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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Decolonization – Algeria"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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1

Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”". Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, n.º 3 (1 de junio de 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.

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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.

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2

Hiddleston, Jane. "Lyotard's Algeria: Experiments in Theory". Paragraph 33, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0264833409000741.

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This article explores the changing position of Lyotard's writing on Algeria within his corpus. The essays gathered together in La Guerre des Algériens: Ecrits 1956–63 (The Algerians’ War: Texts 1956–63), and published much later in 1989, are certainly among his most overtly politically engaged. These pieces track the progress of the War of Independence from the early signs of unrest in 1952 to what Lyotard perceives as the divisive effects of FLN ideology in the aftermath of independence, and the collection as a whole underlines not only the conflict between coloniser and colonised but also that between the rural masses and the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, despite his commitment to Algerian independence at the time of writing, Lyotard later lamented the failings of these essays. He also alters his stance on his own use of Marxism, and condemns his attempts to offer a Marxist revolutionary critique. He then chose to republish the work in 1989, yet this volte-face testifies to the author's ongoing ambivalence towards his own writing on decolonization. At one moment, Lyotard mocks and undermines his own efforts to understand and systematize the mechanics of the liberation movement. Yet he then goes on to suggest that the Algerian conflict exemplifies his later concept of the ‘differend’. This unease both within and towards the volume La Guerre des Algériens will be the focus of this article. The essays’ eclecticism, and Lyotard's own altering response to them, can be understood as an early testimony to an increasing scepticism towards Marxism in French critical thought, and, at the same time, towards what Lyotard conceived as dogmatic ‘theory’, in the context of decolonization in Algeria.

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3

Fontaine, Darcie. "TREASON OR CHARITY? CHRISTIAN MISSIONS ON TRIAL AND THE DECOLONIZATION OF ALGERIA". International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, n.º 4 (12 de octubre de 2012): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000840.

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AbstractThis article explores the role that Christianity played in the decolonization of Algeria and in particular how the complex relationship between Christianity and colonialism under French rule shaped the rhetoric and actions of Christians during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using the case of a 1957 trial in the military tribunal of Algiers in which twelve Europeans were charged with crimes ranging from distributing propaganda for the National Liberation Front to sheltering suspected communist and nationalist militants, I demonstrate how “Christian” rhetoric became one of the major means through which the conduct of the war and the defense of French Algeria were debated. While conservative defenders of French Algeria claimed that actions such as those of the Christians on trial led to the erasure of Christianity in North Africa, I argue that such actions and moral positions allowed for the continued presence of Christianity in Algeria after independence.

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4

Shepard, Todd. "ALGERIAN NATIONALISM, ZIONISM, AND FRENCH LAÏCITÉ: A HISTORY OF ETHNORELIGIOUS NATIONALISMS AND DECOLONIZATION". International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, n.º 3 (30 de julio de 2013): 445–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000421.

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AbstractThe Algerian war resituated the meaning of “Muslims” and “Jews” in France in relation to religion and “origins” and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly “European.” Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.

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5

Hubbell, Amy L. "The Past is Present: Pied-Noir Returns to Algeria". Nottingham French Studies 51, n.º 1 (marzo de 2012): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2012.0007.

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While Algeria has long been a popular subject for travel writers, since its decolonization in 1962, the travelogues documenting journeys to Algeria have predominantly become returns and reunions with the homeland. Immediately after their exile from Algeria during and after the war for independence, the Pieds-Noirs, or former French citizens of Algeria, began returning to their homeland in their memories, literature, and recently, their films. Early return narratives were almost always filled with nostalgic descriptions of familiar places and sensations in an effort to bridge over the ruptures with the past. By transposing the colonial past onto the present, the travelogues effectively stop time in the homeland. However, more recent returns often demonstrate the instability of the past. Through a study of Marie Cardinal's Au pays de mes racines and Hélène Cixous's Si près, this article investigates how Algerian return narratives have begun to deconstruct themselves, and yet the past is ever present within them.

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6

English, Christopher y Phillip C. Naylor. "France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, n.º 1 (2002): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107416.

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7

Hill, J. N. C. "Decolonization and the Challenges of Independence in Modern Algeria". Intelligence and National Security 24, n.º 4 (agosto de 2009): 612–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520903069538.

