Artículos de revistas: "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

1

Rigger, Shelley. "The Democratic Progressive Party in 2000: Obstacles and Opportunities". China Quarterly 168 (diciembre de 2001): 944–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000559.

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Since its inception in 1986, Taiwan's main opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has struggled to establish itself as a competitor for national political power. The victory of DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian in the 2000 presidential election marked a major breakthrough, not only for the DPP, but for Taiwan's young democracy as well. This article examines the party's history with an eye to explaining both its extended failure to win national office and its eventual success. The paper identifies two sets of factors: aspects of Taiwan's political system that worked to the advantage of the ruling KMT and historical errors committed by the DPP. It then shows how the KMT's advantages degraded in 2000, just as the DPP overcame its self-imposed liabilities, resulting in a DPP presidency.

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2

Patterson, Dennis P. y Hans Stockton. "Strategies, Institutions, and Outcomes Under SNTV in Taiwan, 1992–2004". Journal of East Asian Studies 10, n.º 1 (abril de 2010): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003210.

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During the five democratic elections held in Taiwan from 1992 to 2004 inclusive, the formerly dominant Kuomintang Party (KMT) was temporarily supplanted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the nation's largest political party. Most explanations for this have focused on party fragmentation and the changing patterns of electoral competition it helped create. These are important factors, but they have not been tested empirically at the level where candidates won and lost legislative seats, the level of the election district. This article offers such an empirical test, and it will show that these two factors had a direct impact on the ability of DPP and KMT candidates to obtain legislative seats. We also show that these factors carried indirect impacts by hurting the ability of the KMT and DPP to nominate in a way that they would obtain all the seats that their obtained vote shares would allow.

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3

Braig, Stefan. "Signs of Change? An Analysis of Taiwan's December 2009 Local Elections". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900109.

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Under special circumstances created by a government decision to partly merge and upgrade six counties and county-level cities to special municipality status, local elections took place on December 5, 2009 in areas covering less than half of Taiwan's population. The results are generally seen as an important, though small, victory for the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The ruling Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang), however, has remained in a stable position, while the DPP still has a long way to go towards a comeback.

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4

Nachman, Lev. "Misalignment between Social Movements and Political Parties in Taiwan’s 2016 Election". Asian Survey 58, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2018): 874–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.5.874.

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Why would opposition movement activists not support an established opposition political party? Taiwan’s 2016 presidential election is apropos. This study shows that the Democratic Progressive Party lost support from leftist activists not only because of ideological distance but because they see the party as flawed and ineffective. But activists still voted strategically for Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP to thwart the Nationalist Party from winning the election.

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5

HO, Ming-Sho. "The Politics of Anti-Nuclear Protest in Taiwan: A Case of Party-Dependent Movement (1980–2000)". Modern Asian Studies 37, n.º 3 (25 de junio de 2003): 683–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03003068.

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This essay tries to understand a particular pattern of the relation between social movement and political party. By analyzing the development of the anti-nuclear protest in Taiwan, the author puts forth the concept of party-dependent movement. This term denotes an awkward situation where the fate of a social movement is bound to the electoral performance of a certain political party. In Taiwan, the rise of anti-nuclear voice is closely related to the democratic opening. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) adopted an unequivocal anti-nuclear stand ever since its founding in 1986, thus helped to collect the increasing support from the broad movement constituents. But the growing DPP has other political priorities, which means the anti-nuclear goal is often shelved to the disappointment of movement activists. As a consequence of the early convergence, the movement has not been able to re-assert its autonomy.

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6

Schubert, Gunter. "No Winds of Change: Taiwan's 2012 National Elections and the Post-Election Fallout". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2012): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100307.

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Taiwan held its first combined national elections on 14 January 2012. Though the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the largest opposition party, fared much better in the Legislative Yuan elections than it did in 2008, DPP presidential contender Tsai Ying-wen's (Cai Yingwen) clear defeat at the hands of the Kuomintang (KMT, Guomindang) incumbent, Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu), in the presidential race came as a surprise. The article examines the election campaigns of both Tsai and Ma, summarizes the election results, and analyses the reasons why the DPP failed to retake the presidency. It then discusses the postelection debate within the DPP on the future of its China policy and ponders what can be expected from the second Ma administration.

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TSENG, Katherine Hui-yi y Min-hua CHIANG. "Taiwan Politics: Cross-strait Relations Continue to dominate". East Asian Policy 04, n.º 01 (enero de 2012): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000050.

