Tesis sobre el tema "Dominican Republic – Haiti"

At a government hospital in the town of Dajabon, in the northwestern Dominican Republic, doctors and nurses must make decisions on whether or not to treat Haitian patients who have crossed the border in search of health care. This thesis examines the discourses and practices of Haitian patients and Dominican health care providers in the context of two co-existing but contrasting rhetorics: health as a human right, and medical humanitarianism. Using data collected through semi-structured interviews and participant observation, I examine how social, political, and economic forces shape medical encounters on the Haitian-Dominican border.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre História e ficção a partir da reconstrução do massacre de haitianos, em 1937, na fronteira norte da República Dominicana e da República do Haiti, dois países que formavam a então ilha Hispaniola, quando da chegada de Cristóvão Colombo no Novo Mundo. O corpus ficcional deste trabalho é o romance El Masacre se pasa a pie, do escritor e advogado dominicano Freddy Prestol Castillo, publicado em 1978, na República Dominicana. Nossa hipótese para desenvolver este trabalho foi a de que para reconstruir o genocídio dos haitianos pela ficção, o autor denuncia a ditadura de Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930-1961), o Trujillato, focalizando o racismo, o preconceito, a violência e aspectos negativos nutridos na memória coletiva da elite dominicana para sustentar uma rejeição histórica aos haitianos. Utilizamos um referencial teórico que nos permite buscar articulações entre História e ficção no referido romance e para isso, foi necessário recorrer aos fatos históricos que registram as diversas invasões à Hispaniola, a partir dos conceitos de racismo de Memmi (1967) e de memória, de Halbwachs (1990).<br>This dissertation presents a reflection on history and fiction from the reconstruction of the slaughter of haitians, in 1937, on the northern border of the Dominican Republic and Haiti, two countries that then formed the island of Hispaniola , when the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the New World. The body of this fictional work in the novel The Slaughter passed on foot, the writer and lawyer dominican Freddy Prestol Castillo, published in 1978 in the Dominican Republic. Our hypothesis to develop this work was that to rebuild the haitian genocide in fiction , the author claims the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930-1961) , the Trujillato , focusing on racism , prejudice , violence and aspects negative nourished in the collective memory of the dominican elite to support a historic rejection of haitians. We use a theoretical framework that allows us to look for links between history and fiction in the aforementioned novel and that it was necessary to seek the historical facts recorded the various invasions of Hispaniola, from the concept of racism Memmi (1967) and memory, Halbwachs (1990).

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.<br>Several factors affect the development of telecommunications policy in a country. These include government intervention, geography, alliances, and economic stability. By studying different countries, and comparing these factors and the rates of growth of each state, one can further understand the different levels of telecommunications development. This thesis will explore telecommunications policy, its success and failures, in the Dominican Republic and Haiti, where telecommunications has become a major source of jobs and economy due to foreign investments. Analysis of telecommunications policies, regulatory bodies, and agreements will be studied and compared to each country's rate of growth in the past 10 years. This thesis will provide recommendations for the successful implementation of regulatory policies in the named developing Caribbean nations. By examining the policies in these nations, this thesis will determine the effectiveness of the country's telecommunications policy. Additionally, the thesis will explore the influence of specific actors, such as corruption, nonenforcement of regulatory laws, lack of developed accounting and auditing systems, and the limitation of the government in developing policy.

The possible impacts of the level of formal education on different aspects of disaster management, prevention, alarm, emergency, or postdisaster activities, were studied in a comparative perspective for three countries with a comparable exposure to hurricane hazards but different capacities for preventing harm. The study focused on the role of formal education in reducing vulnerability operating through a long-term learning process and put particular emphasis on the education of women. The comparative statistical analysis of the three countries was complemented through qualitative studies in Cuba and the Dominican Republic collected in 2010-2011. We also analyzed to what degree targeted efforts to reduce vulnerability were interconnected with other policy domains, including education and science, health, national defense, regional development, and cultural factors. We found that better education in the population had clear short-term effects on reducing vulnerability through awareness about crucial information, faster and more efficient responses to alerts, and better postdisaster recuperation. However, there were also important longer term effects of educational efforts to reduce social vulnerability through the empowerment of women, its effect on the quality of institutions and social networks for mutual assistance creating a general culture of safety and preparedness. Not surprisingly, on all three accounts Cuba clearly did the best; whereas Haiti was worst, and the Dominican Republic took an intermediate position. (authors' abstract)