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8

Bellisari, Andrew. "The Art of Decolonization: The Battle for Algeria’s French Art, 1962–70". Journal of Contemporary History 52, n.º 3 (17 de octubre de 2016): 625–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416652715.

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In May 1962 French museum administrators removed over 300 works of art from the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Algiers and transported them, under military escort, to the Louvre in Paris. The artwork, however, no longer belonged to France. Under the terms of the Evian Accords it had become the official property of the Algerian state-to-be and the incoming nationalist government wanted it back. This article will examine not only the French decision to act in contravention of the Evian Accords and the ensuing negotiations that took place between France and Algeria, but also the cultural complexities of post-colonial restitution. What does it mean for artwork produced by some of France’s most iconic artists – Monet, Delacroix, Courbet – to become the cultural property of a former colony? Moreover, what is at stake when a former colony demands the repatriation of artwork emblematic of the former colonizer, deeming it a valuable part of the nation’s cultural heritage? The negotiations undertaken to repatriate French art to Algeria expose the kinds of awkward cultural refashioning precipitated by the process of decolonization and epitomizes the lingering connections of colonial disentanglement that do not fit neatly into the common narrative of the ‘end of empire'.

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9

Yordanov, Radoslav. "Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order". Journal of Cold War Studies 20, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2018): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00808.

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10

von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)". Journal of Social History 53, n.º 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.

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Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.

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11

Sharpe, Mani. "Gender and the politics of decolonization in early 1960s French cinema". Journal of European Studies 49, n.º 2 (2 de mayo de 2019): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119837478.

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In a recent monograph, Todd Shepard has implored us to examine the ways in ‘which the Algerian War modified the form and the content of debates surrounding contemporary sexuality in France’, from the nationalist revolution spearheaded by the FLN in Algeria, to the sexual paradigm shift of May ’68 (2017: 21). An important injunction, undoubtedly. But also an injunction that, as I will show, could also be inverted to examine how, in the world of cinema, the radicalization of identity politics catalysed by decolonization found itself similarly distorted by a tendency among male directors to imagine the war through the lens of their own androcentric preoccupations, fantasies and anxieties: anxieties that, in the case of Jacques Rivette’s Paris nous appartient (1961), Louis Malle’s Le Feu Follet (1963), and Jacques Dupont’s Les Distractions (1960), ricochet erratically between masochistic and misogynistic tales of impotence and carnal retribution; anxieties that subtly twist the dynamics of the decolonial debate into strange shapes, places and meanings.

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12

Shepard, Todd. "Algeria, France, Mexico, UNESCO: a transnational history of anti-racism and decolonization, 1932–1962". Journal of Global History 6, n.º 2 (13 de junio de 2011): 273–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100026x.

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AbstractTwo crucial terms in discussions about racial or ethnic relations – ‘discrimination’ and ‘integration’ – first appeared in official French documents in the 1950s. They quickly became key references in the government’s pioneering efforts, in response to the Algerian revolution, to recognize the importance and fight against the effects of French racism on ‘Muslim French citizens from Algeria’. This policy was named ‘integrationism’; its premises and measures had overseas inspirations and it was bureaucrats from an international organization who made such policy models available for French adoption. All of this was possible because of transnational networks of social scientists, which included some who helped author them as well as others who studied and wrote about them. More specifically, it was projects and claims from Mexico that provided the most direct references for French integrationist policies and it was through the efforts of UNESCO that French integrationists gained detailed knowledge about them.

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13

Brown, Megan. "Decolonization and the French of Algeria: bringing the settler colony home". Journal of North African Studies 21, n.º 4 (31 de mayo de 2016): 722–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2016.1191780.

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14

Perkins, Kenneth J. "Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria". History: Reviews of New Books 30, n.º 1 (enero de 2001): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525969.

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15

MacMaster, N. "Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics During the Decolonization of Algeria". French History 15, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2001): 354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/15.3.354.

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16

Wilder, Gary. "Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria". American Ethnologist 30, n.º 3 (agosto de 2003): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2003.30.3.467.

