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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Communities, Communistic"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Paine, Laura. "Hands to Work, Hearts to God: The Story of the Shaker Seed Industry." HortTechnology 3, no. 4 (1993): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.3.4.375.

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The Shakers were a celibate, communistic religious group, active primarily in the 18th and 19th centuries in the United States. Well-known for their craftsmanship in making furniture and other household items, their expertise extended far beyond these areas into a broad range of industries, including many agricultural enterprises. Seeds of vegetable varieties were produced and marketed independently by several of the Shaker communities starting in the late 18th century. During the first part of the 19th century, Shaker peddlers were one of a very few sources of vegetable seed for American gard

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2

Bednarek, Wojciech. "Little Moscow on the Vltava river – Russian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of socio-political order and homeland security." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 3 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.4.

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The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people.

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Čiegis, Remigijus, Dainora Grundey, and Dalia Štreimikiene. "ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF CITIES SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIC PLANNING." Technological and Economic Development of Economy 11, no. 4 (2005): 260–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13928619.2005.9637706.

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In Lithuania, like in other post communistic countries, the principles of sustainable development were used only few years ago, basically only in case, that it was “in vogue” in the whole world. Strategic plans were created usually in such a way that everyone understood, not paying attention to quality and real destination. Most of investors choosing places for their investments usually analyse strategic plans and this is one of the critical factors for choosing the place for investments or at least choosing possible variants. At present Lithuanians are starting to understand the importance of

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Juknevičius, Stanislovas. "Kultūros psichologija: įsivaizduojamos bendruomenės pokomunistinėje Lietuvoje." Lietuvos kultūros tyrimai 4 (2014): 126–41. https://doi.org/10.53630/lkt.2014_1.5.

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The article analyses the opportunities of creating psychology of culture as a scientific discipline. It looks at the psychology of culture relationship with cultural and intercultural psychology, considers theoretical and practical ways of expansion of traditional culture research methods. The article is mostly based on Carl Gustav Jung ideas, in particular, his teaching on the role of imagination in creation of the world, or in a narrower sense, of the cultural process. The theoretical assumptions of the research are formulated in the first part of the study, according to which the analysis o

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5

Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.

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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles loca

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6

AHMAD, MOHD ABDUL AZIZ, and MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD. "PERCUBAAN FAHAMAN KOMUNIS MENGUASAI PARTI KEBANGSAAN MELAYU MALAYA (PKMM)." International Journal of Creative Future and Heritage (TENIAT) 5, no. 1 (2017): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47252/teniat.v5i1.208.

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Penyebaran fahaman komunis di Tanah Melayu dilakukan oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), fahaman komunis pada peringkat awalnya disebarkan di kalangan masyarakat Cina sahaja, kemudiannya mereka menyebarkan fahaman mereka kepada masyarakat Melayu. Fahaman komunis disebarkan kepada masyarakat Melayu melalui dua kaedah. Pertama, penyebaran secara langsung kepada orang Melayu (propaganda atau penyebaran ideologi komunis dilakukan secara terus melalui Parti Komunis Malaya); dan kedua, melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu (menguasai parti politik Melayu dan menyebarkan ideologi komunis dalam parti p

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7

Moisa, Gabriel. "Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 3-4(131-132) (November 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.04.

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At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen

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8

Edgerton-Tarpley, Kathryn. "A River Runs through It: The Yellow River and The Chinese Civil War, 1946–1947." Social Science History 41, no. 2 (2017): 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.2.

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In June 1938 China's Nationalist government breached a major Yellow River dike in a drastic attempt to use flooding to slow the Japanese invasion. The strategic breach caused the Yellow River to abandon the northern course it had followed since 1855, and its new southeastern course led to eight years of catastrophic flooding. After World War II, the Nationalists, with extensive aid from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), aimed to close the breach and divert the river back to its pre-1938 course. However, the Chinese Communists had taken control of much of that

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9

Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.

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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the Fre

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10

Morozova, Irina. "Adaptive Compromisers or Inventive Reformers: Communities, Religion and Ideology in Late Socialism in Central and Inner Asia." Inner ASIA 15, no. 1 (2013): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000055.