This thesis examines the variance in human development paths and policies pursed on the island of Hispaniola by the governments of the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The different paths have resulted in significant dissimilarities in contemporary levels of economic and social development across the island. Starting from the theoretical perspective of Acemplgu and Robinson (2012), I find that institutional explanations can only explain part of this divergence. I argue that a more complete explanation needs to take into consideration the role played by class, color, and race. I also find that foreign intervention, particularly the occupation of both countries by the US Marines in the 20th century, helped direct the development strategies of each country in different directions.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science

BACKGROUND: HIV-related stigmatizing attitudes are persistent concerns in developing countries and have been shown to fuel the spread of the epidemics. The purpose of this study is to provide a comparative analysis between Haiti and the Dominican Republic in regards to the population’s attitude towards People Living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA). METHODS: Cross-sectional data from the Demographic Health Surveys involving 15,715 Haitians and 55,170 Dominicans from 2005 to 2007 were used. A score of attitudes was established from six items such as the willingness to care for infected relatives, the willingness to buy vegetables from an HIV infected vendor, the perception that HIV patients should be ashamed of themselves, the agreement to blame and force them to keep their serostatus secret and finally the agreement to allow infected teachers to continue their jobs. Descriptive statistics, univariate and multivariate analyses of selected socio-demographic variables were obtained by using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). RESULTS: Logistic regression models showed that female Dominicans and male Haitians, respondents of higher socio-economic status and with more accurate HIV-related beliefs were significantly more tolerant towards PLWHA (p<.001). Furthermore, the Dominican Republic’s data analysis suggested that those aged between 30 and 44 years old, living in urban areas and married expressed more tolerance for the HIV- infected individuals. Overall, the attitudes and beliefs of the Haitians adjusted for socio-demographic variables did not differ markedly from the Dominicans. CONCLUSION: The attitudes towards PLWHA seem to be associated with the nature of the HIV-related beliefs in some vulnerable groups. The findings of this study should guide the design of appropriate programs aimed at the education of targeted populations.

<p>Birth registration is a fundamental key in ensuring several essential rights of the child; including the right to a name and a nationality, the right to education and health care, and protection from abuse and exploitation among others. The United Nation’s Convention on the Right of the Child establishes that the child shall be registered immediately after birth and have the right to a name and a nationality. A total of 22 % of the Dominican children under the age of five are lacking an official proof of their existence within the Dominican society and in the world. A Minor Field study was conducted during a period of two months in 2009 with the aim of clarifying what obstacles to birth registration exist in the South-western part of the Dominican Republic. This clarification will contribute to a wider understanding of the causes to non-registration and the birth registration process in the country. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with parents to unregistered children, civil registry officials and other relevant actors in the Dominican society. The findings of the study present a wide range of obstacles to birth registration and it is clear that the reasons behind non-registration in this region are numerous, complex and often inter-related. According to most parents, officials and other informants the main obstacle to birth registration was found to be the parents’ lack of a Dominican identification card, a <em>cédula</em>. The lack of awareness about the importance of being registered and neglect by the parents were two other significant barriers to birth registration. The Minor Field Study was conducted with the support of the child rights organisation Plan International - República Dominicana.</p><br><p>Registro de nacimiento es una de las claves más importantes para asegurar los derechos fundamentales del niño; derecho a un nombre y una nacionalidad, derecho a la educación, derecho a servicio de salud, protección contra el abuso y la explotación entre otras cosas. La Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño establece que el niño será inscripto inmediatamente después de su nacimiento y tendrá derecho a un nombre y una nacionalidad. Un total de 22 % de los niños Dominicanos menores de cinco años de edad carece de una prueba oficial de su existencia dentro de la sociedad Dominicana y en el mundo. Un estudio de campo (Minor Field Study) fue realizado durante un período de dos meses en 2009 con el objetivo de aclarar cuáles son los obstáculos para el registro de nacimiento en la parte Sur-occidental de la República Dominicana. Esta aclaración contribuirá a una mayor comprensión de las causas de la no inscripción y el proceso de inscripción de nacimientos en el país. Entrevistas semi-estructuradas fueron realizadas con padres de niños sin registrar, oficiales del Estado civil y otros actores en la sociedad Dominicana. Los resultados de este estudio presentan varios obstáculos para la inscripción de nacimiento y es evidente que las razones de la no inscripción en esta región son numerosas, complejas e interrelacionadas. Según la mayoría de los padres, oficiales del Estado civil y otros informantes el principal obstáculo para el registro de nacimientos se encontró en la falta de cédula de los padres, un problema que muchas veces pasa de una generación a otra. La falta de conciencia sobre la importancia de estar registrado y la negligencia de los padres fueron otros dos obstáculos importantes para el registro de nacimientos. El estudio fue realizado con el apoyo de la organización non gubernamental Plan International- República Dominicana.</p>