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17

Connelly, Matthew. "RETHINKING THE COLD WAR AND DECOLONIZATION: THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE". International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, n.º 2 (mayo de 2001): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002033.

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October and November 1960 were two of the coldest months of the Cold War. Continuing tensions over Berlin and the nuclear balance were exacerbated by crises in Laos, Congo, and—for the first time—France's rebellious départements in Algeria. During Nikita Khrushchev's table-pounding visit to the United Nations, he embraced Belkacem Krim, the foreign minister of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne (GPRA). After mugging for the cameras at the Soviet estate in Glen Cove, New York, Khrushchev confirmed that this constituted de facto recognition of the provisional government and pledged all possible aid. Meanwhile, in Beijing, President Ferhat Abbas delivered the GPRA's first formal request for Chinese “volunteers.” U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower asked his National Security Council “whether such intervention would not mean war.” The council agreed that if communist regulars infiltrated Algeria, the United States would be bound by the North Atlantic Treaty to come to the aid of French President Charles de Gaulle and his beleaguered government. After six years of insurgency, Algeria appeared to be on the brink of becoming a Cold War battleground.1

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18

Just, Daniel. "The war of writing: French literary politics and the decolonization of Algeria". Journal of European Studies 43, n.º 3 (27 de agosto de 2013): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244113492296.

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19

Katz, Ethan B. "Jewish Citizens of an Imperial Nation-State". French Historical Studies 43, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2020): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920464.

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Abstract This article draws on the work of recent years on Jews and Algeria to map a French-Algerian frame as a new approach to French Jewish history. The article thinks through the implications of two key ideas from the “new colonial history” for the history of Jews in France and Algeria and posits that Jews in French Algeria can profitably be understood as colonial citizens. After focusing briefly on the French-Algerian War and decolonization, a period for which recent scholarship has developed robustly in suggestive ways, the article turns to a case study from a different era: World War II and the Holocaust. It addresses the history of the majority-Jewish resistance movement in Algiers that paved the way for the success of Operation Torch. Finally, the article considers how this French-Algerian framework might reshape our thinking about certain basic issues in the field of French Jewish history. Cet article s'appuie sur les travaux des dernières années sur les juifs et l'Algérie pour tracer un modèle franco-algérien comme nouvelle approche de l'histoire des juifs en France. L'article examine les implications de deux idées clés de la « nouvelle histoire coloniale » pour l'histoire des juifs en France et en Algérie, et pose comme principe que les juifs de l'Algérie française peuvent à juste titre être compris comme des « citoyens coloniaux ». Cet article commence par aborder brièvement une période que l'historiographie récente a développé de manière suggestive—la guerre franco-algérienne et la décolonisation—avant de passer à l'étude d'une autre époque, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et l'Holocauste. L'article analyse l'histoire du mouvement de résistance à majorité juive qui a ouvert la voie au succès de l'opération Torch. Enfin, l'article discute de la manière dont ce cadre franco-algérien pourrait modifier notre réflexion sur certaines questions fondamentales pour l'histoire des juifs en France.

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20

Monquil, Melle. "Jeffrey James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution. Algeria, Decolonization & the Third World Order". Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 14, n.º 2 (21 de junio de 2017): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.940.

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21

Monquil, Melle. "Jeffrey James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution. Algeria, Decolonization & the Third World Order." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 14, n.º 2 (20 de junio de 2017): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.955.

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22

Choi, Sung-eun. "Jeffrey James Byrne. Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order." American Historical Review 122, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2017): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.1.280.

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23

Jennings, Eric, Hanna Diamond, Constance Pâris de Bollardière y Jessica Lynne Pearson. "Book Reviews". French Politics, Culture & Society 36, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2018): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360208.

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Ruth Ginio, The French Army and its African Soldiers: The Years of Decolonization (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017). Valerie Deacon, The Extreme Right in the French Resistance: Members of the Cagoule and Corvignolles in the Second World War (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2016). Daniella Doron, Jewish Youth and Identity in Postwar France: Rebuilding Family and Nation (Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2015).Jennifer Johnson, The Battle for Algeria: Sovereignty, Health Care, and Humanitarianism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016).

