Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Double hybride en levure"

La Petite dernière de Fatima Daas fait entendre la voix d’une narratrice aux prises avec sa double culture franco-algérienne et la découverte de son homosexualité. À travers cet article, notre objectif est d’analyser la façon dont le motif de l’entre-deux – communautaire, linguistique et spatial – façonne l’identité de la narratrice. En travaillant conjointement les notions d’étrangèreté et d’hybridité, nous porterons notre attention sur la géographie personnelle de la narratrice, sur ses déplacements quotidiens autant que sur le voyage vers le pays d’origine, ainsi que sur le conflit intérieur en lien avec la religion musulmane et l’identité homosexuelle. Notre hypothèse est que le refus de choisir entre ces deux identités a priori inconciliables peut se lire comme un signe d’agentivité, voire une véritable posture éthique : dans l’écriture de Fatima Daas se dessinerait en creux une conception relationnelle de l’autonomie.

The work presented in this paper is part of a research program dealing with the thermomechanical behaviour of rock salt. It consists of studying the deferred behaviour by means of multi-step creep tests with changes in deviator and temperature. The test results have revealed the strain-hardening character of rock salt superposed to the influence of temperature and stress. The interpretation of the test results with the model designed by J. Lemaitre, is not completely satisfactory for the entire set of test results because Lemaitre's model is used for the modeling of the viscoplastic behaviour of materials with only one strain hardening variable. Hence, a "hybrid" model introducing a double variable for strain hardening has been proposed. The validation of this model on the creep tests is very satisfactory and confirms the existence of two variables of strain hardening for rock salt behaviour.Key words: rock salt, multi-step creep, strain hardening, J. Lemaitre model.

La recherche vise à analyser les motivations ainsi que les stratégies de conciliation de l’emploi salarié et de l’activité entrepreneuriale au Burkina Faso. Sur la base de 20 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés avec des entrepreneurs hybrides de ce pays de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, les résultats font ressortir des motivations entrepreneuriales mixtes à caractères économiques et non économiques, mais également dépendantes du contexte socio-culturel. Par ailleurs, les entrepreneurs hybrides tentent de concilier leur double rôle d’employé-entrepreneur en déléguant la gestion courante de l’entreprise à un personnel diversifié, tout en contrôlant les activités à distance au moyen d’outils numériques. La recherche met en évidence deux facteurs clés de pérennisation de l’entreprise créée jusqu’ici ignorés dans la littérature, à savoir la présence physique et la contribution mentale de l’entrepreneur hybride. En outre, cette recherche suggère aux pouvoirs publics de soutenir l’entrepreneuriat hybride au regard de sa contribution à l’amélioration du pouvoir d’achat des individus et de sa capacité de création d’emplois.

Admiré ou utilisé, l'animal a pour l'homme un double visage que le jouet exacerbe. Or, la fonction d'apprentissage du deuil réalisée par l'objet transitionnel selon Winnicott semble remise en question par de récents cybers-virtuels doudous habiles à flatter notre désir de simulacre en nourrissant les valeurs de l'enfance, pérennisée à l'envi. Le Hérault privilégié est notre vieux doudou, réinvesti par l'art : animal-homme-super héros ou hybride accompli ; un mixte de tendresse naïve et de brutalité sauvage, histoire de nous permettre de ne pas grandir.

Résumé Représentatif, par son caractère hybride, d’une tendance essayiste dans la prose narrative contemporaine, Un an de Jean Echenoz propose un discours double : d’une part, la fiction ou la représentation du monde, de l’autre, l’investigation ethnologique et la réflexion sociologique. Inspiré par les effets sociaux des arrêtés anti-mendicité de 1996, le roman déplace l’accent du récit d’événements vers le récit de pensées et le commentaire. Le regard « en négatif » qu’adopte le narrateur dissipe l’illusion romanesque et étend l’espace qui entoure le discours de la fiction, transformant l’oeuvre en un « essai romanesque ».

En 2016, nous avons lancé le premier master de Nanoélectronique en Équateur à l’Universidad San Francisco de Quito (USFQ). Il s’agit d’un master en Double Diplôme dont le Master 1 (M1) se fait en Equateur et le Master 2 (M2) soit en France (Institut National Polytechnique de Toulouse, INPT) soit en Italie (Université de Calabres, UNICAL). Parmi les cours proposés le cours de design de microprocesseur de 48h est divisé en 2 parties dont une se concentrant sur le design d’un VSM (Very Simple Microprocessor). Dans une pédagogie de type classe inversée, une approche de type Apprentissage Par Projet (APP) a été choisie en utilisant comme support l’outil de design Microwind, logiciel de design de circuits intégrés incluant une perspective technologique. Ce type de travail a été reproduit tous les ans et Microwind a continué à intégrer de nouveaux noeuds technologiques avec de nouvelle architectures : planar, FinFET et plus récemment Nano-Sheet FET. De cette façon chaque nouvelle promotion peut apprendre à pratiquer l’intégration des VSM « customized » avec la possibilité d’intégrer des noeuds technologiques les plus avancés.

Cet article s’intéresse à l’acquisition du français par les locuteurs russes et polonais servant à la Légion étrangère. Le contexte d’acquisition du français est tout à fait particulier dans ce corps d’armée : plurilinguisme et communication exolingue produisent un input singulier, transformant la langue française en un hybride linguistique à définir, produit de jargon militaire, légionnaire, de mots empruntés aux langues fortement représentées à la Légion et de tournures stéréotypées dont les soldats ne connaissent pas la signification mot à mot. L’étude en cours tend à prouver l’existence d’un véritable légiolecte, permettant l’intercompréhension au sein des régiments, mais confrontant les recrues à de grandes difficultés de communication avec le monde civil. Dans l’étude d’énoncés de légionnaires, nous distinguerons les marques transcodiques de la langue maternelle des recrues des formes hybrides caractérisant le langage de la Légion.

Avec Le romancier fictif, André Belleau a élaboré un cadre de pensée qui aide à mieux comprendre les modalités par lesquelles la littérature, en contexte québécois, met en scène la figure de l’écrivain. La réflexion que propose cet article part des pistes d’interprétation fournies par Belleau afin d’étudier les quelques essais de Surprendre les voix où l’essayiste s’est lui-même donné en autoreprésentation. Plutôt que de succomber à la dissociation qu’impose fréquemment aux écrivains fictifs le « conflit des codes » caractéristique de l’institution littéraire québécoise, le Belleau des essais mimétiques parvient à concilier la double exigence du savant et du populaire. Il en résulte un être hybride, proprement silénique, qui puise dans la tradition carnavalesque un mode de représentation servant à faire contrepoids aux hauteurs où loge la pensée essayistique.