The research question of the study asked "In the post 2010 earthquake, what are the conditions faced by Haitian immigrants in accessing primary public education in the Dominican Republic"? Within the context of primary education, the study takes place in the town of Comendador, the capital of the Elías Piña province in the Dominican Republic. Using a mixed methods approach, incorporating ethnographic methods and database analysis, the study documents the voices of Haitian and Dominican parents, Dominican school personnel, non-governmental organization (NGO) officials and community stakeholders. Within the construct of access, there are six areas of focus: educational policy, curriculum and instruction, professional development and resources, parent involvement, intercultural communications, and praxis. Data collection tools included field notes, participant observation, semi-structured interviews, analysis of the Latin American Opinion Project (LAPOP), and analysis of a household composition database. The findings of the study indicate six themes: (1) educational policy, Dominican law provides Haitian children with school registration, yet school officials are allowed the flexibility of adherence; (2) curriculum and instruction, using a national curriculum, teachers are not providing a comprehensible education to Haitian students; (3) professional development and resources, teachers recognized the need to make instruction meaningful for Haitian students; (4) parent involvement, undocumented Haitian parents did not feel safe at school sites; (5) intercultural communications (ICC), educators' behaviors towards Haitian immigrant children and parents demonstrated empathy, yet lacked more advanced levels of ICC and, (6) praxis, there was an absence of advocates for Haitian. In the case of stakeholders and educators in Elías Piña the study suggests that, for the most part, few had the experience and background to understand the complexity of Haitian immigrant students and families who expressed living in fear of the authorities, suspicion of who to trust, and despair with regards to living day to day. While education for their children was seen as a positive need for survival in the Dominican Republic, Haitians' lack of understanding of the Dominican educational system leads to the perception that Haitian immigrant parents were not engaged in the education of their children.

African American Studies<br>Ph.D.<br>The Dominican Republic (DR) and Haiti are two Caribbean countries that share the same island, Hispaniola, and a tumultuous history. Both countries' historical relationship is ridden with geopolitical conflict stemming from the DR creating an unwelcoming environment for Haitian immigrants. This dissertation is a interdisciplinary study that investigates how Dominican thinkers play a significant role in creating the intellectual impetus that encourages anti-Haitian sentiment throughout Dominican society in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. In this dissertation I examine how Dominican anti-Haitian ideals, as delineated by Dominican nationalist intellectuals, that I refer to as Defensive Dominican Nationalists (DDN), continue to resonate amongst "everyday" Dominicans and within the recently amended 2010 Dominican constitution that denies citizenship to Dominicans of Haitian descent in the aftermath of the earthquake. I conclude that although the new constitution reinforces the anti-Haitian ideals espoused by conservative Dominican elite thinkers, "everyday" Dominicans, in the post 2010 earthquake timeframe, rejected some of the DDN's beliefs concerning the true definition of Dominican-ness and how the Dominican government had recently amended its constitution. My methodology, consists of literary analysis, a survey, and focus group interviews conducted on both Dominicans and Haitians residing in the DR. Unexpectedly, I found that documented Haitians and second generation Dominicans of Haitian descent actually oppose the new influx of Haitian immigrants adopting some of the anti-Haitian attitudes of the DDN. In essence, this dissertation diagnoses a racial problem emanating from geopolitical conflict and the tumultuous history between Dominican and Haitian society.<br>Temple University--Theses

