPSU

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18

Ishiyama, John. "Explaining Change in Communist Successor Parties: Political Environment versus Party Organization?" American Review of Politics 23 (January 1, 2003): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.319-336.

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The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the transformation of the formerly dominant communist parties has provided an opportunity to test some of the major propositions regarding party change. This article focuses on the relationship between external and internal factors, and evolution of the communist successor parties in seventy-nine countries across the world. The most important factor explaining the electoral success of the communist successor parties is the degree of organization, a finding that provides broader support for the literature arguing that communist successor party ele

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19

Mueller, Wolfgang. "Soviet Policy, Political Parties, and the Preparation for Communist Takeovers in Hungary, Germany, and Austria, 1944-1946." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (2010): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354557.

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A large number of similarities can be seen between Soviet and communist activities following World War II in Germany and Austria and in East Central European countries such as Hungary, which were later entirely incorporated into the Soviet bloc. In both cases, Moscow-trained communists aimed at establishing “people’s democracy” and took a leading role in rebuilding the respective country’s adminis-trative apparatus. However, while they managed, with Soviet support, to take over power in Hungary, they failed to do so in Austria. In Germany, communist and Soviet action contributed to the partiti

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20

Duan, Zhongqiao. "‘Caudine Forks’: Can Capitalism Be Leapt Over?" Politics 15, no. 3 (1995): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00135.x.

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The article shows that, according to Marx, capitalism is a necessary stage leading to communism, and the backward countries have to pass through capitalism, if they cannot get the material conditions to establish communist society from the developed capitalist countries.

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21

Parra, Ricardo, and Jorge Ferraz. "From a Communist Heritage to an Unwanted Past: The Case of Romania." Science Insights 38, no. 1 (2021): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/si.21.re076.

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Communist ideologies and political regimes have had their specific models of tourism. These models reflect on the way former communist countries view tourism today. Despite the long communist period, Romania refuses to accept Communism as an integral part of its historical culture and society, being perceived as a dark period of its history. Several campaigns which were broadcasted as a way to show the cultural and natural beauty of the country, promote rural tourism and the ancient Romanian History, eluding themes and subjects related with that recent past. Even though there has been a growin

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22

Budrowska, Kamila. "Badania porównawcze (transnarodowe) nad cenzurą i cenzurowaniem literatury w byłych krajach komunistycznych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Wstępne rozpoznania i przegląd stanu badań." Wielogłos, no. 3 (48) (2021): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2084395xwi.21.021.15036.

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Comparative (Transnational) Research on Censorship of Literature in the Former Communist Countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Preliminary Findings and the State of the Art Overview The article reviews the state of research in multilingual literature and proposes the original research concept. In the first part, entitled: “Transnational research”, the Author describes the possibilities which were offered by the adhibition of the new methodological concept in comparative research on communism in European countries of the former Eastern bloc. In the second part, “Research on communist censors

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23

Linke, Gabriele M. "“Belonging” in Post-Communist Europe: Strategies of Representations in Kapka Kassabova's Street without a Name." European Journal of Life Writing 2 (March 28, 2013): T25—T41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.2.46.

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In her book Street without a Name, Kapka Kassabova, a Bulgarian author living in Scotland, combines a memoir of her childhood in communist Bulgaria with a travelogue about later return visits to her – now post-communist – native country. In this study, the discontinuous, fragmented and heterogeneous narrative of her autobiographical text is interpreted as an attempt to find an appropriate mode of sharing intimate knowledge of life in communism with a wider reading public in (primarily) Western English-speaking countries. It is demonstrated that Kassabova, writing from the perspective of an exp

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24

Nowak, Krzysztof. "Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.017.13810.

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Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the cur

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Tucker, Joshua A. "Comparative Opportunities." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 420–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559051.

