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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Communist"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 25 de julio de 2025

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1

Özman, Aylin, and Aslı Yazıcı Yakın. "The symbolic construction of communism in Turkish anti-communist propaganda during the Cold War." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (2012): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.06ozm.

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The aim of this study is to analyse cultural and social referential importance of the stereotypes of communists/communism in the anti-communist propaganda texts circulated in Turkey during the Cold War. The article displays the symbolism underlying anti-communist discourse by re-reading the propaganda material as texts that introduce the reader to ultimate anti-communist fantasies. The analyzed texts were mainly produced by one of the leading participants of anti-communist struggle, namely the Association for Fighting Communism in Turkey (AFCT) (Türkiye Komünizmle Mücadele Derneği, TKMD, 1963–

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2

PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.

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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse o

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3

Fanani, Muhammad Farih, and Siti Maimunah. "GERAKAN KOMUNIS DALAM SAREKAT ISLAM DI SURAKARTA TAHUN 1918-1926 M." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 1 (2021): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20104.

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In the early 1920s, the Sarekat Islam as an organization Islam had the influence from the communists. Communism in Sarekat Islam (SI) has almost had an even impact from the CSI to Local SI. It is a clash between two different ideologies. Communist entry into SI can also be felt in Surakarta. In Surakarta communist movement activity was represented by H. Misbach. He played a major role in instilling communist ideology through the newspapers, Medan Moeslimin and Islam Bergerak. However, Misbach has a different view of communism. As a person who was born and raised in a religious environment, he

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4

Al Tuwayjiri, Mohammad A. "The Encircled Kingdom: The Saudi Anti-Communist Stance, 1958–67." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 1 (2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.40.

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AbstractThis article evaluates Saudi Arabia's anti-Communist stance between 1958 and 1967, in the midst of the Cold War. It presents an alternative interpretation of how anti-Communism was framed as a struggle against Arab Nationalism and Zionism in the Middle East. Furthermore, it highlights the different perspectives on anti-Communist agitation provided in primary sources and Saudi historiography and offers fresh insight into the Saudis’ anti-Communist stance. The analysis shows that Saudi attitudes in the Cold War were dominated by a fear of the Soviet Communists that subsequently extended

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5

Mevius, Martin. "Reappraising Communism and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (2009): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985637.

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There are two popular myths concerning the relationship between communism and nationalism. The first is that nationalism and communism are wholly antagonistic and mutually exclusive. The second is the assertion that in communist Eastern Europe nationalism was oppressed before 1989, to emerge triumphant after the Berlin Wall came down. Reality was different. Certainly from 1945 onwards, communist parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions and guardians of national interests. The communist states of Central and Eastern Europe constructed “socialist patriotism,” a form of loyalt

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6

Tran, Nu-Anh. "Denouncing the ‘Việt Cộng’: Tales of revolution and betrayal in the Republic of Vietnam". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 53, № 4 (2022): 686–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463422000790.

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The Denounce the Communists Campaign (1955–c.1960) was a key moment in the conflict between the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, South Vietnam) and the Vietnamese communist movement and would eventually escalate to become the Vietnam War. The RVN launched the campaign to turn public opinion against communism and destroy the underground communist network. Building on previous scholarship, this article examines the propaganda associated with the initiative. During the campaign, state propagandists and allied intellectuals developed a historical narrative about the Anti-French Resistance (1945–54) that

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7

Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.

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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Sov

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8

KRISTJÁNSDÓTTIR, RAGNHEIĐUR. "COMMUNISTS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION IN SCOTLAND AND ICELAND, c. 1930 TO c. 1940." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (2002): 601–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200256x.

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In the period between 1935 and 1939, the international communist movement urged communist parties to strike a more nationalistic note in their propaganda. In Scotland this was met by what may seem as a surprising reluctance to move away from strict communist adherence to internationalism, and towards a more nationalistic approach to Scottish politics. This article aims at understanding how the interplay between the international and national political contexts resulted in this reluctance. It considers, in particular, the extent to which the national identity of Scottish communists influenced t

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9

Kelleher, Michael. "Bulgaria's Communist-Era Landscape." Public Historian 31, no. 3 (2009): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.39.