The Farming of Bones is Edwidge Danticat’s novel about Amabelle Desir, a Haitian migrant in the Dominican Republic during the 1937 Haitian massacre. The Massacre is a historical fact presented through a fictional text that acts as a testimonial. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate how Danticat, in her role as an activist, urges readers to become social justice seekers and enter the discourse of race. Through an examination of Carl Jung’s and Vodou’s shadow theories in regards to the construction of a racial identity by Haitians and Dominicans, I uncover the racial narratives in place from Haiti’s colonization and independence to our current time. Danticat, through the novel, moves the reigning racial paradigm out of the shadow and thus allows readers to reflect on its effects. Thus it is not only the characters in the novel that must confront the shadow, but the readers themselves.

Drawing on recent attempts to reconcile the divergent nations of Hispaniola, I will examine the ways in which fiction by U.S. immigrant writers Danticat and Rosario looks back to the traumatic history of race relations on Hispaniola and the 1937 massacre as a means of approaching reconciliation and healing amongst the inhabitants of Hispaniola. As invested outsiders to their homelands, Danticat and Rosario may work, as Chancy suggests, in the capacity of actors for Hispaniola. Both Danticat and Rosario graciously admit that their writing is largely contingent on the relative freedom from censure that their American citizenship affords them. In this capacity, these immigrant writers are uniquely able to revisit a traumatic cultural past to give voice to its widely arrayed victims and to provide an interrogation of the makings of horrific brutality. Despite the largely U.S. American readership, these authors foster a form of reconciliation through their works by forcing the audience to move past dichotomous thinking about the massacre, but also about the boundaries between the two nations. “…in traumatic times like ours, when reality itself is so distorted as to have become impossible and abnormal, it is the function of all culture, partaking of this abnormality, to be aware of its own sickness. To be aware of the unreality or inauthenticity of the so-called real, is to reinterpret this reality. To reinterpret this reality is to commit oneself to a constant revolutionary assault against it.” (―We Must Learn to Sit Down and Talk about a Little Culture,‖ Sylvia Wynter 31)