Après avoir présenté une conception radicale des recherches participatives, ce texte montre que les savoirs produits dans un tel cadre sont de nature hybride et peuvent être qualifiés de transdisciplinaires, au sens fort de ce qualificatif qui souligne que ces savoirs vont au-delà de toute catégorisation de savoirs constitués. Cette transdisciplinarité forte pose la question de la vérité et de l’objectivité des énoncés ainsi produits. La réponse à cette double question conditionne à la fois l’excellence épistémique et la pertinence sociale de ces énoncés, qui ont pour vocation de déboucher sur des actions aptes à répondre aux attentes cognitives et sociales de toutes les parties prenantes. Une telle vocation implique une conduite inédite de l’évaluation des savoirs impliqués, du point de vue de leur pertinence épistémique comme de celui de leur pertinence sociale.

L’apparition de l’édition musicale à Lyon est un parfait exemple de l’utilité des sources archivistiques en complément des travaux bibliographiques classiques. En effet, si seulement trois éditions ont été retrouvées avant l’année 1532 (date des premières éditions musicales datées de l’imprimeur Jacques Moderne), la comparaison avec les mentions trouvées dans les inventaires de libraires ou de collections, essentiellement espagnols, révèle qu’une bonne quinzaine d’éditions ont été publiées entre 1525 et 1530, avec au moins trois procédés techniques : le procédé d’Antico en gravure, le procédé d’Attaingnant en typographie ou le procédé hybride du Contrapunctus (gravure en double impression). Il y a donc eu à Lyon, à cette époque, des essais et des hésitations multiples quant au choix du procédé et, pour les musicologues de notre temps, une perte sensible d’une part du répertoire musical de cette époque.

Après avoir brossé, dans une brève introduction, les pôles entre lesquels se situe chaque édition critique — la connaissance profonde d’une oeuvre et de tous ses états de texte et l’application la plus rigoureuse d’un protocole pour établir le texte et ses variantes, ainsi que les choix incontournables et souvent subjectifs auxquels tout scientifique doit faire face lors de la préparation d’une édition critique —, cet article décrit brièvement l’avant-texte de Sans jamais parler du vent de France Daigle, pour ensuite commenter la genèse d’un des fragments narratifs principaux du roman. Par l’intermédiaire de ce noyau textuel, nous expliquons alors les raisons qui nous ont amenée à adopter dans l’édition critique du premier roman de Daigle une approche hybride : sont reproduits, après l’appareil critique, des extraits détaillés de plusieurs fragments clés qui montrent leur genèse. Cette double présentation — établissement des variantes et genèse textuelle — fera mieux saisir, nous l’espérons, toutes les richesses de ce mince livre créé à partir d’états de texte assez volumineux.

Notre problématique de recherche est née d’un double constat établi à partir d’une observation personnelle faite auprès d’apprenants arabophones confrontés à la compréhension en lecture des contenus pédagogiques, qui au travers de nos lecture a été davantage consolidée, notamment avec les travaux de (Boudechiche, 2008), (Sebane M. , 2008) et (Rekrak, 2016) dans lesquels ils ont démontrés avec clarté que les étudiants, en tentant de construire des connaissances en français langue étrangère, rencontraient beaucoup de difficultés. Nous supposons que l’exploitation des multiples apports d’une plateforme d’apprentissage en ligne « MoodleCloud » dans le cadre d’un enseignement hybride permettrait d’enrichir l’enseignement dispensé en classe et de développer au mieux la compétence de compréhension en lecture de ces étudiants. Afin de vérifier nos hypothèses de recherche, nous avons mené tout au long d’un semestre d’étude une enquête sur terrain qui s’est déroulée en trois phases auprès d’étudiants algériens inscrits en 1ére année Licence au département de Français.

Cet article se propose de lire Lieux, projet inachevé de Georges Perec publié posthumément en 2022, en tant qu’œuvre charnière dans l’évolution des réflexions de Perec sur la mémoire, considérée comme travail et comme appel au partage. Dans un premier moment, l’étude esquissera brièvement une histoire du projet pour saisir les enjeux de sa rédaction, comprendre les possibles raisons de son abandon final et répondre aux questions de légitimé au sujet de sa récente publication posthume en double version, papier et électronique. Ensuite, dans le sillon de l’étude de Philippe Lejeune La mémoire et l’oblique, l’article proposera une lecture de Lieux focalisée sur les approches de la mémoire à l’œuvre dans ce texte. L’approche expérimentale de Perec vis-à-vis de la matière autobiographique, se heurtant aux questionnements, aux tâtonnements, aux incertitudes de l’auteur, se reflète dans une écriture hybride, errante, préfigurant les notions de multiple, de potentiel, d’appel aux autres qui caractériseront les projets successifs de l’auteur.

Abstract In this contribution, we study the uses that commentators of the digital press make of languages in their language practices on the virtual diaspora. We therefore set ourselves the objective of demonstrating that digital comments obey a double dimension: global and local. Indeed, the choice of our study corpus is not fortuitous but is part of a desire to demonstrate that digital commentary written as a new media genre has a hybrid character that reconciles brands of digital style and local linguistic and cultural specificities which are explained in effective language practices through codic alternation, a phenomenon that we describe here. Résumé Nous étudions dans cette contribution les usages que les commentateurs de la presse numérique font des langues dans leurs pratiques langagières sur la diaspora virtuelle. Nous nous assignons de ce fait l'objectif de démontrer que les commentaires numériques obéissent à une double dimension: globale et locale. En effet, le choix de notre corpus d'étude n'est pas fortuit mais s'inscrit dans une volonté de démontrer que le commentaire numérique écrit en tant que nouveau genre médiatique a un caractère hybride qui concilie entre les marques du style numérique et les spécificités linguistiques et cultuelles locales qui s'explicitent dans les pratiques langagières effectives à travers l'alternance codique, phénomène que nous décrivons ici.

L’omniprésence des enjeux de sécurité dans le champ politique et médiatique donne à voir un processus de sécuritisation des phénomènes sociaux, et de pluralisation des acteurs et des univers impliqués dans leur prise en charge. Le présent numéro entend précisément questionner à nouveaux frais cette double dynamique contemporaine, et en saisir les effets, tant sur l’ordre social et politique, que sur les acteurs et les univers sociaux dont la mise en relation est constitutive de l’action publique de sécurité. Pour ce faire, les articles rassemblés ici sont structurés autour d’une entrée analytique commune, visant à étudier ces groupes d’acteurs et leurs rapports à l’État à l’aune des nouvelles formes de savoirs et de savoir-faire qu’ils déploient et des luttes de juridictions qu’ils entretiennent. En objectivant la complexité des arrangements entre politique et sécurité et en renouvelant l’analyse des liens entre État, sécurité et action publique, ces contributions permettent in fine de distinguer trois grandes configurations idéal-typiques de sécurité (apprentissages conjoints et production d’une sécurité hybride ; dispositifs partenariaux et diffusion d’une logique sécuritaire ; dispositifs d’action conjointe et querelles de juridictions).