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Abstract This essay discusses the various architectural and design elements that helped define the communist-era landscape of Bulgaria. The conclusions presented here are based on observations made by the author while living in Bulgaria and research into the literature on communist architecture and design in the East Bloc. Bulgaria was the member of the East Bloc that most closely followed the architectural and design model established by the Soviet Union and exported to its satellite states following the Second World War. This didactic model was intended to present a certain image of communis

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10

Syrný, Marek. "The Communist Party of Slovakia between the liberation and the gain of totalitarian power." Securitas Imperii: Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 39, no. 2 (2021): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/vmfg6393.

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This study deals with the tactics, means and methods by which the Communist Party of Slovakia, as a regional branch of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, politically fought for a monopoly of power after the Second World War. First, it briefly describes the development of this party and its acceptance by the Slovak society in the interwar and war period. Then, it presents a picture, analyses and compares the ways in which the Slovak Communists tried to disqualify their insurgent partners and post‑war rivals for power in the political struggle – the Slovak Democrats. It notes the relations betwee

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11

Poeze, Harry A. "The Cold War in Indonesia, 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (2009): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340999004x.

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Existing accounts of the Madiun incident or revolt of September 1948 suggest that it was a mainly domestic incident, with little direct link to international communism, whether through instructions or the international communist line. This paper argues that there were in fact strong links to both. The revolt was closely linked to the return of veteran communist Muso, who arrived from Europe after discussions with communists there, and with a mandate to help the PKI to reform its policies.

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12

Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.

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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and social

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13

BELOGUROVA, ANNA. "The Civic World of International Communism: Taiwanese communists and the Comintern (1921–1931)." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 6 (2012): 1602–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000327.

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AbstractThe short history of the Taiwanese Communist Party (Taiwan gongchandang 台灣共產黨) (1928–1931) offers a window into the negotiative polity of international communism during the Third Period (1928–1934). The Party was established during the time when the Comintern intensified its operations in colonies and promoted the organization of communist parties there. Its demise was the result of government suppression that occurred as a reaction to their increased public activity in 1931, allegedly at the direction of the Comintern. This paper examines the Comintern's role in the Taiwanese comm

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14

STANCIU, CEZAR. "Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000532.

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AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemne

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15

Beaumont, Thomas, and Tim Rees. "Editors' Introduction: Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Colonialism In The Comintern Era." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (2023): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280553.

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The articles assembled in this special issue of Twentieth Century Communism explore the related themes of Communist engagement with the politics of anti-colonialism and of anti-racism during the Comintern era. This special issue represents the first publication to emerge from the AHRC-funded 'Rethinking International Communism' research network. The articles were among those presented at the workshop, 'Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Imperialism', held at the University of Exeter in April 2022. 1 The authors approach the subject with research interests and interdisciplinary backgrounds that ill

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16

Podemski, Piotr. "Antyamerykańska trauma i nostalgia za komunizmem we włoskiej wojnie o pamięć na przykładzie twórczości Giorgia Gabera." Politeja 18, no. 1(70) (2021): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.70.07.

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Anti-American Trauma and Nostalgia for Communism in the Italian Memory War as Presented in Giorgio Gaber’s Work Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, it’s almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by th

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17

O’Connor, Emmet. "Jim Larkin and the Communist Internationals, 1923–9." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (1999): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014206.

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In 1924 James Larkin agreed with British and Soviet communists to undertake the leadership of communism in Ireland. The triangular relationship soon became poisoned with dissension, insubordination and deceit. Not only did Larkin refuse to form a communist party, he went to great lengths to ensure that no one else did either. By 1925 British communists, contrary to Moscow’s directives, were attempting to work in Ireland independently of Larkin, and by 1927 Moscow too was plotting to clip his wings.Larkin’s communist career is treated in some detail in two publications. Emmet Larkin’s biography

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18

T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.

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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the tri

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19

Sacewicz, Karol. "Communism and communists towards the intelligentsia in interwar Poland. An outline of the issue." Echa Przeszłości, no. XXIV/1 (August 29, 2023): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/ep.9303.

