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1

Lehne, Jonathan. "Essays on the Political Economy of India". Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. https://ecm.univ-paris1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/7866eb5d-fe06-4488-9587-1627f17ef00c.

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Cette thèse se compose de trois articles empiriques sur l'économie politique de l'Inde. Il se concentre sur les incitations qui déterminent la qualité de la gouvernance et les activités illégales qui peuvent la compromettre. Chapitre I étudie les effets de la production d'opium par le gouvernement colonial britannique sur le développement contemporain et à long terme. Je montre que des zones de cultures ont été ciblées pour des dépenses plus élevées en irrigation et en sécurité, mais ont reçu moins d'investissements dans le capital humain. En évaluant les mêmes variables aujourd'hui, je ne trouve pas de différences persistantes dans l'irrigation ou la police, mais les anciennes zones de culture continuent d'avoir moins d'écoles, moins de centres de santé et des taux d'alphabétisation plus faibles. Chapitre 2 évalue l'impact des politiciens au pouvoir sur la suppression des électeurs des communautés minoritaires de la liste électorale. Un ensemble de données sur plus de 120 millions d'électeurs, me permet de suivre la suppression des inscriptions électorales. Je montre que le taux de suppression des musulmans diminue lorsqu'un musulman est élu et augmente lorsqu'un membre du BJP est élu. Chapitre 3, co-écrit avec Jacob Shapiro et Oliver Yanden Eynde, fournit des preuves de l'ingérence politique dans l'attribution des contrats pour un programme de construction de routes et documente les coûts sociaux de cette corruption. Nous montrons que l'élection d'un politicien augmente la part des contrats attribués aux entrepreneurs du même nom de famille. Cette interférence augmente le coût de la construction et augmente la probabilité que les routes ne soient jamais construites
This thesis consists of three separate empirical papers on the political economy of India. It focuses on private incentives that determine the quality of governance and illegal activities that can undermine it. The first chapter studies the effects of opium production under the British colonial government on the contemporary and long-term development of cultivating areas. I show that poppy-growing areas received increased public spending on irrigation and security, but lower investment in human capital. Evaluating the same outcomes one century after the end of the opium trade, I find no persistent differences in irrigation or police presence but former cultivating areas still have fewer schools, fewer health centres and lower literacy. The second chapter evaluates the impact of incumbent politicians on the removal of minority voters from the electoral roll. I construct an individual-level panel dataset on over 120 million registered voters in the state of Uttar Pradesh in order to track the deletion of voters over time. I find that the deletion rate of Muslim registrations declines when a Muslim politician is elected and increases when the elected politician is a member of the Bharitya Janata Party. The third chapter, co-authored with Jacob Shapiro and Oliver Yanden Eynde, provides evidence of political interference in the allocation of contracts for a major road construction scheme, and documents the welfare costs of this corruption. We show that the election of a politician increases the share of contracts awarded to contractors with the same surname. This interference raises the cost of road construction and increases the likelihood that roads are never built
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2

Candau, Marie-Amélie. "Politique de gestion des inondations et (re)productions d'inégalités socio-spatiales dans la plaine de la Koshi : Téraï oriental népalais et Bihar indien septentrional". Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100178.

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Les inondations ont toujours représenté un défi aux sociétés humaines qui s’y sont plus ou moins bien adaptées. Le piémont méridional himalayen est certainement le lieu du défi le plus important posé à l’homme en raison de la puissance et l’irrégularité des débits, de la force de cette eau chargée de sédiments, de l’imprévisibilité des variations du fait de pluies de mousson erratiques, de l’instabilité des cours d’eau due à la rupture brutale de pente et de gradient hydraulique lorsque les rivières atteignent la plaine gangétique, mais aussi de la forte densité de population (plus de 500 hab./km²). L’aménagement de ces rivières, longtemps délaissé en raison de ces facteurs, est devenu l’obsession des états modernes de l’Inde et du Népal qui développent cette plaine, respectivement dans le Nord-Bihar et au Téraï, au potentiel socio-économique important, voire fondamental pour le Népal. Cet aménagement a pour but de maintenir les flux capricieux entre des digues, de répartir l’eau dans des canaux à l’aide de barrages d’écrêtage. Cependant, les résultats escomptés ne sont pas au rendez-vous. Les inondations se sont multipliées, devenant plus fréquentes et souvent plus longues à se résorber ; les superficies exposées se sont étendues, et surtout les causes se sont diversifiées, démontrant très clairement l’inadaptation des aménagements au but recherché. Cette inadaptation a pour conséquence des accidents de plus en plus nombreux, fréquents et destructeurs, à l’image de la spectaculaire catastrophe de 2008, encore vive dans les mémoires dix ans plus tard. L’analyse sur le terrain, sur 6 sites localisés entre les digues comme à proximité d’affluents de la puissante Koshi, confirment très largement ce constat, alourdi par l’étude de villages népalais et indiens dévastés en 2008. Les conséquences humaines sont dramatiques. La paupérisation des classes populaires est impressionnante, avec une augmentation incontrôlable du nombre de familles sans terre, vivant dans de terribles conditions de dénuement, sans soins, sans école, tandis qu’à côté la puissance des classes aisées ne cesse de croître. L’étude des circuits de décision et de distribution fait apparaître une organisation sociale à fondement « semi-féodal », où les héritiers des anciens zamindars sont restés de puissants propriétaires terriens qui orientent le choix des aménagements afin de protéger leurs terres, aux dépens des plus pauvres. Ainsi s’établit un mécanisme de passe-droit et de détournement des richesses, avec l’aide d’un pouvoir politique largement corrompu et clientéliste, qui atteint tous les centres de décision, de l’élu à l’ingénieur, de l’entrepreneur à l’ONG, et qui est désormais gangréné par les réseaux mafieux. La déliquescence du pouvoir central ou régional est tellement évidente que l’insécurité gagne l’ensemble du territoire, s’ajoutant à la vulnérabilité forte face au risque d’inondation qui stérilise de plus en plus de surfaces agricoles et menace des populations de plus en plus nombreuses
Floods have always been a challenge to human societies whether they are well adapted to them or not. The southern Himalayan foothills are certainly the greatest challenge to humans due to a combination of factors such as the force and irregularities of flows, the strength of this sediment-laden water, the unpredictability of variations due to erratic monsoon rains, the instability of the riverpath due to the sudden rupture of slope and the high hydraulic gradient of the rivers when entering the gangetic plain, and also the relatively high density of the population (over 500 inhabitants/km²).The planning development of these rivers, long neglected due to the unique combination of these factors, has become the obsession of the modern nations of India and Nepal which develop this plain, respectively in North Bihar and Tarai, with significant socio-economic potential, even fundamental for Nepal. The aim of such development is to keep the capricious flows of these rivers within dikes and to divert water into irrigation canals with the help of a barrage. However, the expected results are not at the rendezvous. Flooding in recent times has increased in both frequency and duration; the areas exposed have expanded, and above all the causes have diversified, which clearly indicates the failure of current management strategies. Consequently, the loss of life and property has continued to increase, culminating in the 2008 catastrophe which resulted in over thirty thousand deaths and massive damage to property and livestock. The fieldwork confirms this observation very largely. It focuses on six villages located between dikes, or close to tributaries of the Koshi river, or along the devastating Koshi path of 2008 both in Nepal and India. The human consequences have been dramatic. The impoverishment of much of the working class, mostly peasant population, is impressive, with an uncontrollable increase in the number of landless families living in terrible conditions of destitution, without care, without schools while at the same time the power of the wealthy classes have continued to thrive. The study of the decision-making and distribution circuits reveals a semi-feudal social system, controlled by the heirs of the former "zamindars" who have remained powerful landowners and influence all management decisions to protect their property, often at the expense of the poor. Thus, a mechanism of privilege and misappropriation of wealth is established, with the help of a largely corrupt and clientelist political power of all levels of decision making, from the elected representative to the engineer, from the entrepreneur to the NGO, and in which mafia networks are now involved. The decline of central or regional power is so obvious that insecurity is spreading throughout the region, in addition to the high vulnerability in the face of serious floods that are destroying and sterilizing more and more agricultural lands, and thus threatening more and more people
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3