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While the Ma administration claims that the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement is a means to promote Taiwan's economic growth, the opposition party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), continues to blame the Kuomintang for its negative impacts on Taiwan's economy. Politically, limited progress on cross-strait relations has been made. Beijing and Washington had paid close attention to Taiwan's 2012 presidential election for the unpredictable variables it may add to future China-US relations.

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8

Wei, Chi-hung. "China's Economic Offensive and Taiwan's Defensive Measures: Cross-Strait Fruit Trade, 2005–2008". China Quarterly 215 (15 de agosto de 2013): 641–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101300101x.

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AbstractThis article explains how Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration was able to restrict cross-Strait fruit trade and resist China's “fruit offensive” in a democratic setting. During 2004–2005, China implemented various preferential policies for the importation of Taiwanese fruit and wooed Taiwanese farmers in the rural south, where political support for the DPP was concentrated. However, trade statistics show that cross-Strait fruit trade only increased slightly, making up just 4 or 5 per cent of Taiwan's total fruit exports during 2005–2008. I argue that focusing solely on regime type ignores the formal and informal policy instruments a democratic state can wield to manage its commercial ties with, and resist economic offensives from, other states. Cross-Strait fruit trade was limited because the DPP used legal as well as corporatist informal policy instruments to resist China's fruit offensive. I conclude that state–society institutional relations explain cross-Strait economic relations and economic statecraft better than regime type alone.

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9

Lin, Jih-wen. "Institutionalized Uncertainty and Governance Crisis in Posthegemonic Taiwan". Journal of East Asian Studies 3, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2003): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001594.

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March 20, 2000, constituted a milestone in Taiwan's modern political history. That day its electorate chose as president Chen Shui-bian, the candidate of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) who had been defamed as an antistate rebel only a decade before. The election also marked the end of the forty-year-plus hegemony of the Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalists). That the DPP ascended to the island's supreme political office in spite of its rival's powerful organizational and economic arsenal suggested that the rules of the democratic electoral game finally took root in society, respected by all major political players to produce a peaceful and orderly regime change. Taiwan joined the club of consolidated democracies, so declared many observers.

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10

Bosco, Joseph. "Faction versus Ideology: Mobilization Strategies in Taiwan's Elections". China Quarterly 137 (marzo de 1994): 28–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034032.

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On 2 December 1989, voters on Taiwan cast ballots to elect national legislators (lifaweiyuan), provincial and city representatives (sheng/shiyiyuari) and county executives (xianzhang). Though the Nationalist Party (KMT) received 59 per cent of the overall vote, the election was widely viewed as a surprising success for the fledgling opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), since the KMT had polled over 70 per cent of the vote in all previous elections. James Soong, Secretary-General of the KMT, announced after an emergency meeting of the shocked KMT leadership, “We calmly accept an upset.”

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11

Fuh-sheng Hsieh, John. "Whither the Kuomintang?" China Quarterly 168 (diciembre de 2001): 930–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000547.

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In the 2000 presidential election, the Kuomintang (KMT) lost badly, but it remains the majority party in the Legislative Yuan. In the foreseeable future, it will continue to be a formidable force in Taiwanese politics as long as it is able to hold itself together. Its strength derives essentially from its unique position along the national identity spectrum, the most salient division underpinning Taiwan's party structure. Given the stability of voters' distribution on the national identity issue, the relative strength of the pan-KMT and the pan-Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) camps – referring to the two major parties and the parties split from them – will remain roughly the same. Under the circumstances, the major challenge confronting the KMT does not come from the DPP, but from within the pan-KMT camp. Here, other issues and even personalities may play a much more important role in shaping the configuration within the pan-KMT camp, thus affecting the KMT's overall strength.

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12

Gold, Thomas B. "Taiwan in 2008: My Kingdom for a Horse". Asian Survey 49, n.º 1 (enero de 2009): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.88.

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The opposition Kuomintang (KMT) won overwhelming victories in the Legislative Yuan and presidential elections, leaving the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) demoralized and in disarray. Former President Chen Shui-bian was indicted on corruption charges and jailed pending trial. New President Ma Yingjeou moved quickly to improve relations across the Taiwan Strait, and the long-delayed Three Links (direct air, shipping, and postal service) began in December. Taiwan's economy fared badly along with much of the rest of the world.