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As a section of the Comintern and a de facto Soviet agent, the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (CWPP), and subsequently the Communist Party of Poland (CPP), aimed to effect a revolt of the masses—a revolution—which would culminate in making the dictatorship of the proletariat a reality. Holding hegemonic power, the Communists would thus be able to carry out Moscow’s imperial plans in the guise of Communist slogans and ideals. In that struggle, the communist party active on the territory of the Second Republic of Poland, as well as all sections of the Comintern, relied primarily on the worki

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20

Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance

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21

Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.

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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.

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22

Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.

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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician

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23

AHMAD, MOHD ABDUL AZIZ, and MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD. "PERCUBAAN FAHAMAN KOMUNIS MENGUASAI PARTI KEBANGSAAN MELAYU MALAYA (PKMM)." International Journal of Creative Future and Heritage (TENIAT) 5, no. 1 (2017): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47252/teniat.v5i1.208.

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Penyebaran fahaman komunis di Tanah Melayu dilakukan oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), fahaman komunis pada peringkat awalnya disebarkan di kalangan masyarakat Cina sahaja, kemudiannya mereka menyebarkan fahaman mereka kepada masyarakat Melayu. Fahaman komunis disebarkan kepada masyarakat Melayu melalui dua kaedah. Pertama, penyebaran secara langsung kepada orang Melayu (propaganda atau penyebaran ideologi komunis dilakukan secara terus melalui Parti Komunis Malaya); dan kedua, melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu (menguasai parti politik Melayu dan menyebarkan ideologi komunis dalam parti p

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24

Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.

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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent p

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25

Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "The Patrimonialization of the Communist Past in Romania: Laws, Memorials, and Monuments." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (2021): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.11.

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The patrimonialization of the communist past in post-communist Romania is a twofold phenomenon: one the one hand, communism was demonized while its victims celebrated as martyrs, and, on the other, it was thrown away to the dustbin of history without comments. The last approach, promoted by neo-communists, was meant to hide the responsibility of theirs ancestors in perpetrating victimhood upon the Romanian nation. What were theirs strategies and concrete actions in achieving the wanted results are the main concerns of my article. It investigates how monuments, memorials and museums were instru

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26

Kunicki, Mikołaj. "The Red and the Brown: Bolesław Piasecki, the Polish Communists, and the Anti-Zionist Campaign in Poland, 1967-68." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (2005): 185–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270673.

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This article complements studies on 1968 in Poland that have explained the anti-Semitic campaign by pointing to the Soviet factor, traditional Polish anti-Semitism, or factional conflict within the Polish Communist Party. The article attributes March 1968 to the communists’ growing reliance on Polish nationalism. It narrows the scale of historical observation to the case of Bolesław Piasecki (1915-79), a prominent nationalist politician. A fascist in the 1930s and a proregime Catholic activist after the war, Piasecki was the leading proponent of the mutual reinforcement of nationalism and comm

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27

PAUL, Leo. "Regional development in Central and Eastern Europe: the role of inherited structures, external forces and local initiatives." European Spatial Research and Policy 2, no. 2 (2025): 19–41. https://doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.2.2.02.

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This paper tries to explain regional development in Eastern and Central Europe. A simple West European bias can lead to false interpretations of current spatial processes. The spatial structuring forces in the communist period created a divergent mosaic of regions with different prospects for future development. This differentiated 'spatial outcome' of communism should be taken as point of departure for the new, post-communist era. The interrelativeness of econornical, legal and political reforms after the break-down of communism should be kept in mind. Seven influence groups, on different lev

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Petrescu, Cristina, and Dragoș Petrescu. "Post-Communist Anti-Communism in Romania Secret Police Files, Transitional Justice and Production of Knowledge." ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 32, no. 3-4 (2024): 187–207. https://doi.org/10.61232/at.2024.3-4.15.