Ernst, Evan David. "How Corruption Affects Growth". Ohio Dominican University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oduhonors1608241150479265.

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4

Novoa, Curich Yvana Lucía. "Corruption as a discrimination mechanism". Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117028.

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This research paper deals with the phenomenon of corruption as a crime not only from the perspective of criminal law, but as the cause of violations of fundamental rights. The article explains the concept of corruption and places this phenomenon in the international legal framework. Likewise, the content of the right to equality and the prohibition of discrimination is developed in this article. It exposed, with the help of examples, how that corruption violates Human Rights, affecting vulnerable groups in a particular and special way, and how well it ends up being a mechanism of structural discrimination in Peru.
El presente artículo de investigación versa sobre el fenómeno de la corrupción no solo como delito, desde la perspectiva del derecho penal, sino como la causa de vulneraciones de derechos fundamentales. El artículo explica el concepto de corrupción y sitúa este fenómeno en el marco jurídico internacional. De igual manera, se desarrolla el contenido del derecho a la igualdad y la prohibición de discriminación. Se expone, con la ayuda de ejemplos, cómo es que la corrupción vulnera derechos humanos, afectando en mayor medida y de manera particular a grupos en situación de vulnerabilidad, y cómo así termina siendo un mecanismo de discriminación estructural en Perú.
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5

Shalabi, Yasser. "Corruption and Economic Growth". Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-44065.

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In the last two or three decades, corruption has become a noticeable issue in many countries, especially in developing countries where it has serious effects on the economy. In this paper, the effect of corruption on economic growth will be examined through literature and researches that involve the effect of corruption in economic growth followed by cross-sectional regression analysis to the issue. The focus will be on how much corruption and how much corruption control are present for each country. other different variables that could be expected to affect the economic growth for this period will also, be examined. To answer this question, corruption control as an independent variable while economic growth is the dependent variable will be examined. The second question would be to study corruption control as a dependent variable while using a set of variables as independent variables and see how much they would affect corruption control. Finally, a case study that draws a comparison between the economy in Germany and South Korea where the results from the empirical part will be applied to the two countries and the difference between the true reported numbers and the numbers from the OLS equations will be checked and explained.   From all the directions been taken to study the subject “literatures, empirical and case study “ the results showed that corruption activities have negative effects on economic growth and although it might be in some cases shown to be insignificant, however, it is very important to minimize the corruption activities by boosting variables such as corruption control, rule of law, stability and also education as it is shown that the more years of education will decrease the levels of corruption in some cases.   The conclusion here will be, although corruption may have more effects in some economies more than others, to combat corruption that will take a global effort. The countries that may not suffer greatly from it may be caught in the cost of cleaning it by having to support failed economies. Or worse, corruption may be increased to levels that it could not be ignored.
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6

Ling, Julia y Malin Nordahl. "Corruption and Growth - A cross-country study for 2004-2008". Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Nationalekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15691.

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Economic growth in a country can be explained by numerous variables, both positive and negative. Increasing levels of education, investment and openness are examples of factors generally believed to have positive effects on the economic progress, while corruption is one of the factors often regarded as detrimental to economic growth. The purpose of this thesis is to measure and analyze if the levels of perceived corruption in a cross-section of countries have affected their economic growth rates over the years 2004-2008. The study is carried out with four regressions on a sample of 123 countries and eight variables for the time period in question. The models are constructed on the basis of both the neoclassical growth theory and the endogenous growth theory. The found result contradicts the expected outcome; it shows that the perceived levels of corruption are significantly and positively correlated with economic growth. It is however found that countries with widespread corruption, in general developing countries, have experienced high economic growth over these years. A correlation the authors argue can explain the unexpected sign of the corruption variable.
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7

Putryk, Maria. "Fenomén korupce - metody měření". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201835.