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24

McDougall, James. "The Impossible Republic: The Reconquest of Algeria and the Decolonization of France, 1945–1962". Journal of Modern History 89, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2017): 772–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/694427.

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25

Cole, Joshua. "Reviews of Books:France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation Phillip C. Naylor". American Historical Review 107, n.º 5 (diciembre de 2002): 1534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532872.

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26

Alexander, Anne-Marie. "Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria (review)". L'Esprit Créateur 41, n.º 4 (2001): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.2010.0056.

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27

Davis, Muriam Haleh. "Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order by Jeffrey James Byrne". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, n.º 1 (junio de 2017): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01117.

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28

Johnson, Jennifer. "Sung-Eun Choi. Decolonization and the French of Algeria: Bringing the Settler Colony Home." American Historical Review 122, n.º 5 (1 de diciembre de 2017): 1581–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.5.1581.

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29

Geist, Mansouria Mokhefi. "The Battlefield Algeria, 1988-2002: Studies in a Broken Polity, and: France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation (review)". Journal of Military History 68, n.º 1 (2004): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0375.

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30

White, Owen. "Decolonization and the French of Algeria: Bringing the Settler Colony Home, by Sung-Eun Choi". English Historical Review 132, n.º 556 (10 de mayo de 2017): 767–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cex113.

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31

Gasser, Hans-Peter. "The conflict in Western Sahara – an unresolved issue from the decolonization period". Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (diciembre de 2002): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001148.

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The territory of Western Sahara has an area of about 280,000 sq. km and approximately 250,000 inhabitants, known as Sahrawis. It is situated in the north-west of the African continent, where the Sahara Desert meets the Atlantic Ocean, and has a coastline of more than 1,000 km. In the north, Western Sahara has a common border of 443 km with Morocco, and in the south and west it is bordered by Mauritania (1,561 km). The territory also has a short common border of 42 km with Algeria. The climate is predominantly that of the desert: hot and dry in summer, cold in winter, with little or no rainfall. In the coastal regions vegetation may be abundant. While the Sahrawis were originally nomads, most of the population now lives in small towns and villages. The economy is based on agriculture and fishing, primarily destined for local consumption. Rich phosphate deposits are the main export commodity. There seem to be oil deposits off the Atlantic coast.

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32

Hager, Robert P. "The Cold War and Third World revolution". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, n.º 1 (16 de febrero de 2019): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.02.001.

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Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.

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Ben Labidi, Imed. "The Vanishing Native". Cultural Politics 16, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2020): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-8017228.

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The thematic foci of the Franco-Algerian war films of decolonization have shifted in the last few decades from evoking triumphalist discourses and redemptive fictional narratives to producing powerful transnational antiwar stories. While being critical of the violent history of colonization, defying earlier French governments’ oppressive forms of censorship, and addressing the history of colonial barbarity in Algeria, many French documentarians and filmmakers have skillfully used moving images to critique and expose colonial transgressions. In their efforts to reimagine the horrors of violent encounters between the French army and Algerian guerilla fighters, their narratives cover daring eye-witness accounts of war crimes, including acts of torture at times described by the perpetrators themselves while catering to the expectations of a global audience. Florent Emilio Siri’s L’ennemi intime (2007) and David Oelhoffen’s Far from Men (2014) are among these transnational productions that accomplish both tasks. In the stories told by the two films, the plots show evidence of a fundamental thematic transformation in filmic representations that collapses the differences between colonizer and colonized, situating both as victims of colonization. The article argues that even though both films consistently reproduce the conventional portrait of the colonized as weak, passive, and deeply reliant on French guidance, Far from Men introduces the myth of the vanishing native, a theme that helps legitimize and normalize the settler’s “right” to occupy the colonized space.

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34

Entelis, John P. "Reviews of Books:Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria James D. Le Sueur". American Historical Review 107, n.º 4 (octubre de 2002): 1332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532841.

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35

Goscha, Christopher. "Wiring Decolonization: Turning Technology against the Colonizer during the Indochina War, 1945–1954". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 798–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000424.