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As the theoretical rationale (and funding opportunities!) for considering Eastern Europe as a distinct region diminish as we move farther away from the momentous events of 1989, the value of including East-Central European countries in comparative studies has only increased. This article outlines how comparative studies of political behavior involving East-Central European countries have evolved in the author’s own research from comparative studies including Russia along with four East European countries, to more broadly based comparative studies including multiple East European countries and

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Jordan, Bill. "Themed Section on Social Policy in Central Europe." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 2 (2002): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640200026x.

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The transition to democracy and markets in the post-communist countries has produced many losers. Survey research has indicated that the populations of most of these states look back to the later decades of these regimes as ones of relative security and prosperity. The gainers have been those who valued freedom, and possessed the material resources (because of political or mafia connections) or social capital (because of their experience in the second economy under communism) to use it to their advantage. The recent electoral victory of the former communists in Poland, and the routing of Solid

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27

Ancans, Sandris. "Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period." Rural Sustainability Research 43, no. 338 (2020): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plua-2020-0008.

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AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period econ

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Leustean, Lucian N. "Ethno-Symbolic Nationalism, Orthodoxy and the Installation of Communism in Romania: 23 August 1944 to 30 December 1947." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (2005): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353915.

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The presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe and the reshaping of Europe's internal borders sped up the separation between the Eastern and Western blocs in the first years after the end of the Second World War. In countries where communism had been declared illegal or lacked the support of the electorate before 1944, the accession of communist leaders to governmental structures had been advanced by the politics of the Soviet Union, based on systematised political intimidation, institutionalised violence, and blackmail. The communist authorities then legitimised their political positions in

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Sahadev, Sunil, and Mehmet Demirbag. "A comparative analysis of employment practices among post‐communist and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe." Employee Relations 32, no. 3 (2010): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011038780.

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PurposeThis paper aims to explore the level of convergence in employment practices among firms in the post‐communist countries and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe. Firms from a total of ten countries were included in the post‐communist block and firms from Greece and Turkey were included in the capitalist block. The main purpose was to verify whether employment practices in firms in the post‐communist countries now resemble that of firms in the capitalist countries after almost a decade of transition.Design/methodology/approachThe study analyzed the employment practices in terms o

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Yarashevich, Viachaslau. "External debt of post-communist countries." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (2013): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.001.

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On the background of continuous global economic instability and debt problems in the Eurozone, the significance of post-communist external debt goes without saying. The article will explore the scope and dynamics of external indebtedness in the post-communist world in a comparative and historical framework. Particular attention will be paid to a likelihood of a debt crisis in the region similar to the one in the developing world in the early 1980s. The debt crisis will be an ultimate price for reform mistakes and may have serious political economy implications by hampering or even reversing th

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Noureen, Abida, Tanveer Hussain, and Haseeb Ur Rehman Warrich. "Hollywood Interpretative Overview on Communism: An Analysis of Pre, During & Post-Cold War Era." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. I (2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-i).01.

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The US communist or socialist fright began in the late 1800s, the moment when blue-collar workers stood up in opposition to get their fundamental integrity, remuneration betterment etc., and the attainment of such integrities from intercontinental supremacies, and to have remained in opposition to such economical way of mechanism. The fears of communism and their followers of anti-harmony to US community were seen among the structural class systems of ethnic interconnectedness. The elementary struggle is related to the portrayal of Communism and their followers in Hollywood productions. It rel

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Naxera, Vladimír. "Stranická patronáž a její vztah ke korupci a klientelismu: teoretický koncept a nástin uplatnění v postkomunistickém prostředí." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 4 (2014): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.4.264.

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This article examines the patterns of party patronage in both communist and post-communist regimes in Central Eastern Europe. Firstly, the text outlines the theoretical concept of patronage and explains in more detail the linkage between patronage and other related phenomena – i.e. corruption and clientelism. This part focuses on both the differences and similarities between them. In the second part, the article sketches out the principles of the working of patterns of patronage (so-called nomenclature) in communist regimes. In the last part, the paper discusses changes in the patterns of part

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Wu, Yu-Shan, and Tsai-Wei Sun. "Four Faces of Vietnamese Communism: Small Countries' Institutional Choice Under Hegemony." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 4 (1998): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00018-x.