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13

Leng, Shao-chuan y Cheng-yi Lin. "Political Change on Taiwan: Transition to Democracy?" China Quarterly 136 (diciembre de 1993): 805–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032343.

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Samuel P. Huntington categorized Taiwan's path to democracy as “transformation,” by which he meant that “the elites in power took the lead in bringing about democracy.” The ruling Kuomintang (KMT) would agree with this explanation, although the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which was established in 1986 in defiance of martial law, would argue that Taiwan's liberalization and democratization was carried out through a process of transplacement, in which “democratization resulted largely from the joint action by government and opposition groups”.

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14

Katherine TSENG, Hui-Yi. "Taiwan's Politics: Fraying at the Dawn of a New Era". East Asian Policy 08, n.º 01 (enero de 2016): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000106.

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Taiwanese politics in 2015 was overshadowed by party infighting within the ruling Kuomintang, restive social atmosphere due to the Sunflower Movement in 2014 and the uncertainties of a Democrative Progressive Party (DPP) government in May 2016. Cross-strait relations experienced a downturn after China pushed for the 92 consensus to frame future cross-strait policies. The Ma government leaves behind thorny issues in political, economic and legal fields, creating huge challenges for the coming DPP government.

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15

Gunde, Anthony M. "Online News Media, Religious Identity and Their Influence on Gendered Politics: Observations from Malawi’s 2014 Elections". Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 4, n.º 1 (14 de mayo de 2015): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000100.

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The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Malawi elections, in which a major opposition party used a campaign slogan peppered with sexist religious and cultural connotations to ridicule and vote out of office southern Africa’s first ever female President – Joyce Banda and her People Party (PP). In May 2014, Malawi held national elections and the main contestants were former President Banda representing the PP, Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Atupele Muluzi of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Mutharika and the DPP won the elections to wrestle away the presidency from Banda and her People’s Party. This article discusses the campaign slogan – Sesa Joyce Sesa – created by the DPP to attack former President Banda in which Malawi’s significant online news media sites played a critical role in the diffusion of the gendered campaign mantra to resonate with the religious identity of majority the electorate. The article reflects on the potential of new media to consolidate deep-rooted religious and cultural beliefs that marginalise women for leadership positions and the effect this may have on bridging gender inequalities, particularly in political representation in developing democracies.

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16

Shiquan, Xu. "The One-China Principle: The Positions of the Communist Party of China (CCP), the Kuomintang (KMT), and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)". American Foreign Policy Interests 22, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2000): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2000.10392071.

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17

Chen, Henry. "Japan–Taiwan Relations in the Twenty-First Century from the Perspective of Tuna Disputes in the Atlantic Ocean". European Journal of East Asian Studies 10, n.º 2 (2011): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805811x616147.

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AbstractOver the last decade bilateral relations between Japan and Taiwan have been strained over the issue of tuna fishery management. In 2005, when Taiwan was still under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration, Japan proposed punitive measures against Taiwan's tuna industries in an international fisheries management body for the Atlantic Ocean. The DPP government took a pragmatic approach, solving the tuna crisis without harming Japan–Taiwan relations, as evidenced by the fact that during the tuna disputes visa-free privilege was granted to Taiwan nationals and the Japanese government openly stated that Taiwan has been a main security objective for Japan and the US. In this paper the Japan-led tuna sanction in 2005 is used as a case study to gauge overall bilateral relations thus far in the twenty-first century.

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18

Ho, Ming-sho. "Taiwan's State and Social Movements Under the DPP Government, 2000–2004". Journal of East Asian Studies 5, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2005): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002058.

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This article explores the evolution of social movement politics under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government (2000–2004) by using the perspective of political opportunity structure. Recent “contentious politics” in Taiwan is analyzed in terms of four changing dimensions of the opportunity structure. First, the DPP government opens some policy channels, and social movement activists are given chances to work within the institution. Yet other features of the political landscape are less favorable to movement activists. Incumbent elites' political orientation shifts. As the economic recession sets in, there is a conservative policy turn. Political instability incurs widespread countermoblization to limit reform. Last, the Pan-Blue camp, now in opposition, devises its own social movement strategy. Some social movement issues gain political salience as a consequence of the intervention of the opposition parties, but its excessive opportunism also encourages the revolt of antireform forces. As a result of these countervailing factors, social movements have made only limited gains from the recent turnover of power.

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19

TSAI, CHIA-HUNG. "Regional Divide and National Identity in Taiwan: Evidences from the 2012 Presidential Election". Issues & Studies 52, n.º 02 (junio de 2016): 1650007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500077.