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AbstractTwentieth-century wars of decolonization were more than simple diplomatic and military affairs. This article examines how the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) relied upon technology to drive state-making and to make war during the struggle against the French (1945–1954). Wireless radios, in particular, provided embattled nationalists a means by which they could communicate orders and information across wide expanses of contested space in real time. Printing presses, newspapers, stationary, and stamps not only circulated information, but they also served as the bureaucratic markers of national sovereignty. Radios and telephones were essential to the DRV's ability to develop, field, and run a professional army engaged in modern—not guerilla—battles. The Vietnamese were victorious at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 in part because they successfully executed a highly complex battle via the airwaves. Neither the Front de libération nationale (FLN) fighting the French for Algeria nor the Republicans battling the Dutch for Indonesia ever used communications so intensely to drive state-making or take the fight to the colonizer on the battlefield. Scholars of Western states and warfare have long recognized the importance of information gathering for understanding such matters. This article argues that it is time to consider how postcolonial states gathered and used information, even in times of war.

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36

Asseraf, Arthur. "“A New Israel”". French Historical Studies 41, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254631.

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AbstractIn 1960–62 French officials considered partitioning Algeria between European- and Muslim-majority areas, much later and more seriously than the existing historiography shows. Even supporters of partition, however, remained ambivalent, regarding it as a “foreign” approach to decolonization opposed to French principles of territorial unity and racial equality. Thus they discussed partition by comparing Algeria to foreign models, in particular the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine that led to the creation of the state of Israel. Drawing on the private papers of Prime Minister Michel Debré, the writings of Alain Peyrefitte, and archives from the Ministries of Algerian and Foreign Affairs, this article argues that partition plans were failed attempts to deflect colonialism by looking sideways. To do so, the supporters of partition made use of comparison, a long-standing tool of the colonial administration.En 1960–62, le gouvernement français envisagea de partager l'Algérie entre zones de majorité européenne et musulmane, bien plus sérieusement et plus tard que ne le décrit l'historiographie actuelle. Mais même les partisans les plus ardents d'une partition restèrent relativement ambivalents face à ce projet, qu'ils considéraient comme une solution « étrangère » de décolonisation opposée aux principes français d'unité territoriale et d'égalité raciale. Ils évaluèrent ainsi la partition potentielle de l'Algérie en la comparant avec de nombreux modèles étrangers, en particulier la partition du mandat britannique de Palestine qui donna lieu à l'état d'Israël. S'appuyant sur les papiers du premier ministre Michel Debré, les écrits d'Alain Peyrefitte et les archives des ministères des Affaires algériennes et étrangères, cet article montre que les projets de partition furent des tentatives ratées de se détourner du problème colonial en regardant au loin. Pour ce faire, les partisans du partage firent usage de la comparaison, un vieil outil intellectuel de l'administration coloniale.

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Farah, Randa. "“Knowledge in the Service of the Cause”: Education and the Sahrawi Struggle for Self-Determination". Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 27, n.º 2 (18 de enero de 2012): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.34720.

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This article examines the education strategy of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), the state-in-exile with partial sovereignty on “borrowed territory” in Algeria. The article, which opens with a historical glance at the conflict, argues that SADR’s education program not only succeeded in fostering self-reliance by developing skilled human resources, but was forward looking, using education as a vehicle to instill “new traditions of citizenship” and a new imagined national community, in preparation for future repatriation. In managing refugee camps as provinces of a state, the boundaries between the “refugee” as status and the “citizen” as a political identity were blurred. However,the stalled decolonization process and prolonged exile produced new challenges and consequences. Rather than using the skilled human resources in an independent stat eof Western Sahara, the state-in-limbo forced SADR andthe refugees to adapt to a deadlocked conflict, but not necessarily with negative outcomes to the national project.

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Ovendale, Ritchie. "Macmillan and the wind of change in Africa, 1957–1960". Historical Journal 38, n.º 2 (junio de 1995): 455–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019506.