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This study examines the phenomenon of post-communist anti-communism in Romania and explores its multifaceted relationship with two key processes that unfolded after the bloody regime change of December 1989: the historical reconstruction of the communist past and the implementation of transitional justice. In Romania, the legal framework for transitional justice was adopted only in the late 1990s, and thus post-communist anti-communism also manifested as a battle for the opening of the archives of communism, including secret police archives. However, these archives remained closed throughout t

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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.

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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of t

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Mates, Lewis. "'We want real live wires, not gas pipes': Communism in the inter-war Durham coalfield." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (2022): 51–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165607.

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Durham was the second largest and best unionised interwar British coalfield. With some leading pre-war Durham miner militants sympathetic to communist inspired movements after 1920, there seemed to be considerable potential for the CPGB's growth. The 'communist moment' seemed to arrive in 1926. The Durham miners' leaders' inactivity during the general strike and after, contrasted with communists' apparent dynamism, made for excellent propaganda. Hundreds duly flocked to the CPGB throughout the coalfield in those heady months of late 1926. Yet the factors that aided communism's growth while the

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Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.

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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “offici

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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The aut

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33

Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.

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This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in th

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El-Amin, Mohammed Nuri. "The Role of the Egyptian Communists in Introducing the Sudanese to Communism in the 1940s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 4 (1987): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056506.

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The Sudan came to know of Communism directly during the 1940s, through Egypt and Herbert Storey. Egyptian Communism had passed through two phases. The first phase was in the 1920s when, under Joseph Rosenthal and his Alexandria Group, it appeared first as a socialist movement and then as a Communist one proper. During this phase it made some impact on some of the Egyptian intelligentsia, a few trade unions, and a small number of workers. It also tried, though unsuccessfully, to join the Comintern so as to act as its official representative in this part of the world, thereby assuming for itself

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35

Bonura, Carlo. "The What-Has-Been and the Now of a Communist Past in Malaya in the Films of Amir Muhammad." positions: asia critique 29, no. 1 (2021): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8722769.

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This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a commun

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Švecova, Martina. "Regime Preferences in Communist Czechoslovakia and the Narrative on the Slovak National Uprising." Political Preferences, no. 27 (December 10, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.27.79-94.

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Most of the participants in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) were fighting for the ideals of democracy and freedom, for the defeat of fascism and Nazism and for the new Czechoslovak Republic with equal status for the Slovak people within it. They could not have foreseen that communist totalitarianism would be established after the war, one that would try to use the Uprising as a precursor for the socialist revolution (Fremal 2010: 359). The Communist Party, with the support of historians, utilised the legacy of the SNP to justify its political actions. Czechoslovak identity was also construc

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Burds, Jeffrey. "“Turncoats, Traitors, and Provocateurs”: Communist Collaborators, the German Occupation, and Stalin’s NKVD, 1941–1943." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 3 (2017): 606–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417742486.

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Historians have long assumed that Germany closely followed a take-no-prisoners policy in dealing with captured communists in the East. That was the direct conclusion to be drawn from Hitler’s notorious Commissar Order issued on the eve of the Barbarossa invasion, which prescribed summary execution of all communists and communist officials. Data published in the Soviet Union largely confirmed this impression, reflecting a dramatic reduction in Communist Party members during the first six months of the war in the East. New data suggest, however, that far from annihilating communist cadres as par

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Mat Yazid, Mohd Noor. "Indonesian Relations with the Eastern Europe, Soviet Union and China before 1965: Systemic and Domestic Factors." Review of European Studies 8, no. 3 (2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n3p253.

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<p>This article discusses the Indonesian relations with Eastern Europe Communist states, Soviet Union and China Communists before 1965 and how the systemic and domestic factors influenced Indonesian decision. Indonesian foreign relation was closer to communist state after President Sukarno’s official visits to Moscow and Beijing in 1956. Why President Sukarno foreign relations closer to communist states? What was the international political situation that influenced Sukarno to lean to East bloc? What was the domestic situation that influenced Sukarno to do so? Why Indonesian closer relat

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Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.

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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in e

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Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.