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It is widely believed that identity with Taiwanese or Chinese is the major cleavage in Taiwan. People who hold Taiwanese identity tend to vote for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and those who identify themselves as both Chinese and Taiwanese are likely to vote for the Kuomintang. As the proportion of Taiwanese identifiers increases, the geographical difference seems to persist. Whether national identity is associated with regional line and why they are correlated is a pressing question. This paper uses the 2012 presidential election survey data to explore the extent to which regional divide accounts for national identity. Using generalized linear mixed effect model (GLMM), this research finds minor regional divide in terms of ethnicity concentration and economic structure. However, ethnic background is influential on national identity while retrospective evaluation and democratic value are significant predictors. This mixed result suggests that people in Taiwan have united national identity should geographical difference remain or even decrease, and that we should remain watchful about the influence of democratic value and economic concern.

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20

CHU, FENG-YI. "Diverse Facets in Identities and Party Affiliations of Native Taiwanese Elders". Issues & Studies 52, n.º 03 (septiembre de 2016): 1650011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500119.

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There exists a conventional stereotype about native Taiwanese elders that were born in and lived through the Japanese rule before 1945. On the one hand, some politicians and political commentators derogatorily call them the “Kominka generation,” reinforcing the image of this group of having strong affection for and even intense loyalty to the previous Japanese regime. On the other hand, although many researchers have pointed out this cohorts’ strong cultural ties to Han ethnicity — some even possessed nostalgic feelings toward China — in the colonial period, the researchers also emphasized the emergence of their strong sense of being Taiwanese when they suffered various political and cultural discrimination from the new Chinese dominant class after 1945. Therefore, both perspectives falsely imagine this cohort to be definitely identifying themselves as Taiwanese, rejecting Chinese identity, opposing the Kuomintang (KMT), and supporting the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). This paper aims to challenge these stereotypes. By adopting the techniques of grounded theory, the paper shows rich diversity not only in this cohort’s perceptions toward the political parties but also in their identity patterns. Furthermore three themes are identified in these participants’ explanation for their political orientations: economic development, social stability and security, and the cultural hierarchy that gives the KMT elites higher symbolic values than native political elites.

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21

Fell, Dafydd y Charles Chen. "Lessons of Defeat and Success: Taiwan's 2012 Elections in Comparative Perspective". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2014): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300302.

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In early 2011, the Kuomintang (KMT, Guomindang) government appeared to be in danger of losing power in the upcoming presidential elections. The DPP had recovered sufficiently from its disastrous electoral performance in 2008 to pose a real challenge to Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu) and had matched the KMT's vote share in midterm local elections. Ma also faced the challenge of an independent presidential candidate, James Soong (Song Chuyu), who had come a close second in 2000 and now threatened to divide the pro KMT vote. Nevertheless, the KMT was able to win reduced majorities in both the presidential and legislative elections in January 2012. This article seeks to explain how the KMT was able to hold on to power by comparing the campaign with earlier national-level elections. We are interested in identifying the degree to which the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, Minjindang) learnt from its electoral setbacks in 2008 and whether the KMT employed a similar campaign strategy to the one that had been so effective in returning it to power in 2008. Our analysis relies of an examination of campaign propaganda and campaign strategies as well as participant observation and survey data from 2012 and earlier contests.

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22

Sarkar, Santanu y Meichun Liu. "How the changing relationship between labour and political party influenced growth of autonomous labour unions in Taiwan". Employee Relations: The International Journal 41, n.º 4 (3 de junio de 2019): 758–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-06-2018-0160.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to find how the changing relationship between labour and political parties influenced the growth of reasonably independent labour unions in Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach The authors have drawn on data collected through in-depth interviews of union officials, labour activists and members of legislature from two major political parties in Taiwan. Findings The authors found that the breach between labour and political parties was affected by the eventualities contemplated in democratisation. Though the DPP (Minchin-tang/Democratic Progressive Party) provided the initial “shot in arm”, autonomous unions have not necessarily grown underneath DPP’s dominion. Political liberalisation of Taiwan’s industrial relations systems has gained more momentum when the DPP was in opposition than in power. Anti-incumbency pushed independent unions to sway the opposition’s backing when Kuomintang (KMT/the Chinese Nationalists) was in power and not to that extent when the KMT stepped down. The autonomous labour movement in Taiwan was initially influenced by the changing relationship between labour and ruling parties. However, the movement was subsequently shaped by the ethnic and political characteristics based on the historical divide between the mainlanders and Taiwanese and Taiwan’s changing economic landscape. Research limitations/implications Specific limitations include the subjectivity of the inference and lack of generalisability of the findings that are based on interviews with two out of three players of industrial relations system. Practical implications Because of globalisation and global financial crisis that brought together a new generation of workforce who hold individualistic values, have lesser faith in collectivism and perform new forms of work where unionisation is no more relevant, the autonomous labour movement in Taiwan was hugely impacted. Originality/value Growth of independent unions is not being shaped by democratisation alone. If we refocus the debate about democracy’s implied relationship with the rhetoric of national identity, one can see the crucial role played by the changing economic landscape and ethnic divisions ingrained in political origins.