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ABSTRACTBased on the recently released documents in the Public Record Office, London, this article is concerned with examining the reasons behind the shift in the British approach towards decolonization in Africa signalled by Macmillan's ‘wind of change’ speech to the South African parliament on 3 February 1960. The documents suggest that the British decision to abdicate in Africa was partly due to international considerations, and to Cold War politics and the need to prevent Soviet penetration in Africa. The change from ‘multi-racialism’ to ‘non-racialism’ can be attributed to the influence of the commonwealth relations office under Lord Home, and an initiative from the leader of the Africa Capricorn society, David Stirling. The emphasis on the need for Britain to pursue the same policy in all of Africa can also be traced to the commonwealth relations office. Macmillan, himself was influenced by the ‘moral’ aspect, by the policies pursued by the Belgians in the Congo, but above all by the failure of French policy in Algeria.

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DUECK, JENNIFER M. "THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA IN THE IMPERIAL AND POST-COLONIAL HISTORIOGRAPHY OF FRANCE". Historical Journal 50, n.º 4 (8 de noviembre de 2007): 935–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006449.

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ABSTRACTThe imperial and post-colonial history of France has inspired an ever-growing body of literature in the last decade. Moving well beyond traditional political and economic narratives, these histories present a rich portrait of the policies, peoples, and perceptions that shaped the colonial and post-colonial experience in France and overseas. This article looks at how Arab communities and nations figure within the historiography on the period since the First World War. The first of three sections examines works devoted to culture and imperialism that span the twentieth century, with special emphasis on the differences between the scholarship emerging from French and Anglo-Saxon milieus. The second section looks at how recent histories have used the interwar years as a unit of analysis for understanding French colonialism in the Middle East and North Africa. Algeria, as the cornerstone of the empire and the theatre of the bloodiest colonial war for independence, forms the basis of the third section, which considers new conceptions of nationalism and decolonization.

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Halim, Hala. "Translating Solidarity". Critical Times 3, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2020): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8189881.

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Abstract This interview with veteran Egyptian translator and interpreter Nehad Salem is preceded by an introduction that situates her biography and formation in relation to the key, interconnected international/internationalist forums in which her career unfolded. A dedicated Third Worldist, Salem participated in crucial events of the liberation period, including the resistance in Port Said during the Suez War, and taught in Algeria in the wake of decolonization. Spotlighting her work in institutions such as the Afro-Asian Peoples’ Solidarity Organization, the Afro-Asian Writers’ Association, and UNESCO, the interview addresses issues of gender and agency in relation to the translator/interpreter, and the poetics and politics of literary translation. The interview traces details about the literary history of the liberation period through Salem's work in the journal Lotus: Afro-Asian Writings, edited by, among others, the Egyptian writer Edwar al-Kharrat, and her translations of the Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish and the Egyptian poet Salah Jahin.

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Alba, Richard y Roxane Silberman. "Decolonization Immigrations and the Social Origins of the Second Generation: The Case of North Africans in France". International Migration Review 36, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2002): 1169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00122.x.

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Immigrations resulting from decolonization challenge the ability of researchers to track accurately the incorporation of the second generation through classifications based on country of origin. This article considers a classic example of such an immigration - from North Africa to France at the time of and after the independence of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. This immigration was ethnically complex, composed - to take a rough cut - of the former colonists of European background (the pieds noirs) and low-wage laborers belonging to the indigenous population (the Maghrebins). A historical review indicates that the key to distinguishing these two groups lies in the exact citizenship status of the immigrants, for the former colonists were French by birth and the others generally were not. Analyzing micro-level data from the censuses of 1968, 1975, 1982, and 1990, we apply this distinction to the family origins of the second generation, born in France in the period 1958–1990. We show that the pied-noir population exhibits signs of rapid integration with the native French, while the Maghrebin population remains apart. A logistic regression analysis reveals that, based on a few characteristics of their parents, one can distinguish the Maghrebin from the pied-noir second generations with a high degree of accuracy. This finding demonstrates the sharp social distinction between the two groups and suggests a method for future research on their incorporation.

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Mekerta, Soraya. "How Liberation, Literature, and the Law Contributed to the “Making” of Soraya M. from Algeria: The March From Decolonization to Self-Actualization". Journal of the African Literature Association 8, n.º 2 (enero de 2014): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2014.11690235.

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FONTAINE, DARCIE. "ALGERIA AFTER INDEPENDENCE - Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization and the Third World Order. By Jeffrey James Byrne . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. xv + 388. $65.00, hardback (ISBN 978-0-19-989914-2)." Journal of African History 58, n.º 3 (19 de octubre de 2017): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000536.