In2Ti6(PO4)6[Si2O(PO4)6] has been obtained by heating (1100 °C) stoichiometric amounts of In2O3, SiP2O7, TiP2O7, and TiO2 in air. Colourless crystals of the phosphate-silicophosphate suitable for a single crystal structure investigation have been grown by chemical vapour transport (1000°C → 900°C, mixture of 70 mg PtCl2 and 3.5 mg TiP as transport agent). In2Ti6(PO4)6[Si2O(PO4)6] adopts its own structure type (R3̅ (No. 148), Z = 3, a = 8.4380(10) Å , c = 44.295(1) Å , 1809 independent reflections, 109 variables, R1 = 0.044, wR2 = 0.112). The crystal structure represents a hybride built up from alternating layers (⟂ to the c-axis) of the NASICON structure-type and those showing the structure of silicophosphates M4[Si2O(PO4)6]. Isolated heteropolyanions [Si2O(PO4)6]12− and double-octahedra [InIIITiIVO9] occur as coordination polyhedra besides isolated octahedra [TiIVO6] and tetrahedral phosphate groups. The results of 29Si and 31P-MAS-NMR studies are in agreement with one crystallographically independent site for silicon and two sites for phosphorus. The phosphorus resonances can be related to the two sites by 2-dimensional cross-polarisation experiments, by the anisotropies of their chemical shifts, and by the observed line widths. All criteria lead to the same assignment. Substitution of In3+ by several trivalent transition metal ions leads to phosphate-silicophosphates M2Ti6(PO4)6[Si2O(PO4)6] (M = Ti3+, V3+, Cr3+, Fe3+)

Spondias mombin est un fruitier sauvage comestible peu connu, négligé et sous utilisé en Afrique de l’Ouest. La présente étude vise à valoriser la pulpe des fruits de prunier mombin (Spondias mombin L.) à travers la production du vinaigre. A cet effet, le jus extrait de la pulpe des fruits de S. mombin collectés à maturité a été utilisé pour la production du vinaigre. Le bioproduit est obtenu par une double fermentation utilisant respectivement la levure Saccharomyces cerevisiae et la bactérie Acetobacter aceti. La fermentation alcoolique a duré 17 jours et celle acétique a duré 30 jours. Les caractéristiques physico-chimiques, microbiologiques et les propriétés anti-oxydantes (composés phénoliques, vitamine C) du vinaigre obtenu et commercial ont été évaluées suivant les méthodes standards. Les résultats ont montré que le pH, l’acidité titrable, la densité et le degré Brix du vinaigre issu de S. mombin sont respectivement de 3,2, 24,64 g/L, 1,016 et de 13,7 (°Brix). De faibles teneurs en acide acétique (1,87 %) et en degré d’alcool (0,66 %) étaient observées pour le vinaigre de S. mombin comparativement au vinaigre commercial (3,89 % et 1,20 %). Les deux vinaigres se caractérisent par des teneurs élevées en vitamine C (0,034-0,032 %), en composés phénoliques (485,54-853,12 mg/L) et en flavonoïdes (126,24-364,06). L’analyse statistique a révélé qu’à l’exception de la vitamine C et des flavonoïdes, une différence significative (P ≤ 5 %) a été observée entre les propriétés physicochimiques et les facteurs antinutritionnels des deux vinaigres. L’évaluation de la qualité microbiologique a montré que les deux vinaigres sont exempts de germes pathogènes. Les deux sources de vinaigre présentent des charges Flore Mésophile Aérobie Totale, de levures et moisissures respectant les valeurs acceptables de la norme. Le vinaigre de S. mombin produit présente un bon potentiel de consommation et constitue une voie alternative de valorisation et d’augmentation de la valeur ajoutée de cette espèce. Spondias mombin is a little-known, neglected and underutilized edible wild fruit tree in West Africa. The present study aims to valorize the pulp of mombin plum fruits (Spondias mombin L.) through the production of vinegar. For this purpose, the juice extracted from the pulp of S. mombin fruits collected at maturity was used for the production of vinegar. The bioproduct is obtained by a double fermentation using the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae and the bacterium Acetobacter aceti respectively. The alcoholic fermentation lasted 17 days and the acetic one lasted 30 days. The physico-chemical and microbiological characteristics and the antioxidant properties (phenolic compounds, vitamin C) of the S. mombin vinegar obtained and commercial vinegar were evaluated using standard methods. The results showed that the pH, titratable acidity, density and Brix degree of vinegar from S. mombin are 3.2, 24.64 g/L, 1.016, and 13.7, respectively (°Brix). Low acetic acid (1.87%) and alcohol content (0.66%) were observed for S. mombin vinegar compared to commercial vinegar (3.89% and 1.20%). Both vinegars are characterized by high levels of vitamin C (0.034-0.032%), phenolic compounds (485.54-853.12 mg/L) and flavonoids (126.24-364.06 mg/L). Statistical analysis revealed that with the exception of vitamin C and flavonoids, a significant difference (P ≤ 5 %) was observed between the physicochemical properties and antinutritional factors of the two vinegars. The evaluation of the microbiological quality showed that the two vinegars are free of pathogenic germs. Both sources of vinegar have loads of Total Aerobic Mesophilic Flora, yeasts and molds respecting the acceptable values of the standard. The S. mombin vinegar produced has good potential for consumption and constitutes an alternative way of promoting and increasing the added value of this species.