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This masters thesis deals with the phenomena of corruption and its methods of measuring. The objective of this thesis was to fully analyze the problem of corruption, its types, causes and consequences. This work describes organizations that measure corruption and the methods of its measuring. Most of the methods are based on the soft data gained in opinion polls. That is why the aim of this thesis was to link Corruption Perception Index with the truly measurable data as world tax index and size of shadow economy. The main finding of the work is negative correlation between world tax index and CPI and positive correlation between size of shadow economy and CPI.
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8

Themis, Revista. "Criminal Law, Pshychology and Corruption Offenses. Interview with Carolina Lizárraga Houghton". THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/109661.

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Is corruption a circumstantial problem or is it really rooted in the Peruvian society? Why does Criminal Law should take action against corrupt acts? How is corruption perceived from the point of view of the Peruvian Judicial Power?These and other issues are answered by the interviewed, from her experience as judge and as officer in charge of the fight against corruption in Peru.
¿La corrupción es un problema coyuntural o está realmente arraigada en la sociedad peruana? ¿Por qué el Derecho Penal debe intervenir ante los actos de corrupción? ¿Cómo se percibe la corrupción desde el Poder Judicial?Estas y otras cuestiones son respondidas por la entrevistada, desde su experiencia como jueza y de funcionaria encargada de la lucha contra la corrupción en el país.
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Melo, Aranha Ana Luiza. "Corruption at the local level in Brazil: decentralization as a pitfall?" Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91849.

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Recently, Brazil has undergone decentralization processes that could have strengthened the local level in democratic terms. Notwithstanding, the results of these processes were not con-sensual, and corruption persisted as a feature of the Brazilian local level.This paper focuses on the corrupt conduct of municipal public officials who deal with fe- deral funds transferred by the central government. The information collected is part of a profile of corruption in the cities monitored by the federal Executive, revealing both how this phenomenon is distributed in terms of areas and which possible factors can explain the occurrence of corrup- tion in the Brazilian local governments. This paper deals with corruption in the municipalities of Minas Gerais - one of the 26 Brazilian states - from a conception of corruption as the misuse offunds by the political system.The argument focuses on the conduct of municipal public officials who deal with federalfunds transferred to Minas Gerais´ municipalities. In order to conduct this study, we used the reports from the Program of Inspections from Public Lotteries produced by the Office of the Comp- troller General (CGU). First, we built a general profile of the situation in those cities surveyed by the CGU regarding the incidence of irregularities. By doing so, we highlighted which gover- nmental areas would be in a more critical situation. These irregularities, in turn, were taken as proxies for the occurrence of corruption in two different ways. In the first place, according to the amount of irregularities found – which included all kind of irregularities, from formal mistakes to overbilling –, statistical tests were performed in order to establish which factors could be taken as constraints of corruption at the local level. We identified political, social, economic and demo- graphic characteristics that were associated with corruption, in its petty form. On the other hand, we also categorized corruption in a more strict way, considering only the cases in which larger amounts of resources were involved and leaving out the formal irregularities.We demonstrated that not all factors related with corruption in its broader sense (population size, the characteristic of the transfers, municipal characteristics related to income, education and control) kept significantly associated with the incidence of more severe irregularities. We seek to contribute to the debate about whether or not the local level is more susceptible to corruption, which means discussing if decentralization can be understood as a pitfall.
Recientemente, Brasil ha experimentado procesos de descentralización que podrían haber fortalecido el nivel local en términos democráticos. No obstante, los resultados de estos procesos no han sido consensuados y la corrupción ha persistido como una característica del nivel local en este país.El presente artículo se centra en la conducta corrupta de autoridades municipales que se ocupan de los fondos federales transferidos por el gobierno central. La información obtenida forma parte del perfil de corrupción en ciudades supervisadas por el Poder Ejecutivo federal. Asi- mismo, revela cómo este fenómeno se distribuye en función de las áreas gubernamentales y qué posibles factores pueden explicar la presencia de corrupción en los gobiernos locales brasileños.Este artículo se ocupa de la corrupción, entendida como el mal uso de fondos por parte del sistema político, en las municipalidades de Minas Gerais, uno de los 26 estados de Brasil. El argumento se centra en la conducta de las autoridades municipales que se encargan de los fondos federales. Para llevar a cabo este estudio, se utilizaron los informes del Programa de Inspecciones por Sorteos Públicos elaborados por la Oficina de Contraloría General (CGU). En primer lugar, se construyó un perfil general de la situación de las ciudades encuestadas por la CGU en relación a la incidencia de irregularidades. Al hacerlo, se destacaron las áreas gubernamentales que estarían en una situación más crítica. Estas irregularidades, a su vez, fueron tomadas como indicadores indirectos de incidencia de la corrupción de dos maneras diferentes. Por un lado, de acuerdo a la cantidad de irregularidades encontradas –que incluían todo tipo de irregularidades, desde errores formales hasta sobrefacturación– se aplicaron pruebas estadísticas con el fin de establecer qué factores podían ser tomados como limitaciones de la corrupción a nivel local. Se identificaron características políticas, sociales, económicas y demográficas, asociadas con la corrupción. Por otro lado, se definió la corrupción de una manera más estricta, tomando en cuenta solo los casos que involucraban grandes cantidades de recursos y se dejó de lado las irregularidades formales. Se demostró que no todos los factores relacionados con la corrupción en su sentido más amplio (tamaño de la población, características de las transferencias, características municipales relacionadas con los ingresos, educación y control) se mantienen significativamente asociados a la incidencia de irregularidades más graves. Se busca así contribuir al debate sobre si el nivel local es más susceptible o no a la corrupción, lo cual significa discutir también si la descentralización puede ser entendida como un obstáculo.
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Ezcurra, Rivero Huáscar. "Corruption and Arbitration: With regard to the IBA Rules on conflicts of interest". IUS ET VERITAS, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123230.