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Pioneering historical comparison between Soviet Central Asia and socialist Mongolia in the last decades of socialism, this article aims to assess the role of international factors and regional geopolitics in the policies of socialist states towards religious institutions and communities. It also traces long- term sociocultural transformations of Muslim and Buddhist communities in comparative perspective, and questions how individuals and groups responded to antireligious social campaigns, adapted to newly introduced institutions and reframed their religious identities throughout. The research

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11

Lilly. "Communities of the Dead: Secularizing Cemeteries in Communist Yugoslavia." Slavonic and East European Review 97, no. 4 (2019): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/slaveasteurorev2.97.4.0676.

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12

Musabegović, Senadin. "Raspad multietničkih zajednica / Disintegration of Multi-Ethnic Communities." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no. 24 (November 10, 2021): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036990.2021.391.

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In the end of the 1980s and during the 1990s, the religious communities in Yugoslavia wholeheartedly critiqued the ‘totalitarian communist government’ claiming that it had imposed, from the above, the ideological restraints and suppression of religious freedoms. Therefore, many religious elites accepted the process of Western European liberalization in order to win the fight for religious freedom, as well as to affirm its role and power through free elections. In the anti-communist context, the religious elites insisted on the return to tradition, to ancestors, to the past, and mostly neglecti

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13

Lakić, Todor, Boris Vukićević, and Saša Knežević. "The Dynamics of Atheization in Postwar Communist Montenegro." Poligrafi 30, no. 117/118 (2025): 79–113. https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2025.474.

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This article presents the concept and dynamics of secularization policies and the atheization process in Montenegrin society following World War II. The process of secularization began with the Communist Party’s rise to power and had its most significant manifestations until the mid-1950s. In this research, in addition to the specific secularization policies of the communist authorities, an analysis of the relationship of the state, that is, the communist authorities, towards the religious communities in Montenegro is given. Montenegro was the Yugoslav republic in which the process of atheizat

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14

Kiss, Dénes. "The Religious Landscape in Post-communist Romania. Changes in the Confessional Structure in the Light of Census Data." Erdélyi Társadalom 21, no. 2 (2023): 63–82. https://doi.org/10.17177/77171.286.

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The study examines changes in Romania’s religious structure based on data from four post-communist censuses (1992, 2002, 2011, 2021). The research highlights that while the country’s religious composition has remained largely stable, population decline and shifts in denominational proportions indicate emerging trends. These include the growth of the Pentecostal movement, the expansion of neo-Protestant communities, and an increase in individuals with no religious affiliation. Among Roma communities, a notable shift towards evangelical small churches has been observed. The study contextualizes

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15

Mello, William. "Robert W. Cherny, William Issel, and Kieran Walash Taylor, eds.,American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Post War Political Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 320 pp. Paper $23.95." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905210153.

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Would the existing powerlessness of American unions be much different had organized labor not been the focus of cold-war repression in the late 1940s and 1950s? How did workers experience the anticommunist upsurge and reshape their political alliances in light of what some have called America's darkest political hour? American Labor and the Cold War is a collection of smart and challenging essays that examine the impact of cold war politics on organized labor and the labor-left. The authors explore the historical impact of the cold war and the constraints placed on working class political powe

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16

Morris, Joshua J. "Building a Movement: American Communist Activism in the Communities, 1929-1945." American Communist History 18, no. 3-4 (2019): 218–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2019.1677125.

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Gąsior-Niemiec, Anna, Georg Glasze, and Robert Pütz. "A Glimpse over the Rising Walls." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 2 (2009): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408328749.

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The authors focus on societal perceptions of the Polish post-communist transformation as reflected in the rising discourse of gated communities. Guarded, (video-) controlled and/or walled housing estates have been on the sprawl in the Polish metropolises throughout the 1990s and 2000s. However, only recently they have been discursively constructed—under the banner of “gated communities”—as a social and political issue in the country. The authors look at this issue from a vantage point offered by Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, which allows the authors to combine a spatial and a lingui

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18

Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.

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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in alm

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19

Bárdi, Nándor. "Different Images of the Future of the Hungarian Communities in Neighbouring Countries, 1989–2012." European Review 21, no. 4 (2013): 530–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000525.

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The paper offers a conceptual framework for interpreting the actions, rhetoric and decisions of the Hungarian communities living in neighbouring countries. Its main topic is covering how post-communist social transformations have been linked to the images these different communities have of the future, including expectations, principles and strategic goals.

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20

Saade, Bashir. "Clerics and Communists." Monthly Review 67, no. 9 (2016): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-09-2016-02_5.