BACKGROUND: DLBCL is the most common and a potentially curable non-Hodgkin lymphoma. Multiple previous studies have shown that minority populations have worse outcomes compared to Caucasians (Tao L, Blood 2014; Griffiths R, BMC Cancer 2010; Koroukian et al, Cancer, 2010, Shenoy PJ Cancer 2010). Moreover, it has been reported that uninsured and Medicaid insured patients with DLBCL have inferior survival compared to privately insured patients (Han X, Cancer 2014; Koroukian et al, Cancer 2010;). It has also been well established that minorities are underrepresented in clinical trials (Gerrero S, Sci Rep 2018; Kwiatkowski K, Cancer 2013). We present the baseline characteristics, treatment paradigms and outcomes of Caucasian (C) and non-Caucasian (NC) patients with de novo DLBCL treated at a single academic hybrid cancer center. METHODS: We collected demographic, disease, insurance coverage, treatment characteristics, and treatment outcomes for patients with de novo DLBCL who presented between January 2016 and January 2019 at Levine Cancer Institute, Charlotte, North Carolina. Patient race, C or NC were self-reported. Insurance was categorized as Government (Medicaid or Medicare), Private, or Uninsured. We used the Revised International Prognostic Index (R-IPI) to risk stratify patients. Double-hit lymphomas (DHL) were defined as having the MYC translocation with either BCL2 or BCL6 translocation on fluorescent in situ hybridization. Treatments included standard chemoimmunotherapies, stem cell transplantation and clinical trials including chimeric antigen receptor therapies (CART). Outcomes of overall survival (OS) and progression free survival (PFS) were calculated using the Kaplan Meier method and compared with log rank test. Demographic data was compared using Fisher's Exact tests. RESULTS: One hundred and ninety-six consecutive patients with de novo DLBCL were included in the analysis [155 (79%) = C, 41 (21%) = NC] (Table). The NC group was predominantly African American (71%) followed by Hispanic (15%). Prognostic scores (R-IPI) and the incidence of DHL were similar between C and NC. The median age at diagnosis in the NC group was lower than in C. There were significant differences in insurance coverage between the 2 groups (p=0.012). The C group did not have any uninsured patients and had more patients with private insurance (33%) compared to the NC group (7% uninsured and 27% with private insurance). The most common frontline treatment was RCHOP (C=66%, NC=70%) followed by dose adjusted REPOCH (C=12%, NC=15%). Median follow up was 31.6 months. There was no difference in OS and PFS between the 2 groups (Figure 1). OS at 2 years from date of diagnosis was 81% for C and 84% for NC, p=0.852. Two-year PFS from time of diagnosis were similar for both groups: 61% for C and 63% for NC, p=0.999. Similar numbers of patients in both groups developed relapsed or refractory (R/R) disease after frontline therapy. Median number of treatments was 2 for both groups, p=0.582. For patients who developed R/R DLBCL, the 2-year OS was 60% for C and 63% for NC, p=0.590. Similar proportions underwent stem cell transplantation: 11% for C and 20% for NC, p= 0.186. Clinical trial enrollment was comparable: 11% for C and 12% for NC, p=0.785. CONCLUSION: Unlike previous population-based studies that have shown racial disparities with superior outcomes for Caucasians and for patients with private insurance, our single center experience demonstrates similar survival outcomes between Caucasians and non-Caucasians diagnosed with de novo DLBCL, despite differences in insurance coverage favoring Caucasians. In the R/R setting, similar proportions of both groups underwent stem cell transplantation and enrolled on clinical trials. The likely explanation is that our safety net cancer center, with extensive nurse navigator support and access to standard treatments, stem cell transplants and cutting-edge clinical trials may abrogate the inferior outcomes in minority populations that have been previously reported. Disclosures Symanowski: Immatics: Consultancy; Eli Lilly: Consultancy; Carsgen Therapeutics: Consultancy; Boston Biomedical: Consultancy. Park:Rafael Pharma: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BMS: Consultancy, Research Funding; Gilead: Speakers Bureau; Teva: Consultancy, Research Funding; G1 Therapeutics: Consultancy; Seattle Genetics: Research Funding, Speakers Bureau. Avalos:Juno: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Best Practice-Br Med J: Patents & Royalties: receives royalties from a coauthored article on evaluation of neutropenia. Jacobs:Genentech: Speakers Bureau; AstraZeneca: Speakers Bureau; TG Therapeutics: Honoraria, Research Funding; AbbVie: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; JUNO: Consultancy; Gilead: Consultancy; Pharmacyclics LLC, an AbbVie Company: Research Funding, Speakers Bureau. Ghosh:TG Therapeutics: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; SGN: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Gilead: Consultancy, Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Pharmacyclics LLC, an AbbVie Company: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Consultancy, Research Funding; Genentech: Research Funding; AstraZeneca: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Forty Seven Inc: Research Funding.

explore les phénomènes d’hybridation organisationnelle à partird’une perspective communicationnelle. L’hybridité, en biologie,traite du croisement des espèces et de la double nature deschoses. Au sens figuré, l’hybridité se dit de quelque chose de maldéfini, de flou. De nature expérimentale, accidentelle, mais rarementvolontaire, l’hybridation, comme processus, fait émerger deschoses dont l’état est disparate, étonnant voir monstrueux.

Abstract Dans ses memoirs The Speckled People (2003), l’Irlandais Hugo Hamilton recrée l’itinéraire de sa mère allemande sous le Troisième Reich comme s’il s’agissait de poser sur le papier un « film en noir et blanc » (Hamilton 2003). L’enfant multilingue, figure d’énonciation spécifique en raison de l’acuité de sa conscience métalinguistique (Cazden 1974, Anokhina 2015), est recréé à distance par l’auteur adulte. Contribuant aux lectures académiques de Hamilton (Ní Éigeartaigh 2010, Depner 2014), cet article avance que l’originalité du récit de soi autour du topos autobiographique que constitue la mise en récit de l’héritage maternel repose sur une intermédialité inédite. Dans l’espace des livres, Hamilton met en film l’histoire personnelle de sa mère, résistante au nazisme, d’une part, et d’autre part l’histoire de l’Allemagne, perçue à distance dans une double altérité linguistique et diasporique. Ces images de l’Allemagne qui surgissent de ce média hybride inséré de part en part dans le récit autobiographique marquent le lecteur avec plus de force que le reste du récit, plus classiquement irlandais.

La présente étude vise à valoriser la pulpe des fruits de prunier mombin (Spondias mombin L.) à travers la production du vinaigre. A cet effet, le jus extrait de la pulpe des fruits de S. mombin collectés à maturité était utilisé pour la production du vinaigre. Le bioproduit est obtenu par une double fermentation utilisant respectivement la levure Saccharomyces Cerevisiae et la bactérie Acétobacter Aceti. Les caractéristiques physico-chimiques, microbiologiques et les propriétés anti-oxydantes (composés phénoliques, vitamine C) du vinaigre obtenu et commercial ont été évaluées suivant les méthodes standards. Les résultats ont montré que le pH, l’acidité titrable, la densité, et le degré brix du vinaigre issu de S. mombin sont respectivement de 3,2, de 24,64 g/L, de 1,016 et de 13,7 (°Brix). De faibles teneurs en acide acétique (1,87 %) et en degré d’alcool (0,66 %) étaient observées pour le vinaigre de S. mombin comparativement au vinaigre commercial (3,89 % et 1,20 %). Les deux vinaigres se caractérisent par des teneurs élevées en vitamine C (0,034-0,032 %), en composés phénoliques (485,54-853,12 mg/L) et en flavonoïdes (126,24-364,06). L’analyse statistique a révélé qu’a l’exception de la vitamine C et des flavonoïdes, une différence significative (P≤5 %) a été observée entre les propriétés physicochimiques et les facteurs antinutritionnels des deux vinaigres. L’évaluation de la qualité microbiologique a montré que les deux vinaigres sont exempts de germes pathogènes. Comparé à la norme, les deux vinaigres présentent des charges FMAT et levures et moisissures respectant la norme. Le vinaigre de S. mombin produit présente un bon potentiel de consommation et constitue une voie alternative de valorisation et d’augmentation de la valeur ajoutée de cette espèce.