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In recent decades the arbitration has undergone extensive development in the Peru. However, this did not mean the absence of corruption in the arbitral proceedings. in this article the author points out some examples in which corruption manifests itself within them. Also, possible solutions are addressed with particular emphasis on competition, and its necessary condition: information. On this last, the iBA rules acquire special relevance for the resolution of conflicts of interest.
En las últimas décadas el arbitraje ha experimentado un amplio desarrollo en el Perú. Sin embargo, esto no significó la ausencia de corrupción en los procesos arbitrales. e n el presente artículo el autor señala algunos ejemplos en los que la corrupción se manifiesta dentro de ellos. Asimismo, se abordan sus posibles soluciones, con especial énfasis en la competencia y su condición necesaria: la información. s obre esta última adquieren especial relevancia las Reglas IBA para la resolución de conflictos de intereses.
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Ramírez, Varela Lilia. "About constitutional res judicata and improper motivation in a corruption case senior civil servant". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115311.

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El auto y la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional que se reseñan y comentan resultan relevantes porque plantean un conflicto entre el principio de seguridad jurídica, de un lado, y el derecho a una debida motivación, el principio de no interdicción de la arbitrariedad, y el bien jurídico de la lucha contra la corrupción, de otro.
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Astudillo, Meza Guillermo y Montes Sandra Jiménez. "Compliance Programs as a Mechanism to Fight Corruption: Special Reference to Self-Regulation of Companies". Derecho & Sociedad, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118648.

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This article analyzes the influence self-regulation has had in the recent years as a law instrument that helps monitor corporate organizations, as well as its consequences in the fight against public corruption through corporate compliance programs.
El presente artículo analiza la influencia que en los últimos años ha tenido el fenómeno de la autorregulación para el derecho como mecanismo de supervisión de las organizaciones empresariales y sus implicancias en la lucha contra la corrupción pública a través de los programas de cumplimiento para las empresas.
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Espinoza, Quiñones Sandro y Flores Carmen Chunga. "The Arbitrability of Corruption: Is it Possible to Apply "Clean Hands Doctrine" in Arbitration in Public Procurement?" Derecho & Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119116.

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The arbitration proceeding is characterized for being an efficient, impartial, and above all a transparent mechanism, wherefore various private and public entities have aimed to it in order to solve their patrimonial controversies. Nevertheless, there is a sector within the doctrine that maintains that, on the assumption that the matter to arbitrate comes from legal relationships marked by corruption, the arbitration court should declare the unarbitrability of the matter, since it would violate the public order.The present paper will broach the impact of the entitled «Clean Hands Doctrine» on certain Law branches, its origins on the worldwide legal systems, the relation of it with other legal entities on which it is based on, and we will discuss international legal precedents on the matter, as well as the possible application of this doctrine to arbitration proceedings on a local context and in public procurements matter.
El arbitraje se caracteriza por ser un mecanismo imparcial, eficaz y sobre todo, transparente, motivo por el cual entidades privadas y estatales se abocan al mismo con la finalidad de resolver sus controversias patrimoniales. No obstante, existe un sector de la doctrina que sostiene que, cuando la materia a arbitrar provenga de relaciones jurídicas revestidas de corrupción, el tribunal arbitral debería declarar la inarbitrabilidad de la materia, pues se estaría vulnerando el orden público.El presente trabajo abordará la incidencia de la denominada «Clean Hands Doctrine» en determinadas ramas del Derecho, sus orígenes en los sistemas jurídicos del mundo, su relación con otras figuras jurídicas en las cuales se sustenta, y comentaremos tanto la jurisprudencia internacional al respecto, como la posible aplicación de esta doctrina al arbitraje en el contexto nacional, en materia de contrataciones con el Estado.
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Coimbra, Mesquita Nuno y Aníbal Corrado. "Corruption, media systems and governments: contexts of prosecution and defense from the public authority in Argentina and Brasil". Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91698.

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This article analyzes the role of political scandals at different times of the government’sactivity, with the intention to verify if news of corruption differs in electoral and non-electoral periods. We try to verify in what contexts Argentinean and Brazilian governments are more permeable to political scandals and respond more actively. We consider the electoral schedule and the type of Presidentialism in Argentina and Brazil. We argue that after an accusation of corruption in media, public officials assess risks in order to consider if their reputation were erode by not facing scandals of corruption. During electoral periods politicians fear of punishment from voters through mechanisms of electoral accountability. Finally we say that the majority Presidentialism is less permeable to allegations that coalition one. To corroborate these hypotheses we investigate responses of governments in Argentina (as a case of majoritarian Presidentialism),and in Brazil (as a case of coalitional Presidentialism).
Este artículo se propone analizar el papel de los escándalos políticos en diferentes momentos de actividad de un gobierno, con la intención de verificar si existen variaciones en los niveles de denuncias de corrupción entre los períodos electorales y los no eleccionarios. Asimis- mo, se intenta verificar en qué contextos los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil son más permeables a las denuncias mediáticas y responden más activamente. Para ello, consideramos el calendario electoral y el tipo de presidencialismo de cada país. Se argumenta que, tras una acusación de corrupción en los medios, los funcionarios públicos evalúan los riesgos de ver sus reputaciones erosionadas por no enfrentar la denuncia. El costo para contrarrestar la opinión pública tiende a ser mayor en los períodos electorales, ya que el temor al castigo de los votantes mediante mecanismos de accountability electoral también aumenta. Finalmente, afirmamos que el presidencialismo mayoritario resulta menos permeable a las denuncias que uno de coalición. Para corroborar estas hipótesis se investigan las respuestas de los gobiernos en Argentina, como caso de presidencialismo mayoritario, y en Brasil, como caso de presidencialismo de coalición.
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Eckman, Oscar y Oskar Ericsson. "Korruption och bistånd : En studie om korruptionsnivåns påverkan på bistånd". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376197.