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<div class="bookreview">Rula Jurdi Abisaab and Malek Abisaab, <em>The Shi'ites of Lebanon: Modernism, Communism, and Hizbullah's Islamists</em> (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2014), 350 pages, $49.95, hardcover.</div>In the West today, political Islam is mostly equated with ISIS's spectacle of violence, and with the narrow, bigoted understanding of religion and society that inspires it. It will thus intrigue many readers to discover that the legacy of Islamic intellectual and political activity, from the turn of the twentieth century until today, bore the imp

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21

Anca, Șincan. "În clandestinitate: minorități religioase nerecunoscute de lege în arhivele Securități', [In Clandestinity: illegal religious minorities in the archives of the Securitate]." Anuarul Institutului de Cercetări Socio-Umane "Gheorghe Șincai" 2019, no. 22 (2019): 218–31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5032331.

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The present article discusses the terminology that the repressive state imposes on underground religious communities and the limits these terms impose on the current theoretical language researcher and communities develop for describing the religious life during the communist regime. Based on archival work with CNSAS files and on oral interviews in Greek Catholic and Old Calendarist Orthodox communities the article hypothesizes that three decades after the fall of communism we (researchers and communities alike) are still indebted to the vocabulary used by the Secret Police in the surveillance

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22

Đukić, Dalibor. "Legal status of religious communities in socialist Yugoslavia." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 58, no. 2 (2024): 451–69. https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns58-53007.

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After the Second World War, Yugoslavia, like other Communist regimes, implemented the separation of church and state, coupled with an aggressive secularization that permeated all aspects of society. However, the Yugoslav model of state-religion relations diverged from the typical Communist approaches in Eastern Europe. This paper analyzes this unique model by examining the in fluence of three key factors. The first factor is time. The Yugoslav state's approach to religion evolved over time, shifting from widespread persecution of believers and religious officials to a more cooperative stance,

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23

Kamarás, István. "Civil Society and Religion in Post-Communist Hungary." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 1 (2001): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2001131/27.

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How can the churches in Hungary today help in building civil society without becoming politicised or submerged in a secular world? This essay focuses on the different roles and activities of larger and smaller churches in Hungarian civil society, especially Catholic congregations and smaller communities, new religious movements and groups, the "official church," and the "civil church," Churches and religious communities in Hungary are still too rigid in their institutional forms to become an organic part of civil society. To preserve their unique calling churches have to play the role as a par

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Lei, Lihong. "Exodus and return: State-building, local responses, and identity negotiation in China's Burma borderlands, 1949–66." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (2024): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463424000195.

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This article, grounded in archival research from Chinese border prefectures, delves into the complexities of migration dynamics, specifically the phenomena of exodus from and return to China following the Communist takeover in 1949. It reveals how various reforms, enforced collectivisation and religious restrictions disrupted local lives, causing social panic and identity crises, which led to the disintegration of everyday life among borderland communities. Local residents’ responses predominantly involved crossing the border to seek refuge in Burma. The article critically scrutinises local au

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Pilat, Tadeusz Adam. "Union of Polish Communities in Europe. The Calendar of Major Events 1993-2019 it all Started in Kraków." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (2022): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.6s.

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This article presents the calendar of the most important events related to the Union of Polish Communities in Europe (EUWP), a federation of Polish diaspora organisations from all over Europe. The EUWP was established in 1993 in London with the aim of promoting Polonia-related and Polish affairs in the process of Poland’s integration with the democratic West, cooperating with Polish communities around the world and providing assistance to Polish organisations in post-communist countries. For 28 years, the Union of Polish Communities in Europe has been involved in promoting Polish culture and i

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26

Zafer, Zeynep. "Belene Concentration Camp and Muslim Communities (1964-1987)." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 3 (2023): 126–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.7.

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The imprisonment of Muslims in the Belene concentration camp, subsequently called forced settlement of a new residence, as the punitive measure in a more mitigated form, was applied against opponents of assimilation policy almost until the fall of communist power in Bulgaria. The article summarizes data on Turks and Pomaks who opposed the state decisions and repression, sent to the second division of the Belene concentration camp in the first two periods (1949-1953 and 1956-1959) of its history. Then we consider in more detail the imprisonment of Pomaks in relation of the change of names in th

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Beqa, Mentor, Ardian Muhaj, and Ferid Piku. "The Revival of Religion in Albania." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 2 (2022): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2022.9.2.33.