In the Defence of Poesy, Philip Sidney refers puzzlingly to Thomas More and Utopia. He praises the “way” this work presents a commonwealth yet faults the man who produced it. Sidney might have followed religious writers who condemned More’s Catholicism and his use of poetic fictions rather than direct assertions of what is true. In context, though, Sidney implies that his equivocation stems from More’s inconclusive dialogue and speculative discourse: genres he deems less effective than narrative in compelling readers to act virtuously. When revising his Arcadia, Sidney tests the poetics outlined in the Defence: a lengthy dialogue is interrupted by new episodes as narrative rises above rational debate and as characters become more obviously dominated by passion, not reason. Sidney’s revisions correspond to reassessments of Utopia at the turn of the century: its wit and poetry could be admired, yet its hybrid, contemplative genres seemed less compelling than narratives whose delight invites virtuous action. Dans sa Defence of Poesy, Philip Sidney se réfère inexplicablement à Thomas More et à son Utopie. Il y loue comment cet ouvrage met en avant un bien commun, tout en trouvant bien des failles à son auteur. Sidney était peut-être d’accord avec certains auteurs religieux ayant condamné le catholicisme de More, ainsi que les fictions poétiques que la République condamne. Toutefois, considérant son propos dans son contexte, Sidney avance que son ambivalence s’explique par l’absence de conclusion du dialogue et le discours spéculatif de More, c’est-à-dire des styles qu’il considère moins à même que la narration de pousser le lecteur à la vertu. Lorsqu’il révise son Arcadia, Sidney met à l’épreuve la poétique qu’il a développée dans sa Defence : un dialogue s’étirant en longueur est interrompu par de nouveaux épisodes, et le récit prend le pas sur le débat rationnel, alors que les personnages se laissent visiblement plus emporter par la passion que par la raison. Les révisions de Sidney correspondent aux réexamens de l’Utopie au tournant du siècle. Il était possible d’admirer l’esprit et la poésie de More, mais son style hybride et contemplatif semble avoir été moins efficace que la narration, qui, elle, invite à la vertu par le plaisir qu’elle provoque.