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Korruption utmålas av biståndsorgan som ett av de största hoten mot ett lands utveckling. Detär inte endast ett problem i sig självt, utan korruption genererar även andra samhällsproblem.Detta gör att anti-korruptionsarbete är på agendan för många biståndsgivare, då ett lyckatresultat kan leda till förbättringar inom många områden. I teorin låter det som att länder medhög korruption bör få hjälp att stävja denna, men är det så i praktiken? Denna studieundersöker hur mottagarländernas korruptionsnivå påverkar biståndet de mottar, genom enfixed effects-regression av paneldata över 79 länder för åren 2005 till 2016. Resultaten visaringen statistisk signifikant effekt av mottagarländernas korruptionsnivå på dess bistånd.Däremot går det att säkerställa att korruptionsnivån påverkar Sveriges bilaterala bistånd.
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Salihovic, Ademir. "Varför har vi förtroende för Europa Unionen? : Korruptionens påverkan på förtroendet för nationella institutioner och Europa Unionen". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-54202.

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Fernández, Ruiz Jorge. "The Administrative Contract and the Public Tender". Derecho & Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118986.

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To achieve its goals, the State requires the voluntary collaboration of individuals, which takes form of an administrative contract, whose award is often disrupted by administrative corruption. Public tendering stands out among the mechanisms to prevent and fight administrative corruption in the award of administrative contracts.
Para alcanzar sus fines, el Estado requiere de la colaboración voluntaria de los particulares, lo cual se concreta mediante el contrato administrativo, cuya adjudicación suele verse trastocadas por el flagelo de la corrupción. Entre los mecanismos utilizables para evitar y combatir la corrupción administrativa en la adjudicación de los contratos administrativos, destaca la licitación pública.
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18

Arévalo, León Rosa. "Can I count on you? The stability of Cesar Álvarez’s administration (2006 - 2013)". Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91872.

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This article analyzes the factors that contributed to Cesar Alvarez’s administration stability as regional president of Ancash during almost two full consecutive terms (2006 – 2013). Thus, the research focuses on the development of clientelistic and patronage networks that strength- ened his ties with citizens, providing him with constant support. Moreover, those practices protected him from any act of fiscalization or investigation. Finally, public spending, largely financed with mining canon, made possible for Alvarez to show himself as an efficient regional president by developing major infrastructure projects in the region.
El presente artículo se centra en los factores que dieron estabilidad a la gestión del expresidente regional de Áncash,  César Álvarez,  durante casi dos periodos consecutivos (2006- 2013) y con probables miras hacia uno tercero. De esta manera, la investigación se enfoca en el desarrollo de redes clientelares y de patronazgo que fortalecieron los nexos que estableció con la ciudadanía, proporcionándole apoyo constante. Asimismo, aquellas prácticas le sirvieron de blindaje ante cualquier acto de fiscalización o investigación. Por último, el gasto público en gran parte producto del canon minero, hizo que Álvarez se demuestre como una autoridad eficiente alpromocionar grandes obras de infraestructura -sobrevaloradas- en la región.
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19

Murphy, David S. "Las instituciones supremas de auditoría y las iniciativas de anticorrupción". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/114804.

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This article begins with a review of the effect of public sector corruption and its causes. It explains the role of supreme audit institutions (SAI) in anti-corruption initiatives. The author ends with strategic recommendations for anti-corruption initiatives within SAIs including reducing the opportunities and incentives for corruption, increasing the cost of corrupt behavior and changing public expectations that cases of corruption will be successfully prosecuted.
Este artículo principia con una síntesis de los efectos de la corrupción en el sector público y las causas de la corrupción. Explica luego el papel de las instituciones supremas de auditoría (ISA) en las iniciativas de anticorrupción. El autor finaliza con recomendaciones para las estrategias de anticorrupción en las cuales las ISA deben centrarse, que incluyen la reducción de las oportunidades y de los incentivos para la corrupción, el aumento del costo previsto del comportamiento corrupto y la transformación de las expectativas públicas al asegurar que los casos de corrupción serán procesados con éxito.
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20

Campos, Medina Alexander, Canchari Alan Carlos Alarcón, Sobrevilla César Guzmán-Barrón, Boza Derik Latorre, Zamora Marco Antonio Martínez y Quiñones Sandro Espinoza. "Lights and Shadows of Arbitration in Government Procurement". Derecho & Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117776.

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The present event talks about some relevant aspects in arbitration on public procurement matter, such as additional the non-arbitrability of additional provisions, the use of interim measures against administrative penalties and corruption of arbitration on public procurement matter. The discussion is done in the frame of the new Public Procurement Law.
El presente evento gira entorno a algunos aspectos relevantes respecto al arbitraje en contratación pública, tales como la no arbitrabilidad de adicionales de obra, la presentación de una medida cautelar ante una sanción administrativa y la corrupción en arbitraje en contrataciones del Estado. La discusión se enmarca, además, en el panorama de la nueva Ley de Contrataciones del Estado.
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Novoa, Curich Yvana Lucía. "Are anticorruption conventions human rights treaties?" THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108632.