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Since 1975, Vietnamese communism has changed face three times. These frequent and radical institutional permutations have been unprecedented among communist countries. This paper argues that hegemonic dependence, domestic economic imperative, and elite idealism are the three main factors that determine Vietnam's institutional configuration. Among the three, dependence on a hegemon means the dominance of the developmental model and institutional preferences of that hegemon. Only when there is no hegemonic dependence do domestic economic imperative and elite idealism emerge as the crucial factor

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Pawlak, Katarzyna. "Developing Microfinance in Post-Communist Countries." Finance & Bien Commun 20, no. 3 (2004): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/fbc.020.0014.

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Jenkins, Rachel, Judith Klein, and Camilla Parker. "Mental health in post-communist countries." BMJ 331, no. 7510 (2005): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.331.7510.173.

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Cook, Linda J. "Labor Unions in Post-Communist Countries." Problems of Post-Communism 42, no. 2 (1995): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1995.11655593.

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Schanda, Balázs. "Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no. 37 (2005): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.

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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual re

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Kuzio, Taras. "Comparative perspectives on Communist successor parties in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (2008): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.006.

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The article builds on Ishiyama’s (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61e85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at

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Kowalski, Mariusz. "Trwałość przestrzennego zróżnicowania zachowań wyborczych w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej = Durability of the spatial differentiation characterising voting behaviour in Central and Eastern European countries." Przegląd Geograficzny 95, no. 1 (2023): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/przg.2023.1.3.

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The main objective of the work described here was to identify core phenomena and processes relating to post-1989 voting behavior in selected CEECs (Poland, Romania and Lithuania). Political and economic changes commencing some 30 years ago triggered the process of transformation of post-communist countries from an economy that was centrally planned and steered, towards one based around the market that was liberal and open to global processes. This transformation was accompanied by dynamic political and social phenomena, as culminating in the accessions of the majority of CEECs to NATO and the

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Gries, Peter, and Richard Turcsányi. "The East Is Red…Again! How the Specters of Communism and Russia Shape Central and Eastern European Views of China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 55, no. 1 (2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.1.

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During the past decade, China has rapidly emerged as a major player in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Will it divide Europe? Might these formerly communist countries align themselves again with a communist superpower to their east? Or does their past experience of Russia and communism generate suspicions of China? This article explores what public opinion data from a fall 2020 survey of six CEE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Latvia, Poland, Serbia, and Slovakia) can teach us about the drivers of CEE attitudes toward China. It suggests that China has become a “second Eastern power”

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Hrazhevska, N. I., M. V. Petrovsky, and O. O. Demydiuk. "EFFICIENCY OF INSITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN POST-COMMUNIST COUNTRIES." SCIENTIFIC BULLETIN OF POLISSIA 1, no. 1(9) (2017): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2410-9576-2017-1-1(9)-30-36.

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Malltezı, Orinda. "Political Culture in Post-Communist Countries: Albanian Case." International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration 2, no. 1 (2014): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.21.1004.

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The goal of this article is to establish the degree of interrelation between state and society as well as the implications that come from this interrelation by focusing on the Albanian case. If the state is perceived in relation with the society, then what comes as a result of this relationship will be seen as Plexus. On the other hand, Nexus is the way the Albanian society perceives the relation between state and society mostly represented by the functioning of state, where the state is the central axis and the society has no influence on it. This derives mostly from the political culture whi

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Cieślik, Ewa. "POST-COMMUNIST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IN GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS." Ekonomika 93, no. 3 (2014): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/ekon.2014.0.3886.

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Transformations and integration processes of post-communist European states have resulted in changes in the production process across borders. The main objective of this article is to present the positions of post-communist states in terms of cross-border input–output linkages. The analysis takes advantage of both the conventional methods of comprehensive study of global value chains and the advanced methods and measures examining the role of Central and Eastern Europe in global value chains in general and in sectoral terms. Findings of the study suggest that more integrated are countries with

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Fedosov, Victor, and Tetiana Paientko. "Government financial accountability: key problems and main trends in post-communist countries." Zeszyty Teoretyczne Rachunkowości 2018, no. 99 (155) (2018): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2930.