ExpositionPortland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland?To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers.ActionThe insights from this paper came to us inadvertently. While conducting fieldwork that interrogated ‘localism’ and how Portland makers conceptualise local, makers repeatedly discussed the importance of social media to their work. In our fieldwork, Instagram in particular has presented us with new opportunities to query the entanglements of real and virtual embedded in collective identifications with place. This paper draws from interviews conducted for two closely related research projects. The first examines maker ecosystems in three US cities, Portland, Chicago and New York (Doussard et. al.; Wolf-Powers and Levers). We drew from the Portland interviews (n=38) conducted for this project. The second research project is our multi-year examination of Portland’s maker community, where we have conducted interviews (n=48), two annual surveys of members of the Portland Made Collective (n=126 for 2014, n=338 for 2015) and numerous field observations. As will be evident below, our sample of makers includes small crafters and producers from a variety of ‘traditional’ sectors ranging from baking to carpentry to photography, all united by a common identification with the maker movement. Using insights from this trove of data as well as general observations of the changing artisan landscape of Portland, we address the question of how social media mediates the space between Portland as a material place and Portland as an imaginary place.Social Media, Subjectivity, and Authenticity In the post-Fordist era, creative self-enterprise and entrepreneurialism have been elevated to mythical status (Szeman), becoming especially important in the creative and digital industries. These industries have been characterized by contract based work (Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin; Storey, Salaman, and Platman), unstable employment (Hesmondhalgh and Baker), and the logic of flexible specialization (Duffy and Hund; Gill). In this context of hyper individualization and intense competition, creative workers and other entrepreneurs are increasingly pushed to strategically brand, curate, and project representational images of their subjectivity in order to secure new work (Gill), embody the values of the market (Banet-Weiser and Arzumanova), and take on commercial logics of authenticity (Duffy; Marwick and boyd). For example, Duffy and Hund explore how female fashion bloggers represent their branded persona, revealing three interrelated tropes typically used by bloggers: the destiny of passionate work; the presentation of a glam lifestyle; and carefully curated forms of social sharing. These curated tropes obscure the (unpaid) emotional and aesthetic labour (Hracs and Leslie), self-discipline, and capital required to run these blogs. Duffy and Hund also point out that this concealment is generative of particular mythologies about creative work, gender, race, and class. To this list we would add place; below, we will show the use of Instagram by Portland’s makers not only perpetuates particular mythologies about artisan labour and demands self-branding, but is also a spatial practice that is productive of place through the use of visual vernaculars that reflect a localized and globalized articulation of the social and physical milieu of Portland (Hjorth and Gu; Pike). Similar to many other artists and creative entrepreneurs (Pasquinelli and Sjöholm), Portland’s makers typically work long hours in order to produce high quality, unique goods at a volume that will afford them the ability to pay rent in Portland’s increasingly expensive central city neighbourhoods. Much of this work is done from the home: according to our survey of Portland Made Collective’s member firms, 40% consist of single entrepreneurs working from home. Despite being a part of a creative milieu that is constantly captured by the Portland ‘brand’, working long hours, alone, produces a sense of isolation, articulated well by this apparel maker:It’s very isolating working from home alone. [...] The other people I know are working from home, handmade people, I’ll post something, and it makes you realize we’re all sitting at home doing the exact same thing. We can’t all hang out because you gotta focus when you’re working, but when I’m like ugh, I just need a little break from the sewing machine for five minutes, I go on Instagram.This statement paints Instagram as a coping mechanism for the isolation of working alone from home, an important impetus for makers to use Instagram. This maker uses Instagram roughly two hours per workday to connect with other makers and to follow certain ‘trendsetters’ (many of whom also live in Portland). Following other makers allows the maker community to gauge where they are relative to other makers; one furniture maker told us that she was able to see where she should be going based on other makers that were slightly ahead of her, but she could also advise other makers that were slightly behind her. The effect is a sense of collaborative participation in the ‘scene’, which both alleviates the sense of isolation and helps makers gain legitimacy from others in their milieu. As we show below, this participation demands from makers a curative process of identity formation. Jacque Rancière’s intentional double meaning of the French term partage (the “distribution of the sensible”) creates space to frame curation in terms of the politics around “sharing in” and “sharing out” (Méchoulan). For Rancière, the curative aspect of communities (or scenes) reveals something inherently political about aesthetics: the politics of visibility on Instagram “revolve around what is seen and what can be said about it, who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time” (8-9). An integral part of the process of curating a particular identity to express over Instagram is reflected by who they follow or what they ‘like’ (a few makers mentioned the fact that they ‘like’ things strategically).Ultimately, makers need followers for their brand (product brand, self-brand, and place-brand), which requires makers to engage in a form of aesthetic labour through a curated articulation of who a maker is–their personal story, or what Duffy and Hund call “the destiny of passionate work”–and how that translates into what they make at the same time. These identities congeal over Instagram: one maker described this as a “circle of firms that are moving together.” Penetrating that circle by curating connections over Instagram is an important branding strategy.As a confections maker told us, strategically using hashtags and stylizing pictures to fit the trends is paramount. Doing these things effectively draws attention from other makers and trendsetters, and, as an apparel maker told us, getting even one influential trendsetter or blogger to follow them on Instagram can translate into huge influxes of attention (and sales) for their business. Furthermore, getting featured by an influential blogger or online magazine can yield instantaneous results. For instance, we spoke with an electronics accessories maker that had been featured in Gizmodo a few years prior, and the subsequent uptick in demand led him to hire over 20 new employees.The formulation of a ‘maker’ subjectivity reveals the underlying manner in which certain subjective characteristics are expressed while others remain hidden; expressing the wrong characteristics may subvert the ability for makers to establish themselves in the milieu. We asked a small Portland enterprise that documents the local maker scene about the process of curating an Instagram photo, especially curious about how they aesthetically frame ‘site visits’ at maker workspaces. We were somewhat surprised to hear that makers tend to “clean too much” ahead of a photo shoot; the photographer we spoke with told us that people want to see the space as it looks when it’s being worked in, when it’s a little messy. The photographer expressed an interest in accentuating the maker’s ‘individual understanding’ of the maker aesthetic; the framing and the lighting of each photo is meant to relay traces of the maker to potential consumers. The desire seems to be the expression and experience of ‘authenticity’, a desire that if captured correctly grants the maker a great deal of purchase in the field of Portland Made consumers. This is all to say that the curation of the workspaces is essential to the construction of the maker subjectivity and the Portland imaginary. Maker workshops are rendered as real places where real makers that belong to an authentic maker milieu produce authentic Portland goods that have a piece of Portland embedded within them (Molotch). Instagram is central in distributing that mythology to a global audience.At this point we can start to develop the relationship between maker subjectivity and place. Authenticity, in this context, appears to be tied to the product being both handmade and place-specific. As the curated imaginary of Portland matures, a growing dialogue emerges between makers and consumers of Portland Made (authentic) goods. This dialogue is a negotiated form of authority in which the maker claims authority while the consumer simultaneously confers authority. The aforementioned place-specificity signals a new layer of magic in regards to Portland’s distinctive position: would ‘making’ in any other place be generative of such authority? According to a number of our interviewees, being from Portland carries the assumption that Portland’s makers have a certain level of expertise that comes from being completely embedded in Portland’s creative scene. This complex interplay between real and virtual treats Portland’s imaginary as a concrete reality, preparing it for consumption by reinforcing the notion of an authoritative collective brand (Portland Made). One bicycle accessory maker claimed that the ability of Portland’s makers to access the Portland brand transmits credibility for makers of things associated with Portland, such as bikes, beer, and crafty goods. This perhaps explains why so many makers use Portland in the name of their company (e.g. Portland Razor Company) and why so many stamp their goods with ‘Made in Portland’.This, however, comes with an added set of expectations: the maker, again, is tasked with cultivating and performing a particular aesthetic in order to achieve legitimacy with their target audience, only this time it ends up being the dominant aesthetic associated with a specific place. For instance, the aforementioned bicycle accessory maker that we spoke with recalled an experience at a craft fair in which many of the consumers were less concerned with his prices than whether his goods were handmade in Portland. Without this legitimation, the good would not have the mysticism of Portland as a place locked within it. In this way, the authenticity of a place becomes metonymic (e.g. Portlandia), similar to how Detroit became known as ‘Motor City’. Portland’s particular authenticity is wrapped up in individuality, craftiness, creativity, and environmental conscientiousness, all things that makers in some way embed in their products (Molotch) and express in the photos on their Instagram feeds (Hjorth).