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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in alm

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Abad García, Eduardo. "Between Orthodoxy and the Reason of State: An Approach to the Ups and Downs in the Relations between the Communist Parties of Eastern Europe and Spanish Communism (1968—1989)." ISTORIYA 15, no. 12-1 (146) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033488-5.

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Throughout history, the communist movement has been traversed by a dialectic between the national and the transnational. The Spanish communists are a clear example of the complexity of this dialectic. In 1968 they experienced a double rupture. On the one hand, the Communist Party of Spain denounced the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and began to distance itself from real socialism. On the other hand, several orthodox dissidences appeared within the PCE as a result of these changes. The relationship of the various sectors of Spanish communism with the different ruling parties in the Warsaw P

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Filatov, Georgy. "When Ours Become Strangers: Another Communism of Santiago Carrillo." ISTORIYA 15, no. 12-1 (146) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033444-7.

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In the 1970s, the old communist parties began to move away from their pro-Soviet positions. The Spanish Communist Party (PCE), under the leadership of Santiago Carrillo, showed the greatest zeal in this matter. Documents from RGANI, GARF, as well as the diaries of Anatoly Chernyaev, demonstrate how one of the Soviet Union&apos;s most loyal allies gradually turned into a renegade. Although the conflict began in 1968, when the PCE condemned the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia, a complete break did not occur at that moment. Moscow maintained official relations with the old Com

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De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.

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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and

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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Between Deprivation and Privilege: (Former) “Enemies of the People” in Communist and Postcommunist Romania." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 2 (2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.2.

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Communism everywhere it settled aimed to create a new society and the ‘new man’ in the shortest possible time. In order to put into practice such social engineering, it was necessary that those social categories refractory to change to be annihilated. There-fore, the former politicians, the landlords, the wealthy peasants (the kulak), the bour-geois, the intellectuals, the artists were methodically and constantly repressed. Laws, institutions and people were summoned to effect change through repressive methods. The beginning of the process of building the communist society created many ‘enemie

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Khamedova, Olha. "Feminism and communism: specifics of interaction in the western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s – 1930s." Synopsis: Text Context Media 26, no. 3 (2020): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-259x.2020.3.4.

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The Subject of the Study is the models of interaction and intersection of ideologies in media discourse. In contrast to the homogeneous ideological discourse of the Soviet press, the Western Ukrainian of the interwar period was ideologically diverse, in particular, “leftist” ideas were propagated in magazines. There is a noticeable trend in modern media studies: researchers to some extent ignore the “communist segment” of the Western Ukrainian press of the interwar period, this is due to the relevance of our study. Realizing that the communist movement was not widespread in Western Ukraine dur

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ROSE, RICHARD. "Ex-Communists in Post-Communist Societies." Political Quarterly 67, no. 1 (1996): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1996.tb01561.x.

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Parra, Ricardo, and Jorge Ferraz. "From a Communist Heritage to an Unwanted Past: The Case of Romania." Science Insights 38, no. 1 (2021): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/si.21.re076.

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Communist ideologies and political regimes have had their specific models of tourism. These models reflect on the way former communist countries view tourism today. Despite the long communist period, Romania refuses to accept Communism as an integral part of its historical culture and society, being perceived as a dark period of its history. Several campaigns which were broadcasted as a way to show the cultural and natural beauty of the country, promote rural tourism and the ancient Romanian History, eluding themes and subjects related with that recent past. Even though there has been a growin

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Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.

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This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of pos

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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "Nepali Communist Parties in Elections: Participation and Representation." Dristikon: A Multidisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dristikon.v10i1.34537.

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The communist parties are not gaining popularity throughout the countries of the world, as they are shrinking. The revolutionary communist forces are in a defensive position, and the reformist communists have failed to achieve good results in the elections. Communist parties are struggling just for their existence in the developed countries. They are not in a decisive position, even in developing countries as well. Nevertheless, communists of Nepal are obtaining popularity through the elections. Although the communists of Nepal are split into many factions, they have been able to win the signi

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Smith, Evan. "Policing Communism Across the ‘White Man's World’: Anti-Communist Co-operation between Australia, South Africa and Britain in the Early Cold War." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (2017): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0274.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper expl

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