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23

Chuang, Yin C. "Divorcing China: The Swing from the Patrilineal Genealogy of China to the Matrilineal Genealogy of Taiwan in Taiwan's National Imagination". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, n.º 1 (marzo de 2011): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000106.

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This paper explores the popular concept of the relationship between Taiwan and China as a feminine/ masculine dichotomy which has been constructed within Taiwan's national imagination. First, I will focus on how this dichotomy has been created within the process of identity-shifting in Taiwan since the 1990s as manifested in Taiwanese pop songs. Second, I will demonstrate how it has been appropriated within the process of nation-building. Two primary questions will be addressed: How is the national imagination of Taiwan in Taiwanese pop songs constructed through maternal and feminine images? How is the matrilineal genealogy in Taiwanese pop songs appropriated by the opposition camp, namely the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), to mobilize voters? I will investigate, from a cultural studies perspective, how cultural imagination has come to serve as the vehicle to formulate resistance, mobilize voters, gain power and, most importantly, reconstruct Taiwanese nationalism within Taiwan's political limbo for decades. Furthermore, Margaret Somers' discussion (1993, 1994, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c; Somers and Gibson 1994) of narrative identity is adopted as the framework for this paper in order to look at how identities are constructed within and across multiple realms. My research methods consist of conducting in-depth interviews and analysing texts.

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LIM, KAH-YEW. "An Exploration of the Use of Facebook by Legislators in Taiwan". Issues & Studies 54, n.º 03 (septiembre de 2018): 1840005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251118400052.

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Previous studies have found that how to win an election is always an important question for legislators. Their behavior in lawmaking and constituency service is also associated with their aspirations for re-election. In the era of booming social media, how legislators can use social media to increase their chances for election and re-election has become a compelling issue. This study argues that legislators do indeed maximize the benefits of social media to win elections. On this account, this study intends to explore two main questions: (1) What kind of messages legislators choose to convey to voters on their fan pages; and (2) Whether the political characteristics of legislators affect the types of the messages they convey there. In this study, posts were collected from the fan pages of 25 Taiwanese legislators. These text messages were then converted into numerical data that could be quantitatively analyzed with the content analysis method. It was found that legislators tend to start with soft messages in their communications with the public. They share some details of their daily schedules and everyday lives with their voters before they begin image building and posting political material. This study also found that the political characteristics of legislators, including their party membership, their status either as a district or proportional representation (PR) legislator, and their incumbency all affect the content of posts on their fan pages. For example, compared to Kuomintang (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislators who share information from their daily lives, New Power Party (NPP) legislators prefer to share only political information. PR legislators devote more attention than district legislators to criticizing the government on their fan pages. Incumbents are significantly less likely than challengers to share daily information, but more likely to share political information. This study found that the aforementioned differences have resulted from the many ways that different types of legislators use to increase their chances of winning an election.

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QI, Dongtao. "Taiwan’s Politics 2018: The Dilemma of the Movement Government". East Asian Policy 11, n.º 01 (enero de 2019): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000072.

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Declining Taiwanese nationalism, rising independent voters and more realistic public perception of democracy had contributed to the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) electoral debacle in 2018. The structural dilemma of the DPP administration as a movement government significantly contributed to its rapidly declining public support. The DPP administration had to keep a delicate balance by compromising on its promises to various social movement and progressive forces after it took power, which consequently alienated many of its supporters.

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El Sherif, Ashraf. "The Strong Egypt Party: representing a progressive/democratic Islamist party?" Contemporary Islam 10, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2016): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-016-0369-z.

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27

Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, n.º 4 (octubre de 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.

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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.