(Social) Media, Place, and the Performance of Aesthetics In this section, we turn our attention to the relationship between subjectivity, place, and Instagram. Scholars have investigated how television production (Pramett), branding (Pike), and locative-based social media (Hjorth, Hjorth and Gu, Hjorth and Lim, Leszczynski) function as spatial practices. The practices affect and govern experiences and interactions with space, thereby generating spatial hybridity (de Souza e Silva). McQuire, for example, investigates the historical formation of the ‘media city’, demonstrating how various media technologies have become interconnected with the architectural structures of the city. Pramett expands on this analysis of media representations of cities by interrogating how media production acts as a spatial practice that produces and governs contested urban spaces, the people in those spaces, and the habitus of the place, forming what she dubs the “media neighbourhood.” The media neighbourhood becomes ordered by the constant opportunities for neighbourhood residents to be involved in media production; residents must navigate and interact with local space as though they may be captured on film or asked to work in the background production at any moment. These material (on site shooting and local hiring practices) and immaterial (textual, musical, and visual representations of a city) production practices become exploitative, extracting value from a place for media industries and developers that capitalize on a place’s popular imaginary.McQuire’s media city and Pramett’s media neighbourhood help us understand the embeddedness of (social) media in the material landscapes of Portland. Over the past few years, Portland has begun experiencing new flows of tourists and migrants–we should note that more than a few makers mentioned in interviews that they moved to Portland in order to become makers–expecting to find what they see on Instagram overlaid materially on the city itself. And indeed, they do: ‘vibrant’ neighbourhood districts such as Alberta Arts, Belmont, Mississippi, Hawthorne, Northwest 23rd, and downtown Portland’s rebranded ‘West End’ are all increasingly full of colourful boutiques that express maker aesthetics and sell local maker goods. Not only do the goods and boutiques need to exemplify these aesthetic qualities, but the makers and the workspaces from which these goods come from, need to fit that aesthetic.The maker subjectivity is developed through the navigation of both real and virtual experiences that contour the social performance of a ‘maker aesthetic’. This aesthetic has become increasingly socially consumed, a trend especially visible on Instagram: as a point of reference, there are at least four Portland-based ‘foodies’ that have over 80,000 followers on Instagram. One visible result of this curated and performed subjectivity and the place-brand it captures is the physical transformation of Portland: (material) space has become a surface onto which the (virtual) Instagram/maker aesthetic is being inscribed, a stage on which the maker aesthetic is performed. The material and immaterial are interwoven into a dramaturgy that gives space a certain set of meanings oriented toward creativity, quirkiness, and consumption. Meanings cultivated over Instagram, then, become productive of meaning in place. These meanings are consumed by thousands of tourists and newly minted Portlanders, as images of people posing in front of Portland’s hipster institutions (such as Salt & Straw or Voodoo Donuts) are captured on iPhones and redistributed back across Instagram for the world to experience. Perhaps this is why Tokyo now has an outpost of Portland’s Blue Star Donuts or why Red Hook (Brooklyn) has its own version of Portland’s Pok Pok. One designer/maker, who had recently relocated to Portland, captured the popular imaginary of Portland in this conversation:Maker: People in Brooklyn love the idea that it came from Portland. People in Seattle love it; people in the Midwest love that it came from Portland right now, because Portland’s like the thing.Interviewer: What does that mean, what does it embody?Maker: They know that it’s local, it like, they know that maker thing is there, it’s in Portland, that they know it’s organic to Portland, it’s local to Portland, there’s this crazy movement that you hear throughout the United States about–Interviewer: So people are getting a piece of that?Maker: Yeah.For us, the dialogical relationship between material and immaterial has never been more entangled. Instagram is one way that makers might control the gap between fragmentation and belonging (i.e. to a particular community or milieu), although in the process they are confronted with an aesthetic distribution that is productive of a mythological sense of place that social media seems to produce, distribute, and consume so effectively. In the era of social media, where sense of place is so quickly transmitted, cities can come to represent a sense of collective identity, and that identity might in turn be distributed across its material landscape.DenouementThrough every wrench turn, every stitching of fabric, every boutique opening, and every Instagram post, makers actively produce Portland as both a local and global place. Portland is constructed through the material and virtual interactions makers engage in, both cultivating and framing everyday interactions in space and ideas held about place. In the first section, we focused on the curation of a maker aesthetic and the development of the maker subjectivity mediated through Instagram. The second section attempted to better understand how those aesthetic performances on Instagram become imprinted on urban space and how these inscriptions feedback to global audiences. Taken together, these performances reveal the complex undertaking that makers adopt in branding their goods as Portland Made. In addition, we hope to have shown the complex entanglements between space and place, production and consumption, and ‘here’ and ‘not here’ that are enrolled in value production at the nexus of place-brand generation.Our investigation opens the door to another, perhaps more problematic set of interrogations which are beyond the scope of this paper. In particular, and especially in consideration of Portland’s gentrification crisis, we see two related sets of displacements as necessary of further interrogation. First, as we answer the question of where Portland is made, we acknowledge that the capturing of Portland Made as a brand perpetuates a process of displacement and “spatio-subjective” regulation that both reflects and reproduces spatial rationalizations (Williams and Dourish). This dis-place-ment renders particular neighbourhoods and populations within Portland, specifically ethnic minorities and the outer edges of the metropolitan area, invisible or superfluous to the city’s imaginary. Portland, as presented by makers through their Instagram accounts, conceals the city’s “power geometries” (Massey) and ignores the broader social context Portland exists in, while perpetuating the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the conversation about what else is made in Portland.Second, as Portland Made has become virtually representative of a deepening connection between makers and place, the performance of such aesthetic labour has left makers to navigate a process that increasingly leads to their own estrangement from the very place they have a hand in creating. This process reveals an absurdity: makers are making the very thing that displaces them. The cultivation of the maker milieu attracts companies, in-movers, and tourists to Portland, thus creating a tight real estate market and driving up property values. Living and working in Portland is increasingly difficult for makers, epitomized by the recent sale and eviction of approximately 500 makers from the Town Storage facility (Hammill). Additionally, industrial space in the city is increasingly coveted by tech firms, and competition over such space is being complicated by looming zoning changes in Portland’s new comprehensive plan.Our conclusions suggest additional research is needed to understand the relationship(s) between such aesthetic performance and various forms of displacement, but we also suggest attention to the global reach of such dynamics: how is Portland’s maker ecosystem connected to the global maker community over social media, and how is space shaped differentially in other places despite a seemingly homogenizing maker aesthetic? Additionally, we do not explore policy implications above, although there is significant space for such exploration with consideration to the attention that Portland and the maker movement in general are receiving from policymakers hungry for a post-Fordist magic bullet. ReferencesBanet-Weiser, Sarah, and Inna Arzumanova. “Creative Authorship, Self-Actualizing Women, and the Self-Brand.” Media Authorship. Eds. Cynthia Chris and David A. Gerstner. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012: 163-179. De Souza e Silva, Adriana. “From Cyber to Hybrid: Mobile Technologies as Interfaces of Hybrid Spaces.” Space and Culture 9.3 (2006): 261–278.Duffy, Brooke Erin, “The Romance of Work: Gender and Aspirational Labour in the Digital Culture Industries.” International Journal of Cultural Studies (2015): 1–17. Duffy, Brooke Erin, and Emily Hund. “‘Having It All’ on Social Media: Entrepreneurial Femininity and Self-Branding among Fashion Bloggers.” Social Media + Society 1.2 (2015): n. pag. Doussard, Marc, Charles Heying, Greg Schrock, and Laura Wolf-Powers. Metropolitan Maker Networks: The Role of Policy, Organization, and "Maker-Enabling Entrepreneurs" in Building the Maker Economy. Progress update to the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation. 2015. Gill, Rosalind. “‘Life Is a Pitch’: Managing the Self in New Media Work.” Managing Media Work (2010): n. pag. Hammill, Luke. "Sale of Towne Storage Building Sends Evicted Artists, Others Scrambling for Space." The Oregonian, 2016.Hesmondhalgh, David, and Sarah Baker. Creative Labour: Media Work in Three Cultural Industries. London, UK: Routledge, 2011. Heying, Charles. Brew to Bikes: Portland’s Artisan Economy. Portland, OR: Ooligan Press, 2010. Hjorth, Larissa. “The Place of the Emplaced Mobile: A Case Study into Gendered Locative Media Practices.” Mobile Media & Communication 1.1 (2013): 110–115. Hjorth, Larissa, and Kay Gu. “The Place of Emplaced Visualities: A Case Study of Smartphone Visuality and Location-Based Social Media in Shanghai, China.” Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 26.5 (2012): 699–713. Hjorth, Larissa, and Sun Sun Lim. “Mobile Intimacy in an Age of Affective Mobile Media.” Feminist Media Studies 12.4 (2012): 477–484. Hracs, Brian J., and Deborah Leslie. “Aesthetic Labour in Creative Industries: The Case of Independent Musicians in Toronto, Canada.” Area 46.1 (2014): 66–73. Leszczynski, A. “Spatial Media/tion.” Progress in Human Geography 39.6 (2014): 729–751. Marotta, Stephen, and Charles Heying. “Interrogating Localism: What Does ‘Made in Portland’ Really Mean?” Craft Economies: Cultural Economies of the Handmade. Eds. Susan Luckman and Nicola Thomas. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic: forthcoming. Marwick, Alice E., and danah boyd. “I Tweet Honestly, I Tweet Passionately: Twitter Users, Context Collapse, and the Imagined Audience.” New Media & Society 13.1 (2011): 114–133. Massey, Doreen. “A Global Sense of Place.” Space, Place, and Gender. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. McQuire, Scott. The Media City: Media, Architecture and Urban Space. Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications Inc., 2008. Mechoulan, Eric. “Introduction: On the Edges of Jacques Ranciere.” SubStance 33.1 (2004): 3–9. Molotch, Harvey. “Place in Product.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26.4 (2003): 665–688. Neff, Gina, Elizabeth Wissinger, and Sharon Zukin. “Entrepreneurial Labor among Cultural Producers: ‘Cool’ Jobs in ‘Hot’ Industries.” Social Semiotics 15.3 (2005): 307–334. Pasquinelli, Cecilia, and Jenny Sjöholm. “Art and Resilience: The Spatial Practices of Making a Resilient Artistic Career in London.” City, Culture and Society 6.3 (2015): 75–81. Pike, Andy. “Placing Brands and Branding: A Socio-Spatial Biography of Newcastle Brown Ale.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 36.2 (2011): 206–222. ———. “Progress in Human Geography Geographies of Brands and Branding Geographies of Brands and Branding.” (2009): 1–27. Ranciere, Jacque. The Politics of Aesthetics. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2004. Roy, Kelley. Portland Made. Portland, OR: Self-Published, 2015.