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The article deals with the problems of government financial accountability in post-communist countries. The purpose of the article is to justify the necessity of government financial accountability development, especially in post-communist countries. Several research methods were used. First of all, the positive economic approach was used to describe the main ideas of government financial accounting and account- ability. Secondly, Worldwide Governance Indicators were used to prove the necessity of government financial accountability development in post-communist countries. Thirdly, by using an

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McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Nostalgia for the Demise of the ussr in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (2016): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102001.

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A quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its demise still has ramifications for public opinion across the postcommunist world. Using surveys conducted in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, we show that nostalgia for communism is both widespread and persistent. Across all three countries, nostalgia is concentrated among the old and less well-off and, not surprisingly, among those with Communist Party connections. Social networks and travel to other countries is relatively unimportant in shaping views of the communist past. However, despite these widespread feelings of nostalgia,

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Szostak, Michał. "Does Polish Post-Communist Cultural Burden Influence the Perception of Creative Identities?" Journal of Intercultural Management 13, no. 2 (2021): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/joim-2021-0060.

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Abstract Objective: Post-communist countries, affected by decades of one of the most repressive political systems, are perceived as a particular area of gaps in social capital. These gaps influence the whole spectrum of behaviors of individuals, groups, and society. Countries that changed their political system start a journey of external (economic, social) and internal (personal, interpersonal, group) changes. The post-communist burden determines human behavior, so leaders and managers should pay attention to these consequences. The research deals with the differences in perception of creativ

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Sima, Claudia. "Communist heritage representation gaps and disputes." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (2017): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-03-2017-0015.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and explore how different stakeholders represent communist and revolution heritage for tourism, with a case-study on Bucharest, the capital city of Romania. The research attempts to identify gaps and tensions between representation makers on communist heritage tourism. Design/methodology/approach The research employs a range of qualitative methods in order to explore communist heritage tourism representation from different perspectives: content analysis of secondary data in the form of government, industry and media destination promotional mater

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Panov, Trajche, and Dane Taleski. "The Shades of Communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (2020): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.22.

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The bases of the political divisions in Macedonia are hard to explain solely through the traditional theoretical approach based on social structures and values. We include the perceptions of the communist past together with the social structures and values; and use survey data to run a multinomial logistic regression with undecided voters as the base category. Results show that perceptions of communism have the strongest influence on political divisions. Diverging perceptions of communism combine with attitudes toward religious values and shape a cultural left-right dimension. On the other han

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Salca, Horia, and Valeriu Podborschi. "The Romanian Inventors in Exile, Traian Vuia, Gogu Constantinescu, Henri Coanda, in the Sights of the Communist Security." Intellectus, no. 2 (December 2023): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.56329/1810-7087.23.2.18.

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The Securitate acted in the Western countries, through actions of a terrorist nature, conducted directly or through intermediaries, the targets being represented by the main opponents of the communist regime in Bucharest. The long arm of communism could reach each and every troublesome refugee. One form of action was that of attracting world-renowned personalities back to their country. Associating with them and the publicity they hoped to gain in this way could represent an image blow to the communist power. The present work presents such concrete operations: Traian Vuia, George Constantinesc

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KOPSTEIN, JEFFREY. "1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-communist Future." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005050.

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AbstractPolitical scientists have documented significant variation in political and economic outcomes of the 1989–91 revolutions. Countries bordering on western Europe have become relatively democratic and economically successful, with both democracy and wealth dropping off as one moves east and south. Explanations for this variation and the replication of an older pattern on the Eurasian landmass have moved farther and farther into the past. Yet in moving to the longue durée, more proximate events such as the revolutions of 1989, the demise of communism and even the communist experience itsel

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