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28

Winckler, Edwin A. "From Opposition to Power: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party. Shelley Rigger". China Journal 48 (julio de 2002): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182487.

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Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System". Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.

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Edwards, Aaron. "Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism: The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared". Politics 27, n.º 1 (febrero de 2007): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00275.x.

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31

Stepan-Norris, Judith y Caleb Southworth. "Churches as Organizational Resources". Social Science History 31, n.º 3 (2007): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001378x.

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Employing a historical dataset on Detroit in the 1950s, this article uses geographic models to show the political impact of churches and religious populations on presidential voting. Multilevel models separate the relative impact of individual denomination, the effect of congregants in neighborhoods, and the importance of the physical presence of a church. Existing studies of geography and religion examine a few denominations; here a full set of religious denominations is compared on support for Democratic Party voting and “social movement-like” voting for the Progressive Party. Mainline Protestant churches are associated with support for a conservative social agenda. The presence of synagogues and Catholic churches in neighborhoods is positively related to progressive electoral outcomes. Black Protestant churches are positively related to Democratic Party voting but did not alter the Progressive Party vote. The effect of denomination on political behavior and the geographic extent of a church’s influence on surrounding urban communities are shown to be spatially segregated and to depend on the class structure of neighborhoods.

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32

joong kee roh. "The Unified Progressive Party and Crisis of the Democratic Labour Movement". Korean Journal of Labor Studies 18, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2012): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17005/kals.2012.18.2.59.

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33

Cai, Zi-Jian. "Highlighting the Recent Historical Innovations in Political Progressions from Law". Journal of Social Sciences Research, n.º 58 (5 de agosto de 2019): 1204–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.58.1204.1209.

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In this paper, it is highlighted the recent big historical innovations of politics from law the world people participating enthusiastically, manifested in television and recorded as diaries. It was the author Cai who started and led the democratic law execution in China in 2000, which was new in history and helped establish the theory of armed police. Besides overcoming the difficulties after the June 4th Incident and acquiring some provincial supports in China, it further promoted the democracy in Mideast in many countries, differentiating the democratic law execution and democratic revolution by the legality of route map to election. During this period, it was proposed by the Mideast people the revival of race by law. To control the democratic crimes, it was suggested by the world people to innovatively use the party disciplines in congresses at various levels, including the communist parties worldwide, the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan, the Democratic National Construction Association of China, the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, and so on. It was the international movement of “Marx-MingXun calling for competitive election” that overcame the autocratic influence from China, increased the democratic proportion of world communists, and revived the communist parties synchronously in the whole world to practice law to control the democratic crimes. It was Taiwan president YingWen Cai of Democratic Progressive Party and Germany Chancellor Merkel of Christian Democratic Union who elevated the law against democratic crimes to the national level. It is expected that these political innovations would improve the democracy and law.

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34

James, Scott C. "Building a Democratic Majority: The Progressive Party Vote and the Federal Trade Commission". Studies in American Political Development 9, n.º 2 (1995): 331–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001358.

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On 30 May 1914, Theodore Roosevelt fired the opening shots of the midterm elections against the party of Woodrow Wilson. Roosevelt framed the off-year elections as a referendum on the failures of the New Freedom, the Democrats' three-pronged program to curb the power of the trusts. Rather than bringing monopolies to heal, the former president asserted, Democratic policy had simply driven the economy into recession. “[T]he Democratic party,” Roosevelt explained on another occasion “has been engaged in what is fundamentally an effort to restore the unlimited competition of two generations back and to subject this to only an ineffective and weak government control”. To all, Roosevelt's counsel was constant: the prudent course of citizens that fall was to register a vote for social and industrial progress, to support the Progressive party candidate for Congress.

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35

Tien, Hung-Mao y Chen-Yuan Tung. "Taiwan in 2010". Asian Survey 51, n.º 1 (enero de 2011): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.76.

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The November 2010 urban mayoral elections in Taiwan will set the stage for national elections in 2012 between the Nationalist Party and the rising Democratic Progressive Party. Meanwhile, Taiwan and China successfully concluded the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement in summer 2010, deepening economic ties across the Taiwan Strait.

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36

Hickey, Dennis V. y Emerson M. S. Niou. "Taiwan in 2016". Asian Survey 57, n.º 1 (enero de 2017): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.111.