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This article seeks to determine whether international anticorruption conventions can be considered human rights treaties. The conclusion the author arrives to in the present article involves a new approach to understand the effects of the implementation of the aforementioned conventions in Peru.To answer the question whether these conventions are human rights treaties, the author explains the aim and the purpose of these conventions, and addresses its role on democracy and its relation with Human Rights. Finally, the author wonders if it is possible to recognize a fundamental right to a non-corrupt government.
El presente artículo busca determinar si las convenciones internacionales de lucha contra la corrupción pueden ser consideradas como tratados de Derechos Humanos. La conclusión a la que llega la autora implica una nueva forma de pensar los efectos en la aplicación de dichas convenciones en nuestro país. Para llegar a una respuesta, la autora explica el objeto y finalidad de estas convenciones, y aborda su rol en la democracia y su relación con los Derechos Humanos. Finalmente, la autora se pregunta si es posible el reconocimiento del derecho a un gobierno no corrupto.
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22

Mujica, Jaris. "Lobby is the scenario of fragmented agendas. Considerations regarding mechanisms of interest management at the peruvian parliament". Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48647.

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The shapes of political pressure and the lobby appear as important tools for the private interestmanagement in the contemporary democracies This article displays a plot of actions of lobby at the Peruvian parliament and the role of building networks at the political arena in which the collision with other interests is avoid Thus, the lobby appears to be effective on issues that are out of the agenda of the public-media debate, issues of high specialization, or those that are not of interest of the party blocs (but represent a huge volume of legislative initiatives)
Las formas de presión política y el lobby aparecen como herramientas importantes para la gestión de intereses privados en las democracias contemporáneas Este artículo muestra una parcela de las acciones del lobby en el parlamento peruano y la función de construcción de redes en una arena política en la que se evita la colisión con otros intereses Así, el lobby aparece con eficacia en los temas que están fuera de la agenda del debate público-mediático, temas de alta especialización, o aquellos que no revisten interés de las bancadas (pero que representan un enorme volumen de iniciativas legislativas)
As formas da pressão política e o lobby aparecem como ferramentas importantes para a gestão dos interesses privados nas democracias contemporâneas Este artigo mostra uma parcela de ações do lobby no parlamento peruano e a função da construção das redes num cenário político, na que evita a colisão com outros interesses Assim, o lobby aparece com eficácia nos temas que estão fora da agenda do debate público midiático, tópicos de maior especialização, ou aqueles que não têm interesse das bancadas (mas representam um volumem muito grande de iniciativas legislativas)
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23

Hřebíčková, Jana. "Využití fuzzy logiky pro hodnocení investičních rizik". Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Ústav soudního inženýrství, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-316944.

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This master thesis is dealing with development and application of a model that employs fuzzy logic. The model is used to support a decision of a selected Czech company that plans to invest abroad and establish a subsidiary. Selected indicators determine an investment risk in all countries considered for the investment. The model was implemented in parallel in two systems: MS Excel and MATLAB®.
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24

Ibáñez, Perfecto Andrés. "On the cultural poverty of a (judicial) practice without theory". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115555.

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The traditional model of initial training of judges in Spain and in other countries has been focused, and is still focused, on the mechanical digestion of a pile of stereotyped notions related to several legal subjects.This knowledge is presented with no references to specific legal disputes and does not meet at all, neither the profile of modern complex constitutional legal systems consisting of several levels, internally changing and conflicting; nor the practice of those systems. It does correspond, however, the historical model of the Napoleonic judge, who tends to act as a mechanical enforcer of the law and the longa manu of the real power rather than guardian of the citizens’ basic rights. The alternative to this kind of judicial training would be a system of training incorporating a high quality operative knowledge of the positive law actually in force, together with a theoretical-philosophical training in line with the suggestions made by Manuel Sacristán of «a level of exercise of thinking» based on the specific field and activity inherent to that group of legal practitioners.
El modelo tradicional de formación inicial de jueces para el desempeño del rol, en España, pero no solo, se ha cifrado y se cifra en la asimilación mecánica de todo un cúmulo de nociones estereotipadas relativas a las diversas disciplinas. Se trata de un bagaje que, por su carácter desproblematizador, no se ajusta en absoluto al perfil de los modernos ordenamientos constitucionales complejos, dotados de distintos niveles y, con frecuencia, internamente conflictivos y cambiantes; y menos a su práctica.Pero responde, en cambio, al histórico tipo de juez del modelo napoleónico, longa manu del poder en acto más que garante de derechos, tendencial aplicador mecánico. La alternativa a esta clase de formación estaría en otra que incorporase a un buen conocimiento operativo del derecho positivo en su ser actual y realmente vigente, una formación teórico-filosófica en la línea sugerida una vez por Manuel Sacristán, como «un nivel de ejercicio del pensamiento» a partir de y sobre el específico campo temático y de la actividad propia de tal clase de operadores.
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25

Elkins, Alex Gregory. "How the City State Fares Under State Capitalism in the PRC: Local and State-Wide Reform". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1364384598.

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Soumare, Amadou Tidiane. "L'impact de la divulgation des antécédents criminels des politiciens sur les résultats électoraux : le cas de l'Inde". Mémoire, 2009. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1888/1/M10787.pdf.