Haïti et la République dominicaine sont séparées par une frontière de 380 kilomètres héritée de la période coloniale. Cette frontière illustre également un fait particulier dans la région :l’indépendance de la République dominicaine par séparation d’avec Haïti alors que la majorité des colonies du continent américain déclaraient leur indépendance en se séparant des empires coloniaux. Depuis cette époque, certains secteurs de la société dominicaine n’ont cessé d’alimenter un discours nationaliste centré sur l’anti-haïtianisme. Haïti occupe donc une place particulière dans l’imaginaire collectif dominicain comme cela apparaît notamment dans son traitement médiatique, dans les politiques migratoires ou encore dans les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens – la République dominicaine constituant la principale destination de migration pour la population haïtienne issue des secteurs populaires.Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre Haïtiens et Dominicains dans la région frontalière, lieu privilégié pour « étudier ethnographiquement les diverses formes par lesquelles des personnes de nationalités différentes cohabitent et entrent en relation » (Grimson). Dans ce travail, la frontière est envisagée comme une construction spatiale, politique et sociale. En ce sens, la thèse s’attache tout d’abord à décrire les processus par lesquels la limite entre les anciens empires coloniaux est devenue une frontière territoriale et sociale intégrée dans les pratiques des populations frontalières. Une attention particulière est ainsi portée sur le processus de construction nationale et sur la politique violente de nationalisation de la région frontalière dominicaine dans la première moitié du 20e siècle aboutissant à la fin des relations transfrontalières, des modalités de circulation dans cet espace ainsi que des modes d’organisation sociale et d’identifications locaux qui avaient jusque là prévalus. Cette période correspond à une phase intense de construction de l’identité nationale dominicaine résultant à la fois de l’imposition par les élites d’une idéologie centrée sur l’opposition avec le pays voisin, et d’une intériorisation de cette idéologie par la population frontalière. Dans cette perspective, une attention particulière est portée sur le massacre de la population haïtienne perpétré dans la région en 1937. À travers l’analyse des versions officielles et des récits mémoriaux de ce massacre, ce travail interroge la mémoire collective frontalière entendue comme le processus social de (re)construction du passé (Halbwachs) « [fondant] et [renforçant] les sentiments d’appartenances et les frontières socio-culturelles en définissant ce qui est commun à un groupe et ce qui le différencie des autres » (Pollak). Cette thèse pose donc la question des processus qui rendent possible l’émergence des sociétés nationales dans la lignée des travaux de B. Anderson sur le nationalisme et les communautés imaginées. Elle interroge également les modes d’expression du nationalisme dominicain à l’heure actuelle qui dévoilent partiellement l’intimité culturelle dominicaine.La thèse porte ensuite sur la gestion quotidienne de la frontière. À travers l’analyse de la législation sur le contrôle frontalier, la migration, le commerce mais aussi la santé, par exemple, et surtout à travers la description de l’application de ces réglementations, ce travail interroge la manière dont la population frontalière fait l’expérience de l’État et comment cette expérience constitue « une clef de production d’imaginaires sur la nationalité et sur la relation État-société » (Grimson). Ce faisant, il révèle l’existence de plusieurs conceptions de l’espace frontalier qui entrent parfois en conflit et qui participent donc à la reconstruction constante de la frontière. La thèse porte enfin – et c’est le point central de cette recherche – sur les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens dans l’espace frontalier. Les observations des interactions, les conversations et les entretiens font apparaître une multiplicité de frontières symboliques et sociales (dans le sens des travaux de F. Barth) entre les deux groupes et définies par des éléments, produits et reproduits au quotidien, tels que la langue, l’habillement, le métier ou encore la confession religieuse par exemple. Loin d’être anodins, ces éléments servent à identifier un individu comme appartenant à un groupe et ces identifications jouent un rôle fondamental dans les modalités des relations quotidiennes. Celles-ci se révèlent fortement asymétriques et, pour la plupart, elles n’existent que dans la mesure où elles sont intéressantes pour l’une des deux parties (principalement les Dominicains). Les relations se déroulent dès lors principalement dans le cadre du travail agricole et du commerce et sont généralement marquées par de la discrimination. Toutefois, l’ethnographie révèle également l’existence de relations plus privilégiées entre Dominicains et Haïtiens. Celles-ci semblent être le résultat de la capacité de certains individus (principalement des Haïtiens) à se mouvoir dans un espace normatif différent (compétence métisse, Cunin) et à construire des réseaux de relations transfrontaliers (compétence transfrontalière, Losonczy). Connaître et savoir s’adapter aux normes en vigueur dans un autre espace, connaître les codes de sociabilité, connaître les chemins à emprunter pour traverser la frontière, pouvoir s’exprimer avec une relative aisance dans la langue de l’autre, sont autant d’éléments permettant de construire des réseaux et de les mobiliser en fonction des besoins. Les relations ainsi établies peuvent conférer un accès privilégié à certains espaces de la zone frontalière comme les lieux d’hospitalité temporaire ou prolongée, et les personnes de confiance (Losonczy). Par ailleurs, l’ethnographie montre que les modalités d’interactions et de cohabitation varient aussi en fonction des lieux de contacts et de la temporalité des migrations – celles-ci s’effectuant essentiellement depuis Haïti vers la République dominicaine. Trois zones de migrations apparaissent ainsi dans l’espace frontalier dominicain :les villes frontalières, les communautés rurales et les villages proches des grandes plantations agricoles. À chacun de ces espaces correspond une forme de migration plus particulière qui est soit journalière, soit temporaire ou encore prolongée. Si dans les trois espaces les relations sont majoritairement asymétriques, certains lieux semblent cependant plus propices à l’établissement des relations plus privilégiées (entraide, mariage, accueil d’un enfant,…) ou, au contraire, à une intensification du rejet et de l’exclusion (ségrégation spatiale, conflits, saccages d’habitations, expulsions,…). L’ethnographie révèle donc l’existence d’au moins deux formes d’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière dominico-haïtienne. L’une est celle de la « configuration sociale métisse » (Losonczy) que dessinent les formes de sociabilité basées sur les réseaux transfrontaliers. Celle-ci est toutefois mise à mal notamment par les représentations qui circulent sur les Haïtiens ainsi que par un ensemble de règles et pratiques qui soulignent les différences, réaffirment les frontières ethniques et assignent des appartenances identitaires. L’autre est celle de la « configuration du côte à côte » (Bourgeois) qui organise les modes de sociabilité de groupes mis en situation de co-présence limitant leurs relations à quelques échanges strictement définis. Dans ce type de configuration, les frontières des groupes apparaissent comme plus rigides, moins souples que dans le modèle de la configuration sociale métisse. Enfin, cette thèse montre que les relations et les différentes facettes de l’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière jouent un rôle dans la construction des appartenances identitaires locales. Plusieurs registres identitaires collectifs et individuels apparaissent ainsi dans les récits migratoires des Haïtiens et dans les conversations avec les frontaliers dominicains. Ces registres ne sont pas mutuellement exclusifs :ils révèlent une appartenance identitaire à géométrie variable en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles on se trouve et des modalités d’interactions.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

