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Libros sobre el tema "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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1

(Malawi), Democratic Progressive Party. Manifesto of the Democratic Progressive Party: Prosperity, justice, and security. [Malawi]: Democratic Progressive Party, 2008.

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2

Victory: How a progressive Democratic Party can win and govern. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1992.

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3

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue with Progresive Unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) and representatives of British Government: Details of meetings December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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4

White, Andrew Paul. The Development of working-class loyalist political thought (1985-1995) and the Rise of the PUP and the UDP. Belfast: the author, 1995.

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5

Sarasohn, David. The party of reform: Democrats in the progressive era. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1989.

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6

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [Exploratory Dialogue]: [Seventh meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 13th March 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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7

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Sixth meeting between British Government (delegation led by MichaelAncram MP) and Sinn Féin, 10th May, 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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8

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: Details of meeting between representatives of British Government andSinn Fein December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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9

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Further meeting between representatives of British Government and Sinn Féin, 7th February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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10

Office, Great Britain Northern Ireland. Exploratory Dialogue: [Fourth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 25th January 1995]. [Belfast]: [Northern Ireland Information Service], 1995.

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11

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [Exploratory Dialogue]: [Ninth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 29th March 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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12

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Second meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 23rd December 1994]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1994.

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13

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [ Details of meetings]: Between representatives of British Government and Sinn Féin, 10/5/95 - 10/10/95. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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14

Office, Great Britain Northern Ireland. Exploratory Dialogue: [Sixth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 21st February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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15

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [Exploratory Dialogue]: [Eighth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 22nd March 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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16

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Further meeting between representatives of British Government and Sinn Féin, 1st February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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17

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Fifth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 6th February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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18

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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19

Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Third meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 12th January 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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20

Crossing the borders of power: The memoirs of Colin Eglin. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2007.

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21

Denton, Kirk A. The Landscape of Historical Memory. Hong Kong University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528578.001.0001.

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The Landscape of Historical Memory explores the place of museums and memorial culture in the contestation over historical memory in post–martial law Taiwan. The book is particularly oriented toward the role of politics—especially political parties—in the establishment, administration, architectural design, and historical narratives of museums. It is framed around the wrangling between the “blue camp” (the Nationalist Party, or KMT, and its supporters) and the “green camp” (Democratic Progressive Party, DPP), and its supporters) over what facets of the past should be remembered and how they should be displayed in museums. Organized into chapters focused on particular types of museums and memorial spaces (archaeology museums, history museums, martyrs’ shrines, war museums, memorial halls, literature museums, ethnology museums, ecomuseums, etc.), the book presents a broad overview of the state of museums in Taiwan in the past three decades. The case of Taiwan museums tells us much about Cold War politics and its legacy in East Asia; the role of culture, history, and memory in shaping identities in the multiply “postcolonial” landscape of Taiwan; the politics of historical memory in an emergent democracy, especially in counterpoint to the politics of museums in the People’s Republic of China, which continues to be an authoritarian single party state; and the place of museums in a neoliberal economic climate.
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22

From Opposition to Power: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001.

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23

(Editor), James MacGregor Burns y William Crotty (Editor), eds. The Democrats Must Lead: The Case for a Progressive Democratic Party. Westview Pr (Short Disc), 1992.

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24

(Editor), James MacGregor Burns y William Crotty (Editor), eds. The Democrats Must Lead: The Case for a Progressive Democratic Party. Westview Pr (Short Disc), 1992.

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25

MacGregor, Burns James, ed. The Democrats must lead: The case for a progressive Democratic Party. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

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26

Sanders, Arthur. Victory: How a Progressive Democratic Party Can Win the Presidency. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315486017.

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27

Steven, Langdon y Cross Victoria 1956-, eds. As we come marching: People, power & progressive politics. Ottawa: Windsor Works Publications, 1994.

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28

Framing the Future: How Progressive Values Can Win Elections and Influence People (BK Currents). Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2008.

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29

Sanders, Arthur B. Victory: How a Progressive Democratic Party Can Win and Govern (American Political Institutions and Public Policy). M E Sharpe Inc, 1992.

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30

Sanders, Arthur B. Victory: How a Progressive Democratic Party Can Win and Govern (American Political Institutions and Public Policy). M.E. Sharpe, 1992.

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31

1951-, Ainslie Kimble Fletcher y Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, eds. Conservative corrections: Democratic conservatism from the roots up. London, Ont: Springbank Publications, 1993.

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32

(Editor), Stanley B. Greenberg y Theda Skocpol (Editor), eds. The New Majority: Toward a Popular Progressive Politics. Yale University Press, 1997.

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33

1945-, Greenberg Stanley B. y Skocpol Theda, eds. The new majority: Toward a popular progressive politics. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997.

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34

Skocpol, Theda y Stanley B. Greenberg. New Majority: Toward a Popular Progressive Politics. Yale University Press, 2008.

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35

(Editor), Stanley B. Greenberg y Theda Skocpol (Editor), eds. The New Majority: Toward a Popular Progressive Politics. Yale University Press, 1999.

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36

Youth to Power: How Today's Young Voters Are Building Tomorrow's Progressive Majority. Ig Publishing, 2008.

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37

Häusermann, Silja. Social Democracy and the Welfare State in Context: The Conditioning Effect of Institutional Legacies and Party Competition. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807971.003.0006.

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The chapter links shifts in the social democratic electorate to the positions of social democratic parties on new and old welfare state policies and explains the programmatic responsiveness of social democratic parties to their new constituency with institutional policy legacies and party competition. The chapter demonstrates that shifts to middle-class electoral constituencies are correlated with shifts toward a progressive position on the socio-cultural dimension of political competition, and an increased support for social investment policies on the economic dimension. Importantly, however, the new middle-class electorate does not withdraw social democrats’ support for traditional welfare policies. Both institutional legacies and party competition moderate the link between these shifts in the electorate and party positions.
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38

Morris, Irwin L. Movers and Stayers. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001.