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The opposition Democratic Progressive Party won decisive victories in the Legislative Yuan and presidential elections. Despite these victories, 2016 proved to be a difficult year for Taiwan’s new ruling party. As 2016 drew to a close, polls showed that most of Taiwan’s population disapproved of Tsai Ing-wen’s performance as president.

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37

Pétry, François. "The Party Agenda Model: Election Programmes and Government Spending in Canada". Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, n.º 1 (marzo de 1995): 51–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018370.

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AbstractMultiple regression analysis is used to test the existence of a link between the programmes of the Progressive Conservative, Liberal and New Democratic parties and subsequent government spending priorities. The analysis shows that the programme of the governing party is a poor predictor of government policies. Instead, public expenditures have been sensitive to changes in the programmes of opposition parties. The analysis also shows that government spending priorities in some important policy areas have been more sensitive to opposition party programmes when the popularity of these parties was rising. While public support has favoured the Liberals for most of the period of analysis, the fragile nature of this support has left the governing Liberals uncertain about their prospects of subsequent victory at the polls. This uncertainty has led the governing Liberals to compromise with the Progressive Conservatives on some issues and to mirror the proposals of the New Democratic party on other issues.

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38

Frohlich, Norman y Irvin Boschmann. "Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results". Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, n.º 1 (marzo de 1986): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057978.

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AbstractThe relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party. In the United States support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the Democratic party and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Republican party. Cross-national differences are also found between Canadian and American subjects, Canadian subjects having significantly lower variance among party supporters regarding this issue. Some implications of the results for research in the area of sex differences in politics and the influence of economic concerns on political behaviour are discussed briefly.

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39

Jongcheol Kim. "Dissolution of a Political Party in a Democratic Republic: the Case of the United Progressive Party in Korea". Public Law Journal 15, n.º 1 (febrero de 2014): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31779/plj.15.1.201402.002.

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40

Bull, Martin J. "The PDS, the Progressive Alliance and the Crisis". Modern Italy 1, n.º 1 (1995): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454756.

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From the perspective of the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) and the left generally, the 1989-1994 period can be viewed as a political failure in as far as there was a right-wing outcome (albeit ephemeral) to Italy's transition. Yet, it is a failure which has to be viewed in the context of the deep undercurrents of change at work in Italy in this period and the constraints within which the PDS and its leader, Achille Occhetto, were operating

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41

Thomsen, Danielle M. "Joining Patterns Across Party Factions in the US Congress". Forum 15, n.º 4 (20 de diciembre de 2017): 741–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0047.

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Abstract How does the influence of party factions change over time? This article only begins to tackle this question by looking at which party caucuses newly elected members join. I focus on joining patterns in the current 115th Congress to shed light on which factions are more or less influential in Congress today. I show, first, that almost all incoming members joined an ideological faction when they entered office. Furthermore, the Republican Study Committee attracted the most incoming Republicans; the New Democratic Coalition and the Congressional Progressive Caucus attracted the most incoming Democrats. The moderate factions lagged behind the more conservative and liberal factions in the Republican and Democratic parties, respectively. These joining patterns of newly elected members have important implications for the current and future influence that factions can expect to have in the party and chamber.

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42

Battin, Tim. "Labouring under neoliberalism: The Australian Labor government’s ideological constraint, 2007–2013". Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, n.º 1 (23 de enero de 2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304616687951.

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When viewed against its ostensibly successful management of the global economic crisis between 2008 and 2013, growing electoral disenchantment with the Australian Labor Party government during that time defied standard explanations and calls for further analysis. A major reason for the party’s electoral loss in 2013 was arguably popular disappointment with its eschewal of social democratic principles. Notwithstanding some progressive measures initiated between 2008 and 2013, successive Australian Labor Party governments were constrained by neoliberal strictures, even when they chose to implement progressive policies. Whatever other reasons exist for its decline in popularity between 2007 and 2013, the Australian Labor Party’s unwillingness or inability to mark out a clear alternative to neoliberalism was fundamental. In making this case, this article uses the conceptual framework of ‘depoliticisation’, defined as the displacement of policy decisions from the sphere of democratic accountability and public debate, making them matters for regulation by technocratic experts operating according to supposed edicts of the market. JEL codes: A14, B59

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43

Chung-Min, Tsai. "Taiwan in 2018". Asian Survey 59, n.º 1 (enero de 2019): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.77.

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President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party suffered a crushing defeat in local elections in late November. While economic growth remains robust, with GDP per capita rising, the challenge for Tsai is to adjust policy lines and earn support for the coming presidential election.