<p>This is a study about how Swedish travel magazines write about tropical islands with a history of colonization. The study investigates how the islands of Mauritius, the Seychelles, Haiti, the Maldives, the Dominican Republic, Aruba, Zanzibar and Guadeloupe are being portrayed in four Swedish travel magazines.</p><p>Travel articles published in the travel magazines Vagabond, Allt om Resor, Res and Escape 360° during the period January 2004 to December 2009 have been analyzed through critical discourse analysis.</p><p>The study concludes that the travel magazines tend to idealize and aestheticize the tropical islands. The islands are being presented as paradises on earth. They are described as fairy tales, magical, dreams and as playgrounds for Westerners. The inhabitants of the tropical islands are being judged by how well they attend to the tourists’ needs and wishes. The inhabitants are presented as unreliable, while the tourists are presented as reliable. The inhabitants are also being portrayed as childish, exotic and primitive. </p><p>Theories about how old colonial ways of thinking continue to flourish in travel journalism are being used to give depth to the findings of the study.</p><p><strong> </strong></p>

碩士<br>國立陽明大學<br>公共衛生研究所<br>97<br>Objectives: Assess the Knowledge, information sources, attitude and potential practice of people near the border Haitian-Dominican Republic about TB, and explore the relationship between their behaviour and their knowledge of the disease. Methods: Data were gathered from cross sectional survey conducted among 470 adults (>16 years) in the four Departements compounding the border from Nov 8th to Dec 22d 2006. A convenient sample was selected by a comity created for the study, compounded with members from the NTP and local representative of WHO were interviewed; each 5th person who passed in the selected places were drawn randomly to be interviewed until the needed size is achieved , using a pre-tested questionnaire approved for this purpose by the local WHO representative Bureau. Results: Mean score for knowledge was 3.63 among 7 and 0.82 among 2 for attitude; 29.7% have a Knowledge score above 4.66, 31 % got 2, the maximum score for attitude, but 97% said that they would go to hospital for care if they get TB; people in the N-E have a higher knowledge score than the other areas; Health workers and media are the two main sources for TB information. The multiple regression logistic analysis showed that respondents who live in the N-E, having low TB Knowledge, and illiterates were less likely to have a positive Attitude to TB Conclusion: Knowledge gap existed and was associated with attitude to TB among this high risk population. Further research on health education intervention and its effects on improving attitude and practice were needed