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Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.
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39

Jentz, John B. y Richard Schneirov. Regime Change. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036835.003.0007.

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This concluding chapter studies how Democratic Mayor Carter Harrison's leadership created a new regime—a set of formal and informal governing institutions linking state and civil society—that endured into the Progressive Era. Harrison brought coordination and centralization to the disparate governments of the city and county, not through altering their formal structures, but through a disciplined political party. Meanwhile, his Democrats represented on the local level an updating of the antebellum party state, or “patronage democracy.” Arising to full prominence in the 1840s, patronage democracy witnessed the rise of a new elite of professional politicians—not local notables prominent for their wealth or family status—who manned both the party apparatus and public administration within an electoral democracy and an industrializing economy.
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40

Badger, Tony. Albert Gore Sr., Liberalism and the South in the 1960s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0008.

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This chapter focuses on how race and war intersected in 1960s Tennessee to destroy the career of a relatively progressive southern senator. Postwar conservatives used coded racism to lure southerners from the Democratic column and to associate liberalism with African American special-interest-group politics. Al Gore failed to realize that his moderate position on civil rights alienated him from his white voters. No amount of Northern liberal support could save him as the Solid South began its defection to the GOP (Grand Old Party). Gore's defeat represented a generational shift in liberalism. Never again would it be acceptable to rely on an ethical reputation or class envy to secure reelection—liberals would have to find new ways of talking to their constituents and building trust.
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41

Reed, Christopher Robert. Conclusion and Legacy. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036231.003.0009.

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This chapter discusses the impact of the Great Depression on the dream of the Black Metropolis. Unfortunately, this dream foundered on the rocks of the Great Depression in which its black banking giants failed, as did one of the three community insurance giants and its real estate empire, along with so many smaller businesses. The Depression also affected black politics, and major race advancement and protest organizations. The Chicago Urban League suffered financially, faced the threat of its possible demise, and consequently changed the direction of its program. The Chicago NAACP transformed itself into an organization that could perform effectively in the economic arena under diverse leadership. The Communist Party seemingly thrived as it rallied behind a banner of protest and because of the apparent collapse of the American economic system that it vehemently opposed. It was, nonetheless, relatively ineffective in its attempts to control, first, a stagnant Republican-dominated milieu and then a progressive Democratic one.
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42

Meyer, Sabine N. “Putting on the Lid”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039355.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the Anti-Saloon League's (ASL) impact on the temperance movement in Minnesota during the period 1898–1915. The turn of the century witnessed a nationwide expansion of temperance activism. The election in 1898 of the Democratic gubernatorial candidate John Lind, a Swedish immigrant, inaugurated the Progressive era in Minnesota and marked a turning point in the state's temperance history. This chapter considers how the tenets of Progressivism combined with the work of the ASL boosted the passage of County Option Laws not only in Minnesota but also throughout the country. It shows that the ASL's activism and its intense collaboration with the Prohibition Party, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and other reformers led to liquor law enforcement campaigns and slowly increased the general sentiment in favor of County Option. Due to severe resistance to County Option, particularly by the politically powerful liquor interests, but also by German Americans, workers, and other opponents of temperance reform, it took until 1915 until the reformers' combined efforts showed the promised effect.
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43

Perry, Elisabeth Israels. After the Vote. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199341849.001.0001.

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Soon after his first inauguration in 1934, New York City mayor Fiorello La Guardia began appointing women into his administration. By the end of his three terms he had installed almost a hundred women as lawyers, board and commission members and secretaries, deputy commissioners, and judges. No previous mayor had done anything comparable. These “Women of the La Guardia Administration” met frequently for mutual support and political strategizing. This book tells their stories. It begins with the city’s suffrage movement, which prepared them for political action. After they won the vote in 1917, they joined political party clubs and began to run for office. Their plan was to use political platforms to enact feminist and progressive public policies. Circumstances unique to mid-twentieth-century New York City advanced their progress. In 1930, Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt authorized an inquiry into alleged corruption in the city’s government, long dominated by the Democratic Party’s machine, Tammany Hall. The inquiry turned first to charges of Vice Squad entrapment of women for sex crimes and their treatment in the city’s Women’s Court. Outraged by the inquiry’s disclosures and impressed by La Guardia’s pledge to rein in Tammany, many New York City women activists supported him for mayor. As appointees in his administration, they then helped him fulfill his plans for modernizing city government. This book argues that La Guardia’s women appointees contributed to his administration’s success and left a rich legacy of experience and political wisdom to oncoming generations of women in politics.
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44

Ogorzalek, Thomas K. The Cities on the Hill. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668877.001.0001.

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Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the creation of an urban political order that united leaders from major cities and changed the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. These cities, despite being the site of serious, complex conflicts at home, are remarkably cohesive in national politics because members of city delegations represent their city as well as their district. Even though their constituents often don’t see eye-to-eye on important issues, members of these city delegations represent a united city position known as progressive liberalism. Using a wide range of congressional evidence and a unique dataset measuring the urbanicity of U.S. House districts over time, this book argues that city cohesion, an invaluable tool used by cities to address their urgent governance needs through higher levels of government, is fostered by local institutions developed to provide local political order. Crucially, these integrative institutions also helped foster the development of civil rights liberalism by linking constituencies that were not natural allies in support of group pluralism and racial equality. This in turn led to the departure from the coalition of the Southern Democrats, and to our contemporary political environment. The urban combination of diversity and liberalism—supported by institutions that make allies out of rivals—teaches us lessons for governing in a world increasingly characterized by deep social difference and political fragmentation.
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