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44

Hebda, Wiktor. "The Republic of Serbia: Stuck in the grey zone of democratization?" Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2020): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.8.

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The Republic of Serbia is a state overburdened with complex issues regarding its political transformation. These problems are a consequence of the dynamic changes which have occurred over the last 30 years. It should be remembered that Serbia underwent a transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic state in a relatively short period of time. Unfortunately, these dynamic political, economic, and social modifications coincided with serious systemic changes and this had an adverse impact on Serbian democracy. The political problems which directly influence the process of democratization are becoming more and more visible over time. One such problem is undoubtedly the fact that state power is in the hands of one political party: the Serbian Progressive Party. For states going through a transformation, such a concentration of power could have negative effects on the quality of democracy. This article evaluates the non-democratic trends in Serbia which stem from the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party, especially on the level of state power. The article also suggests that this development might lead to Serbia being categorized as a country which has become stuck in the so-called grey zone of democratization.

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45

Park, Kwang-Deuk. "Study on Start Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party Government and Prospect of Cross-Strait Relations". Korean Journal of Political Science 24, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2016.24.4.3.

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46

Dušan, Spasojević. "Riding the wave of distrust and alienation – new parties in Serbia after 2008". Politics in Central Europe 15, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2019): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0006.

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AbstractSerbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.

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47

Kabashima, Ikuo y Steven R. Reed. "Voter Reactions to ‘Strange Bedfellows’: The Japanese Voter Faces a Kaleidoscope of Changing Coalitions". Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2000): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002036.

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On 30 June 1994 the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ, formerly the Japan Socialist Party) joined its historic enemy, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), to form a coalition government in a Japanese equivalent of Italy's ‘historic compromise’. Competition between the conservative LDP and the progressive socialists had defined the Japanese party system since 1955. In this paper we analyze voter reactions to this and other confusing events surrounding the end of the LDP's 38-year dominance. We find, first, that the Japanese electorate was able to make sense of these events. The political space reflected in public opinion mapped the political space reflected in the mass media remarkably well. Secondly, our findings support the idea that attitudes toward political parties are endogenous to the political process: strategic moves by political actors alter the political space within which they maneuver. Coalitions of strange bedfellows force voters to revise their perceptions of political space and reevaluate their attitudes toward the actors involved. Strange bedfellows seemed less strange, friendlier after they had been seen in bed together.

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48

Awotokun, Kunle y Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond". Public Administration Research 9, n.º 2 (13 de octubre de 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.

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The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.

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49

Nilsson, Ann-Sofie. "Swedish Social Democracy in Central America: The Politics of Small State Solidarity". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, n.º 3 (1991): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165937.

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Few events have captured the imagination of progressive countries and parties worldwide as did the July 1979 Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua. Many of these parties became strong supporters of the Ortega government and were thus quite taken by surprise — as were most of those involved and engaged in Central American politics — by the outcome of the Nicaraguan election in February 1991. One such party, one of the most determined in its support of the Sandinistas, was Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetare Partlet or SAP), even though Sweden may not immediately come to mind as a natural participant in Central American politics. How can this intense Swedish Social Democratic involvement and partisanship be explained? How has Swedish support been translated into practical positions? Did the election victory of Violeta Chamorro, who was supported by the United States (a country whose Central American policy came under relendess fire by the SAP), signal the end of Swedish Social Democratic engagement in Nicaraguan politics?

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50

Kannenberg, Oliver. "Demokratie auf dem Abstellgleis? Eine Bestandsaufnahme des serbischen Parteien- systems nach der Parlamentswahl 2020". Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, n.º 2 (2021): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-2-425.

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Serbia’s 2020 parliamentary election, held amid a pandemic and an opposition boycott, received an unusual amount of international attention. It marked the temporary nadir of Serbia’s democratic development after the fall of the autocrat Slobodan Milošević and, at the same time, the zenith of the rise of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) under Aleksandar Vučić. In the twenty years in between, various governments faced numerous domestic and external challenges that have hampered sustainable democratization of the state, of parties, and society. From candidate selection to the management and control of elections as well as the formation of parliamentary parties, ubiquitous party potentates control political decision-making in Serbia. The explanation for supposed paradoxes, such as the population’s low confidence in political parties while party membership is high, lies in the close-meshed connections between state institutions, businesses, and the ruling parties. The population’s hopes for democratic change rest less in the divided opposition parties than in social and civic organizations.

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