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This paper examines the recent history of religious development in Albania during the post-communist period. Second, it identifies patterns in the differentiated development of material and spiritual religious life among the region’s religions, and the institutional and political reasons behind them. Third, it analyses the positions of Albanian Cham, Albanian Kosovar and Bosniak Sunni communities as they confront the post-communist pressures of proselytisation and de-Sunnification. Through historical and discourse analysis and unstructured interviews with individuals of different religious, et

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Urban, Michael. "The Politics of Identity in Russia's Postcommunist Transition: The Nation against Itself." Slavic Review 53, no. 3 (1994): 733–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501518.

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Politics in postcommunist societies is in large measure a politics of identity. Central to it seem to be two mutually reinforcing moments through which national communities recreate themselves. One involves the "positive" expression of nation and concerns the recovery of those identity markers—symbols, rituals, anthems, history, literature and so forth—that had been suspended and suppressed during the communist epoch. The other moment is "negative." It appears in the act of purging the nation of like markers associated with the period of communist rule that are now openly regarded as alien. Th

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Kozyrev, Nikolai. "Formation of a sustainable management system Development of territorial communities." Problems of Innovation and Investment Development, no. 17 (December 4, 2018): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33813/2224-1213.17.2018.02.

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The article discusses the systemic obstacles to the sustainable development of territorial communities in the context of the historical transition from post-communist Ukrainian society, loaded with structures of the past social order, to the modern – in the process of modernizing the country. At the same time, special attention is focused on the factors blocking this development when reforming local self-government. These blockages include, above all, systemic nonlegal practices, the legitimacy of which is ensured not only by the inertia of the Soviet traditions of arbitrariness of the executi

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Stoyanov, Petar, and Klaus Frantz. "Gated communities in Bulgaria: interpreting a new trend in post-communist urban development." GeoJournal 66, no. 1-2 (2006): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-006-9016-1.

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Graham, Ann, and Joanna Regulska. "Expanding Political Space for Women in Poland: An Analysis of Three Communities." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)00024-4.

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The paper argues that Poland's emerging democracy has yet to open political space for women. Through an analysis of three case study communities, the authors that Poland's political culture—whether communist or democratic—cannot be relied on to ensure women's equal participation. Formal mechanisms of power continue to favor the experience of men. By focusing on the ignored context of women's local activism, the study draws attention to the barriers and opportunities for women and how these barriers play out differently in which political cultures are similar yet distinct.

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Rubin, Michael A. "Rebel Territorial Control and Civilian Collective Action in Civil War: Evidence from the Communist Insurgency in the Philippines." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (2019): 459–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719863844.

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Under what conditions do rebel organizations control territory during civil war? How do civilians influence the distribution of territorial control? This article introduces a civilian agency theory, emphasizing community collective action capacity (CAC) defined by underlying social network structure, to complement existing explanations of territorial control. I argue communities with greater CAC mobilize information and resources more efficiently, increasing belligerents’ incentives to control territory. However, CAC also increases community bargaining power to demand costly investments in gov

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Șincan, Anca. "Stuck in the Middle: The Inspector for Religious Denominations as Mediator between the Religious Community and the Early Communist Romanian State." East Central Europe 44, no. 1 (2017): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04401012.

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The relationship between state and religious denominations in communist Romania was mediated, supervised and enforced among others by a member of the state administration—the local inspector for religious denominations. Inherited from the Soviet practice this position is new in the state apparatus. The present article offers an overview of the particularities of the inspector’s work. Constantly moving between the requirements of his position, his communist orthodoxy and his own belief system and world view he had a difficult task of going between the state administration and the religious comm

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Gunderson, Christopher. "The Communist Roots of Zapatismo and the Zapatista Uprising." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 1-3 (2017): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341427.

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This study suggests that communist politics had much deeper roots in the larger indigenous-campesino movement that formed the social base of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (ezln) than has previously been acknowledged. Tracing the political development of the indigenous communities of Chiapas, Mexico from the late nineteenth century to the founding of the ezln in 1983, it examines the influence of several currents of revolutionary socialist and communist theory and practice on the Zapatistas. It concludes with a call for further investigation into the theoretical status of communism as

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Moon, Krystyn R., Jennifer Rhode Ward, José Vazquez Rodriguez, and Jorge Foyo. "Food Access, Identity, and Taste in Two Rural Cuban Communities." Gastronomica 22, no. 1 (2022): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2022.22.1.66.