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Ce mémoire évalue l'impact de l'information sur l'élection de politiciens malhonnêtes. À partir d'un échantillon d'observations concernant un total de 2105 politiciens, nous utilisons une méthode différence-en-différence pour mesurer le changement de score entraîné par la divulgation des charges criminelles des candidats aux élections en Inde. L'analyse des conséquences électorales de la malhonnêteté des politiciens revêt un caractère essentiel si l'on considère les liens importants unissant le développement économique à la qualité des élus. Contrairement à nos attentes, les estimations révèlent que même s'ils sont informés, les électeurs ne punissent pas de façon marquée la corruption des politiciens. Tandis que la divulgation des charges d'agitation politique est associée à des améliorations de score de l'ordre de 2,4 à 2,7 points de pourcentage, l'information n'a pas d'effets significatifs sur le score des candidats accusés de corruption ou de vol. Nous pensons que si les ressources financières sont déterminantes pour gagner des élections, les fonds tirés d'activités comme la corruption ou le vol donnent un avantage supplémentaire aux candidats malhonnêtes. Dans un tel contexte, l'information n'a qu'un effet limité sur la corruption des hommes politiques. Les résultats montrent par ailleurs que les électeurs ont davantage tendance à se fier à l'information divulguée lorsqu'ils ne connaissent pas le candidat. Les candidats qui au moment des élections, n'occupaient pas le poste à pouvoir sont plus durement pénalisés par la divulgation de charges criminelles. Dans le cas des candidats cherchant une réélection, les électeurs se basent surtout sur les actions et les comportements qu'ils ont adoptés au cours de leurs mandats. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Politiciens criminels, Corruption, Asymétrie d'information, Politique de divulgation.
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LIN, CHENG-YI y 林承毅. "The Impact of Corruption Perceptions Index on National Dynamic Efficiency". Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/n5t7pt.

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碩士
國防大學
財務管理學系
106
In the past, research on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) mostly focused on its relationship with economic growth or government governance, and was rarely discussed in terms of efficiency. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the dynamic efficiency of the country constructed from the viewpoint of energy consumption and ecological balance and to explore the impact of the CPI on it. This paper uses 49 countries around the world as the analysis object, and uses government governance variables as proxy variables of CPI to analyze the data from 2007 to 2016 in a stepwise regression manner. The empirical results show that if the sample countries are distinguished by geographical location and level of income, it can be found that European countries and high-income countries are the best performers in terms of dynamic efficiency values or CPI performance, and they have significant differences. Overall, the CPI has a significant positive correlation with the national dynamic efficiency value. In addition, the impact of government-government-related agency variables on CPI has been positive and significant. In terms of national dynamic efficiency, bureaucracy is negatively significant, and other variables are positive. To improve the dynamic efficiency of the country, it is necessary to reform the rigid bureaucracy. Finally, CPI has a complete mediating effect between variables such as political stability, personal security and private property, and national dynamic efficiency, while bureaucratic variables are negatively mediating effects. It indicates that if the government promotes the probity policy according to the results of its influences . it will be able to further improve the overall national dynamic efficiency .
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28

LIN, YU-CHUEN y 林毓淳. "Applying Analytic Hierarchy Process to Investigate Government Defense Anti-Corruption Index Ranking". Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/gc43we.

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碩士
國防大學
財務管理學系
105
Government Defence Anti-corruption Index (GDAI) is a tool for evaluating government integrity worldwide. The Taiwanese government has already proposed various guidances of anti-corruption to achieve the public governance goal. However, how to evaluate strategies to evaluate the weight of anti-corruption score has become an important issue. The main objective of this study is to assist government to rank the optimal risk domain and risk index of GDAI. A systematic method, derived from Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP), the ranking risk domain includ corruption risk of Political, Financial, Personnel, Operations, Procurement. This study provides a systematic method to enhance the quality of GDAI evaluation and understanding these risks related to the corruption.
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Pendergast, Shannon Marie. "Corruption and the curse of natural resources". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/281.

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In 1995, Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew Warner found a negative relationship between natural resources and economic growth, and claimed that natural resource abundance is a curse. The work of Sachs and Warner has been widely cited, and many economists now accept the curse of natural resources as a proven phenomenon (e.g. Papyrakis and Gerlagh, 2004; Kronenberg, 2004). In this thesis, I provide a new framework for evaluating this claim. I begin by providing a summary of the related literature and discussion of possible explanations for the curse. This summary is followed by a critical assessment of the theory underlying previous research. Next, I develop a new model for evaluating the curse of natural resources. I find that natural resource abundance does not directly impact economic development. However, petroleum resources are associated with rent-seeking behaviour that can negatively influence economic development. Finally, I show that my results are robust to various sensitivity analyses. The results from my model provide a deeper understanding of how natural resource abundance affects economic outcomes.
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Panfil, Beatricie. "The political shortcut : the influence of corruption in Moldova". Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/28273.

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Corruption is a major issue that can develop and grow in any country; it affects the principles of democracy and distorts the government institutions. The current work with the title “The Political Shortcut: The Influence of Corruption in Moldova” aims to research this phenomenon and its influence in Republic of Moldova. As the focus of the thesis is corruption, firstly the general features will be analyzed, followed by the analysis of the case study. Types and forms of manifestation of corruption are presented, alongside the factors that lead to the development of corruption. Anticorruption actions taken by authorities were analyzed and possible improvements of anticorruption activities were proposed. It was executed a multidimensional analysis from the economic and political perspective of corruption in the context of socioeconomic and political changes. The faults of the policies and government institutions were brought into light, thus the example of Moldova can serve as an illustration of the causes of development of corruption for other countries which are facing this problem.
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31

Tzu-LingWang y 王紫玲. "Evaluating the effects of corporate social responsibility on firm value of international company with weighted international net corruption conception index". Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59341899765806203189.