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-pornography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to fuck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (Cockburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as SlutWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). What the Coulter tweet demonstrates is that fat women are perceived as doubly-problematic in public space, both as fat and as women. They do not do politics in a way that is befitting womanhood – they are too visible and loud; they are not moral guardians of conservative values; and, their bodies challenge masculine power.ReferencesAgenda Feminist Media Collective. “Women in Society: Public Debate.” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity 10 (1991): 31-44.Bay, Kivan. “How Nazis Use Fat to Excuse Violence.” Medium, 7 Feb. 2018. 1 May 2018 <https://medium.com/@kivabay/how-nazis-use-fat-to-excuse-violence-b7da7d18fea8>.———. “Without Fat Girls, There Would Be No Protests.” Bullshit.ist, 13 Nov. 2016. 16 May 2018 <https://bullshit.ist/without-fat-girls-there-would-be-no-protests-e66690de539a>.Bliss, Katherine Elaine. Compromised Positions: Prostitution, Public Health, and Gender Politics in Revolutionary Mexico City. Penn State Press, 2010.Caha, Omer. Women and Civil Society in Turkey: Women’s Movements in a Muslim Society. London: Ashgate, 2013.Caron, Christina. “Heather Heyer, Charlottesville Victim, Is Recalled as ‘a Strong Woman’.” New York Times, 13 Aug. 2017. 1 May 2018 <https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/us/heather-heyer-charlottesville-victim.html>.Chenut, Helen. “Anti-Feminist Caricature in France: Politics, Satire and Public Opinion, 1890-1914.” Modern & Contemporary France 20.4 (2012): 437-452.Crandall, Christian S. "Prejudice against Fat People: Ideology and Self-Interest." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 66.5 (1994): 882-894.Damousi, Joy. “Representations of the Body and Sexuality in Communist Iconography, 1920-1955.” Australian Feminist Studies 12.25 (1997): 59-75.Dean, Marge, and Shirl Buss. “Fat Underground.” YouTube, 11 Aug. 2016 [1975]. 1 May 2018 <https://youtu.be/UPYRZCXjoRo>.Fountaine, Susan. “Women, Politics and the Media: The 1999 New Zealand General Election.” PhD thesis. Palmerston North, NZ: Massey University, 2002.Freespirit, Judy, and Aldebaran. “Fat Liberation Manifesto November 1973.” The Fat Studies Reader. Eds. Esther Rothblum and Sondra Solovay. New York: NYU P, 2009. 341-342.Garber, Megan. “The Selective Empathy of #MeToo Backlash.” The Atlantic, 11 Feb 2018. 5 Apr. 2018 <https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2018/02/the-selective-empathy-of-metoo-backlash/553022/>.Garrison, Edith. “US Feminism – Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of the Third Wave.” Feminist Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-170.Garvey, Nicola. “Violence against Women: Beyond Gender Neutrality.” Looking Back, Moving Forward: The Janus Women’s Convention 2005. Ed. Dale Spender. Masterton: Janus Trust, 2005. 114-120.Ginzberg, Lori D. Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States. Yale UP, 1992.Grey, Sandra. “Women, Politics, and Protest: Rethinking Women's Liberation Activism in New Zealand.” Rethinking Women and Politics: New Zealand and Comparative Perspectives. Eds. John Leslie, Elizabeth McLeay, and Kate McMillan. Victoria UP, 2009. 34-61.———, and Matthew Fitzsimons. “Defending Democracy: ‘Keep MMP’ and the 2011 Electoral Referendum.” Kicking the Tyres: The New Zealand General Election and Electoral Referendum of 2011. Eds. Jon Johansson and Stephen Levine. Victoria UP, 2012. 285-304.———, and Marian Sawer, eds. Women’s Movements: Flourishing or in Abeyance? London: Routledge, 2008.Harris, Anita. “Mind the Gap: Attitudes and Emergent Feminist Politics since the Third Wave.” Australian Feminist Studies 25.66 (2010): 475-484.Haussegger, Virginia. “#MeToo: Beware the Brewing Whiff of Backlash.” Sydney Morning Herald, 7 Mar. 2018. 1 Apr. 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/national/metoo-beware-the-brewing-whiff-of-backlash-20180306-p4z33s.html>.Keller, Jessalynn. “Virtual Feminisms.” Information, Communication and Society 15.3(2011): 429-447.Kirston, Gill. “From ‘a Woman’s Place Is in Her Union’ to ‘Strong Unions Need Women’: Changing Gender Discourses, Policies and Realities in the Union Movement.” Labour & Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work 27.4 (2017): 270-283.Kyrölä, Katariina. The Weight of Images. London: Routledge, 2014.Ledwith, Sue. “Gender Politics in Trade Unions: The Representation of Women between Exclusion and Inclusion.” European Review of Labour and Research 18.2 (2012): 185-199.Lyndsey, Susan. Women, Politics, and the Media: The 1999 New Zealand General Election. Dissertation. Massey University, 2002.Maddison, Sarah, and Sean Scalmer. Activist Wisdom: Practical Knowledge and Creative Tension in Social Movements. Sydney: UNSW P, 2006. Moynihan, Carolyn. A Stand for Decency: Patricia Bartlett & the Society for Promotion of Community Standards, 1970-1995. Wellington: The Society, 1995.Murray, Samantha. "Pathologizing 'Fatness': Medical Authority and Popular Culture." Sociology of Sport Journal 25.1 (2008): 7-21.Pausé, Cat. “Live to Tell: Coming Out as Fat.” Somatechnics 21 (2012): 42-56.———. “Express Yourself: Fat Activism in the Web 2.0 Age.” The Politics of Size: Perspectives from the Fat-Acceptance Movement. Ed. Ragen Chastain. Praeger, 2015. 1-8.———. “Rebel Heart: Performing Fatness Wrong Online.” M/C Journal 18.3 (2015).Rowland, Robyn, ed. Women Who Do and Women Who Don’t Join the Women’s Movement. London: Routledge, 1984.Schuster, Julia. “Invisible Feminists? Social Media and Young Women’s Political Participation.” Political Science 65.1 (2013): 8-24.Sheppard, Alice. "Suffrage Art and Feminism." Hypatia 5.2 (1990): 122-136.Simic, Zora. “Fat as a Feminist Issue: A History.” Fat Sex: New Directions in Theory and Activism. Eds. Helen Hester and Caroline Walters. London: Ashgate, 2015. 15-36.Spangler, Todd. “White-Supremacist Site Daily Stormer Booted by Hosting Provider.” Variety, 13 Aug. 2017. 1 May 2018 <https://variety.com/2017/digital/news/daily-stormer-heather-heyer-white-supremacist-neo-nazi-hosting-provider-1202526544/>.Smyth, Helen. Rocking the Cradle: Contraception, Sex, and Politics in New Zealand. Steele Roberts, 2000.Tiggemann, Marika, and Esther D. Rothblum. "Gender Differences in Social Consequences of Perceived Overweight in the United States and Australia." Sex Roles 18.1-2 (1988): 75-86.Van Acker, Elizabeth. “Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom.” Policy and Society 22.1 (2003): 116-136.Vilhjálmsdóttir, Tara. Personal interview. 1 June 2018.