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While many scholars have examined the idea of consumption preferences, also known as taste, in capitalist contexts, they have not explored how taste manifests in socialist or communist societies. In this case study, we query the ways in which two Cuban communities express taste through food choices and consumption patterns. We find that identity influences preferences less than the prevailing discourse around Cuban cuisine suggests. In addition, patterns among subjects’ responses speak to the ways in which local custom and larger structural forces intersect in respondents' lives. Instead of si

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Flere, Sergej. "REGISTRATION OF RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 4, no. 1 (2010): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0401099f.

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In the text regimes of religious community registration by statutory law in European countries is reviewed. Although freedom of religion is declared as a pricniple at the European level and individual constitutional provisions, varied obstacles to registering religious communities are set. They may reflect fear of abuse of religion or the intent to safeguard the hegemony of a traditionally entrenched religion. Some of these obstacles are historically entrenched, whereas in post-Communist countries they have been set during democrratic reconstruction. States differ in conditions for registratio

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Branković, Tomislav. "THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF YUGOSLAVIA AND RELIGION." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (2007): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102081b.

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The Communist Party based its attitude to religion on Marxism-Leninism as a scientific and theoretical framework. As a critical theory of the capitalist society Marxism examined the phenomenon of religion and religious feelings in civil society and designed a project of a future socialist society. One can say that Marxism looks at the phenomenon of religion from the angle of a class society, from a materialistic viewpoint and while using the historical research method. The source of religion is in man’s alienation first from himself, then from other people and, finally, from society itself. Ma

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Stenning, Alison. "Book Review: Local communities and post-communist transformation: Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia." Progress in Human Geography 29, no. 1 (2005): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913250502900121.

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39

To, James. "Beijing's Policies for Managing Han and Ethnic-Minority Chinese Communities Abroad." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, no. 4 (2012): 183–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100407.

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The overseas Chinese (OC) form a vast network of powerful interest groups and important political actors capable of shaping the future of China from abroad by transmitting values back to their ancestral homeland (Tu 1991). While the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) welcomes and actively seeks to foster relations with the OC in order to advance China's national interests, some cohorts may be hostile to the regime. In accordance with their distinct demographic and ethnic profiles, the CCP's qiaowu ([Formula: see text], OC affairs) infrastructure serves to entice, co-opt, or isolate various OC group

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40

Marsh, Christopher. "The Religious Dimension of Post-Communist “Ethnic” Conflict." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 5 (2007): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651802.

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Common religious, cultural, and ethnic bonds can hold communities together, while differences along these same lines often lead to calls for national independence, complicate nation building, and confound inter-communal peacemaking efforts. In particular, when religious differences exist between groups in conflict there is a marked tendency for such differences to become emphasized. This is not to say that religion is the root cause of all internecine and inter-communal conflict, which certainly is not the case. But conflicts become fundamentally altered as they rage on, and factors that were

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41

Davydov, D. A. "Virtues against Communism Fishman. L.G. The Age of Virtues: After Soviet Morality. Moscow: New Literary Observer, 2022." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 107, no. 4 (2022): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-186-196.

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The article is dedicated to comprehending the ideas set forth in the monograph by Leonid Fishman The Age of Virtues: After Soviet Morality, which raises the question of the reasons for the rapid destruction of “high” communist morality in the USSR, as well as the sliding of the Russian society in the 1990s into a state of “war of all against all”. Setting himself the task of tracing how “evil” is born from “good”, Fishman draws attention to the fact that the communist morality of the Soviet Union contained an internal contradiction due to the combination of what can be called virtue ethics and

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42

Urman, Aleksandra, and Mykola Makhortykh. "There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine." Global Media and Communication 17, no. 2 (2021): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17427665211009930.

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The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attract substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence i

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43

Vogelaar, Huub. "Ecumenical Relations in Hungary Since 1990." Exchange 35, no. 4 (2006): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016131.