Through close readings of various texts that deal with issues of border, identity and the relationship between Haiti and Dominican Republic as well as with the flow of immigrants between Dominican Republic and the United States, this study introduce the trope of the “rayano” (the one that was born, lives or comes from the border) as an apt metaphor to explain the identity of Dominicans in the twenty-first century — an identity that should be viewed as one born out of movements, translations and interstices. The primary texts that this study will focus on will cover the Haitian-Dominican and Dominican-American experiences.  In terms of the former, El Masacre se pasa a pie (1973) by Freddy Prestol Castillo and The Farming of Bones (1998) by Edwidge Danticat are useful for analyzing the defining moment of the relationship between Haiti and Dominican Republic in the twentieth century: the 1937 border massacre of Haitians and Dominican-Haitians ordered by Dominican dictator Rafael L. Trujillo. In the case of the Dominican-American relationship, Dominicanish (2000) by Josefina Báez, and The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao (2007) by Junot Díaz will be the texts through which it will be analyzed the Dominican diaspora and its relationship with the two defining spaces of Dominicanness in the twenty-first century: Santo Domingo and New York City. In addition to these texts, this study also will engage with the theoretical production regarding the triangular relationship between Dominican Republic, Haiti and the United States through an analysis of the different metaphors used by Lucía M. Suárez in The Tears of Hispaniola: Haitian and Dominican Diaspora Memory, Eugenio Matibag in Haitian-Dominican Counterpoint: Nation, State and Race in Hispaniola, and Michele Wucker in Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola.

Ancestry estimation of skeletonized remains by forensic anthropologists is conducted through comparative means, and a lack of population-specific data results in possible misclassifications. This is especially germane to individuals of Latin American ancestry. Generally, each country in Latin America can trace their ancestry to three parental groups: Indigenous, European, and African. However, grouping all Latin American individuals together under the broad “Hispanic” category ignores the specific genetic contributions from each parental group, which is variable and dependent on the population histories and sociocultural dynamics of each country. This study analyzes the craniometric ancestry of Hispaniola (the Dominican Republic and Haiti) using the island’s history, along with 190 cranial Computed Tomography (CT) scans (f = 103; m = 87), to determine similarities and differences between the two groups. A total of 12 linear discriminant function analyses produced cross-validated classification accuracies of 75.0 – 83.3% for females, 71.8 – 87.5% for males, and 72.0 – 82.2% for pooled sexes. This study demonstrates that, despite sharing a small island, Dominican and Haitian individuals can be differentiated with a fair amount of statistical certainty, which is possible due to complex socio-cultural, -political, and –demographic factors that have maintained genetic heterogeneity. Moreover, the discriminant functions provided here can be used by the international forensic science community to identify individuals living on Hispaniola.

Roasting is an important processing step for developing cocoa flavor, color, and aroma. Cocoa beans contain polyphenolic compounds, which can be desirable antioxidants. Oxygen Radical Absorbance Capacity (ORAC) values can be used as an indicator of health benefits of antioxidants in foods. ORAC values measure total antioxidant capacity of different foods by measuring antioxidant scavenging activity against peroxyl radical induced by 2,2’-azobis (2-amidinopropane) dihydrochloride (AAPH). This measurement of total antioxidant capacity gives a complete assessment during which the inhibition time and inhibition degree are measured as the reaction comes to a completion. ORAC values were determined as Trolox Equivalents (TE). Cocoa beans were also measured for antioxidants using Total Phenolics assay and DPPH assay and measured as gallic acid equivalents (GAE). Cocoa beans from the Ivory Coast were roasted at varying times (10-40 minutes) and temperatures (100ºC -190ºC). It was determined that cocoa beans from the Ivory Coast, roasted at 130ºC for 30 minutes resulted in an ORAC value of 522,789 μmol (micromoles) TE/g, GAE value of 2.46 mg/L as determined by Total Phenolics, and GAE value of 1.48 mg/L as determined by DPPH assay. The analyzed values tended to decrease at the highest temperatures and times of roasting. Cocoa beans from different countries were roasted at 130ºC for 30 minutes and antioxidants were analyzed. It was determined that Dominican Republic and Ecuador had the highest TE values (487,913 and 463958 μmol (micromoles) TE/g respectively). GAE differed and Total Phenolic assay found Haiti had the highest GAE (3.26 mg/L) and DPPH assay found Ivory Coast and Dominican Republic had the highest (0.623 and 0.610 mg/L respectively). If an acceptable flavor, color, and aroma of cocoa can be developed at a roasting temperature closer to 130ºC than to 160ºC, then a greater antioxidant content should occur in dry cocoa powder.