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碩士
國立成功大學
財務金融研究所
100
This paper examines the effects of corporate social responsibility on firm value with the view of global corruption macro-environment. We use data of American firms of the period between 2000 and 2008 and consider the overall corruption level of 190 countries of each segment in firms. We apply excess value method which is developed by Berger and Ofek (1995) as a measure of firm value. Likewise, we modify the method proposed by Pantzalis, Park, Sutton (2008) to estimate the weighted international corruption level. Our major goal is to investigate whether corporate social responsibility will exert influences on firm value. Recent studies by McWilliams (2000) indicate no relationship between CSR and firm value, a positive relationship is indicated by Waddock and Graves (1997), and a negative relationship by Wright and Ferris (1997). Under the assumption that firms try to maximize the firm value, we consider the corporate social responsibility as an investment strategy and use the cost-benefit principle provided by McWilliams and Siegel (2001). Therefore, we try to examine that corporate social responsibility has positive impacts on firm value. In our model, not only do we consider the impacts of corruption, but we also include diversification effects and other control variables. Meanwhile, we observe that the value-reducing effect from corporate social responsibility would be greater on industrially diversified companies. Moreover, we also find a positive relationship between corporate social responsibility and firm value when we look into dominant firms with competitive advantages. Generally speaking, these conclusions correspond to our anticipations.
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32

Kratochvíl, Kryštof. "Kriminalizace indické politiky a některé její projevy". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389046.

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(in English): This diploma thesis focuses on the phenomenon of criminalization in Indian politics. The extensive subject is dealt with in several ways. Apart from the general phenomena surrounding the criminalization of politics, there is, for example, an analysis of institutionalized corruption in the highest spheres of Indian society, as well as ongoing cooperation between regional politicians and local minor criminals. We also analyze the deeper causes of massive electoral support for controversial candidates and their success in a democratic electoral contest. This is closely related to another chaptersummarizing the development of legislative measures taken by the Indian state in order to avoid criminalization and other negative phenomena. In the final section, the diploma thesis examines the phenomenon of "bandit heroes" taking into account the Indian environment and the specific features of the local society. It is concerned in more detail with Phoolan Devi and Veerappan's bandits and explains how these two prominent personalities influenced the recent Indian policy and how they used policies to achieve their own goals. At the same time, we are trying to prove that the establishment of bandits in the state apparatus is a symptom of the final phase of criminalization of politics and not just...
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33

Podestát, Jan. "Geografické aspekty korupce v Česku na příkladu veřejných zakázek ve vybraných krajích". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-354060.

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This thesis deals with the issue of corruption in public procurement. The main aspect of the work is to compare the transparency of public procurement in selected towns of Pilsen, South Bohemia, Karlovy Vary and Ústí Region in the years 2006 - 2014. Based on the data of public procurement were observed characteristics, that highlight the risk of corruption. Partial aim was to assess possible influence of political environment and their changes on the practice and transparency of public procurement. The results show, that the towns, which are positively evaluated in terms of their transparency are characterized by high participation in elections and low unemployment rate. According to the results, towns with higher levels of economic and social capital rate are generally better evaluated in their transparency. The influence of variables characterizing the political environment on the transparency of public procurement, was not proved. Keywords: public procurement, potential corruption, regional differencies, towns, z-index
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Yoon, Jisu. "Partial Least Squares and Principal Component Analysis with Non-metric Variables for Composite Indices". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0022-608B-D.

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Ein zusammengesetzter Index ist eine aggregierte Variable, die aus individuellen Indikatoren und Gewichten besteht, wobei die Gewichte die relative Wichtigkeit jedes Indikators darstellen. Zusammengesetzte Indizes werden oft benutzt um latente Phänomene zu schreiben oder komplexe Informationen zu einer geringen Anzahl an Variablen zusammenzufassen. Es ist von großer Bedeutung richtige Gewichte für die Variablen, die einen zusammengesetzten Index bilden, zu wählen. Hauptkomponentenanalyse (PCA) ist ein populärer Ansatz um Gewichte abzuleiten, aber es ist ungeeignet, wenn informative Variationen nur kleine Varianzen der Variablen in einem zusammengesetzten Index haben. Deshalb schlägt diese Studie vor, Partial Least Squares (PLS) anzuwenden, welches die Beziehung zwischen Zielvariablen and den Variablen in einem zusammengesetzten Index ausnutzt. Unsere Simulationsstudie zeigt, dass PLS so gut wie PCA funktioniert oder erheblich es übertrifft. Zusätzlich sind in der Praxis die Variablen in einem zusammengesetzten Index häufig nicht-metrisch. Solche Variablen benötigen spezielle Verfahren, um PCA oder PLS anzuwenden. Diese Studie untersucht mehrere PCA und PLS Algorithmen für nicht-metrische Variablen in der vorliegenden Literatur und vergleicht sie durch umfangreiche Simulationsstudien, um Empfehlungen für die Praxis abzugeben. Dummy coding zeigt häufig zufriedenstellende Leistung im Vergleich zu komplizierteren Methoden. Als unsere Anwendungen betrachten wir Vermögen, Globalisierung, Geschlechtergleichheit und Korruption, indem PCA- und PLS-basierte zusammengesetzte Indizes angewendet werden. PLS erzeugt für die jeweiligen Zielvariablen massgeschnittene zusammengesetzte Indizes, die häufig bessere Leistung als PCA zeigten. Ein Vergleich zwischen PCA und PLS Gewichten und Koeffizienten zeigt, welche Variablen für die jeweiligen Zielvariablen besonders relevant sind.
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Thompson, Douglas Wilton. "A merry chase around the gift/bribe boundary". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1212.

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This thesis questions whether it is possible to locate a boundary between gift and bribe that can survive comparison across cultures and history. This question is addressed in a multidisciplinary way, engaging the literature on the current use and the history of the language of bribery, studies of gifting and reciprocity, and the anthropological and philosophical literature on relativism. The approach is non-linear—like a hound on a chase, stopping in medieval England, ancient Athens and various societies in the modern world. It is concluded that if there is a universal gift/bribe boundary, it is likely based on a norm of reciprocity rather than on a foundation of assumptions that incorporate modern capitalism and Weberian bureaucracy. This implies that global anti-bribery initiatives, as presently conceived, are ill founded. An alternative account, founded on reciprocity and conventionalism, is postulated as a more secure foundation for locating a gift/bribe boundary.
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