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AbstractHungary has a Catholic majority, but a substantial number of Protestants (about 20%), most of them Reformed. There are also several smaller Orthodox communities. Many ethnic Hungarians live outside the boundaries of the present Republic of Hungary. During the Communist period ecumenical events were used by the state to control and use religion. In the period after 1989 the first concern of all denominations was the re-establishment their own communities, including roles in education, social and political life. Ecumenical relations also developed and have led to several new institutions

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44

Nicolas Jabla, Anthony Ceasar, Marjorie Sobradil, Elaiza Polo, and Colleen Olive Lobitaña. "EFFECTIVENESS OF EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 70 OR THE NATIONAL TASK FORCE TO END LOCAL COMMUNIST ARMED CONFLICT: EXPERIENCES ON THE POVERTY REDUCTION, LIVELIHOOD, AND EMPLOYMENT CLUSTER OF THE SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN KIBAWE, BUKIDNON, PHILIPPINES." Journal of Governance and Development (JGD) 20, no. 1 (2024): 45–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2024.20.1.2.

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This study examines the experiences of the selected communities in the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF- ELCAC) Poverty Reduction, Livelihoods, and Employment Cluster of Executive Order No. 70. It utilized qualitative research through the phenomenology approach as it studied the experiences of the selected communities in Kibawe, Bukidnon. It employed thematic analysis in this investigation to assess the study’s focus group discussion. The study concludes that the whole-of-the-nation approach of the government was an effective tool for the government to uplift the

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45

Szporer, Michael. "The Security Forces and Polish Communism: Reclaiming History from Myth." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 1 (2007): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.88.

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This article provides a critical review of Oczami Bezpieki (Through the Eyes of the Security Service), an overview of post-1945 Poland based on secret police files by Slawomir Cenckiewicz. The essay sheds light on the ongoing controversies surrounding the secret police files that still can cause turmoil in Polish politics. The article discusses the aggressive strategies of the Communist-era security apparatus in three areas considered in the volume: penetration of émigré communities in the United States; attempts to neutralize opposition to the Communist regime from 1968 through the 1980s; and

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46

Ishakova, Zemfira, and Gleb Hudyakov. "Social Network Communication in Ideological Communities during 2024 Presidential Elections in Russia." Virtual Communication and Social Networks 4, no. 1 (2025): 53–61. https://doi.org/10.21603/2782-4799-2025-4-1-53-61.

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User-generated content makes it possible to identify social practices in ideological communities that were previously invisible to outsiders. The research objective was to check the initial hypothesis that network interaction style depends on the users’ ideological affiliation. The authors studied online communication discourse within VKontakte social network ideological communities during the presidential elections in Russia in March 7–17, 2024. The interdisciplinary research methodology involved critical discourse analysis and speech act theory. The authors developed a scale for assessing ar

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47

Abazi, Enika. "Importing Religion into Post-Communist Albania: Between Rights and Obligations." Religions 14, no. 5 (2023): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14050658.

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After the communist regime seized power in Albania in 1944, the vilification, humiliation, persecution and execution of clergy of all faiths, including Muslim, Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox, were conducted publicly. Religious estates were nationalized in 1946, and around the same time, religious institutions were closed or converted into warehouses, gymnasiums, workshops or cultural centers. In the communist constitution of 1976, Albania became the first constitutional atheist state in the world. In Article 37 of the Constitution was stated “the state does not recognize any religion”. Al

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48

Koinova, Maria. "Diasporas and democratization in the post-communist world." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (2009): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.001.

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If diaspora communities are socialized with democratic values in Western societies, they could be expected to be sympathetic to the democratization of their home countries. However, there is a high degree of variation in their behavior. Contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, this article argues that they do engage with the democratization of their home countries. Various challenges to the sovereignty of their homelands explain whether diasporas involve with procedural or liberal aspects of democratization. Drawing evidenc

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Mike, Károly, and Boldizsár Megyesi. "Communities after markets. The long road of winemakers to self-governance in post-communist Hungary." Geoforum 88 (January 2018): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.11.021.

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50

Bridges, F. Stephen, and Neil P. Coady. "Urban Size Differences in Incidence of Altruistic Behavior." Psychological Reports 78, no. 1 (1996): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.78.1.307.

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Two field experiments using 828 “lost letters” tested the hypothesis that altruism would be higher in small urban communities or towns than in cities unless the person needing help was a social deviant. The effect of deviance did alter return rates in both studies. In Study A, the effect of location and social deviance on altruistic responses from cities was generally greater than from smaller communities, except when the person in need of help was affiliated with the highly deviant prostitute conditions. In Study B, altruistic responses from cities were generally less than those from small to

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