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Rey, Matthieu. "Jeffrey James Byrne. Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization & the Third World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016). Pp. 388. $73.00 (paper). ISBN 9780199899142." Review of Middle East Studies 54, n.º 1 (junio de 2020): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.12.

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Cohen, William B. "France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation. By Philip C. Naylor. Gainesville, Fla.: University Press of Florida, 2000. Pp. xv+457. $49.95." Journal of Modern History 75, n.º 1 (marzo de 2003): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/377775.

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Absi, Pascale, Laurent Bazin y Monique Selim. "The Knotted Web of Dominations. Epistemological Investment in the Anthropology of Work". World Journal of Social Science Research 3, n.º 3 (3 de agosto de 2016): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v3n3p396.

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<p><em>In the globalized world, work presents itself as a nub of actualization of intermixed relations of domination. How does the ethnological analysis study such intermixed relations? To answer the question the first part of the paper compares the anthropological approaches that Pierre Bourdieu and Gérard Althabe designed in the key period of decolonization. They both broke with colonial ethnography through the analysis of relations of colonial domination in the field of work. Bourdieu’s approach is structuralist and he combines ethnography and sociological analysis to display the symbolic structure of the social positions. Althabe’s ethnologic approach is constructivist and tries to show the production of social relations by the power of imagination. </em></p><p><em>In the second part of the paper three researches are briefly presented: prostitution in the brothels of Potosi in Bolivia, the job of the highly qualified women of University of Canton in China, work in the building industry in Oran in Algeria by way of a return to the Bourdieu’s work. In these very different situations, the analysis lays stress on the means by which the social agents build their social relations.</em><em></em></p>

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EVANS, MARTIN. "FRANCE AND TWO ALGERIAN REVOLUTIONS France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation. By PHILLIP C. NAYLOR. Gainsville: University Press of Florida, 2000. Pp. xvii+429. $49.95 (ISBN 0-8130-1801-3)." Journal of African History 43, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2002): 503–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702388418.

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NAYLOR, PHILLIP C. "Uncivil War: intellectuals and identity politics during the decolonization of Algeria by JAMES LE SUEUR Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Pp. 352. US$46.50/£33.00." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2002): 499–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02294094.

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Hynd, Stacey. "Small Warriors? Children and Youth in Colonial Insurgencies and Counterinsurgency, ca. 1945–1960". Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, n.º 4 (29 de septiembre de 2020): 684–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000250.

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AbstractChild soldiers are often viewed as a contemporary, “new war” phenomenon, but international concern about their use first emerged in response to anti-colonial liberation struggles. Youth were important actors in anti-colonial insurgencies, but their involvement has been neglected in existing historiographies of decolonization and counterinsurgency due to the absence and marginalization of youth voices in colonial archives. This article analyses the causes of youth insurgency and colonial counterinsurgency responses to their involvement in conflict between ca. 1945 and 1960, particularly comparing Kenya and Cyprus, but also drawing on evidence from Malaya, Indochina/Vietnam, and Algeria. It employs a generational lens to explore the experiences of “youth insurgents” primarily between the ages of twelve and twenty. Youth insurgents were most common where the legitimate grievances of youth were mobilized by anti-colonial groups who could recruit children through colonial organizations as well as family and social networks. While some teenagers fought due to coercion or necessity, others were politically motivated and willing to risk their lives for independence. Youth soldiers served in multiple capacities in insurgencies, from protestors to couriers to armed fighters, in roles that were shaped by multiple logics: the need for troop fortification and sustained manpower; the tactical exploitation of youth liminality, and the symbolic mobilization of childhood and discourses of childhood innocence. Counterinsurgency responses to youthful insurgents commonly combined violence and development, highlighting tensions within late colonial governance: juveniles were beaten, detained, and flogged, but also constructed as “delinquents” rather than “terrorists” to facilitate their subsequent “rehabilitation.”

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Reid, Donald. "Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria. By James D. Le Sueur. Foreword by, Pierre Bourdieu. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Pp. xii+342. $46.50." Journal of Modern History 76, n.º 1 (marzo de 2004): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/421211.

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