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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Ethnic Separatism"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 18 de febrero de 2022

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1

Williams, Colin H. "Ethnic Separatism". Cahiers de géographie du Québec 24, n.º 61 (12 de abril de 2005): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/021459ar.

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The paper outlines the main characteristics of ethnic separatism as a process. It then analyses two theories designed to explain the resurgence of reactive peripheral identity, the Internal Colonial thesis and the role of the ethnic intelligentsia. Some of the inherent contradictions in the Parti Québécois's attempt to create a genuine Québécois nation through the promotion of French culture are explored as are some of the pitfalls of a referendum on Sovereignty-Association.

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2

Haokip, Telsing Letkhosei. "Ethnic Separatism". South Asia Research 35, n.º 1 (febrero de 2015): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728014560473.

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3

Evan Osborne. "Economic freedom, ethnic separatism, and ethnic conflict". Journal of Developing Areas 44, n.º 1 (2010): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jda.0.0081.

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4

May, R. J. "Ethnic Separatism in Southeast Asia". Pacific Viewpoint 31, n.º 2 (octubre de 1990): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apv.312003.

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5

WILLIAMS, COLIN H. "ETHNIC SEPARATISM IN WESTERN EUROPE*". Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 71, n.º 3 (27 de marzo de 2008): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.1980.tb00882.x.

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6

Stepanov, Valery. "Ethnic tensions and separatism in Russia". Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 26, n.º 2 (abril de 2000): 305–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830050022820.

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7

Rudowski, Tomasz y Piotr Sieniawski. "Latin America: The Region without Catalonia". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 25, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2020): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.25.07.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the issue of “weak separatism” in Latin America as well as to give an answer to the question why there are no significant separatist movements in this region. The authors provide the definitions of separatism and secessionism as well as an explanation of these phenomena. Moreover, they present an overview of historical and contemporary separatist movements in Latin America. Based on Horowitz’s theory of ethnic separatism, the authors attempt to analyse the separatist movement “The South is My Country” in Brazil and compare it with separatism in Catalonia in Spain, where a referendum on independence from Spain was held in 2017, serving as an impetus for a similar referendum that took place in the South of Brazil. In spite of similar goals of these two separatist movements, the authors argue that there are significant differences in their nature, which are determined by the history and culture of the respective countries.

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8

Bolotnikova, O. "Ethno-Separatism and its Prospects". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 5 (2011): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-5-32-42.

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The author explores the phenomenon of today's ethnic conflicts which are less frequently turning into the wars between states. The author uses the cases of the countries of former Soviet Union, Western Europe, Africa in order to examine important aspects of the ethnic conflicts settlement. It is concluded that the heart of the problems is the correlation between two fundamental principles of the international law (usually regarded as antagonists in terms of the settlement of such conflicts). Namely, these are the principle of states’ territorial integrity and the principle of peoples’ right to self-determination.

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9

Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China". Asian Affairs: An American Review 35, n.º 1 (abril de 2008): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.35.1.15-30.

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10

Khan, Adeel. "Pukhtun Ethnic Nationalism: From Separatism to Integrationism". Asian Ethnicity 4, n.º 1 (marzo de 2003): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631360301650.

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11

George, Julie A. "Contingent Communities: Regional Ethnic Mobilization in the Yeltsin Era". Russian History 39, n.º 3 (2012): 379–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-03903007.

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Scholars disagree regarding the interests and impulses that drive secessionist ethnic nationalism. In Constructing Grievance: Ethnic Nationalism in Russia’s Republics, Elise Giuliano argues that, in the first decade of the Russian Federation’s independence, nationalist groups that highlighted economic discrimination by ethnic Russians against titular ethnic minorities were more able to spark ethnic and territorial separatist demands. She argues that the precise nature of economic experience, where often the actual economic discrimination was more ambiguous than that perceived, was less important than the nationalist groups’ message. In all, this book offers a compelling counterpoint to other work on ethnic separatism in Russia, which has emphasized long-standing historical grievances, institutional legacies, and the interests of political entrepreneurs rather than public interests.

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12

Sieradzan, Przemysław J. "Czynniki destabilizacji politycznej w Karaczajo-Czerkiesji: separatyzm etniczny i fundamentalizm religijny". Przegląd Politologiczny, n.º 2 (2 de noviembre de 2018): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.7.

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The Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia is among the most unstable entities of the Russian federation. Whereas the ideas of radical political Islam enjoy little popularity there, the ethnic structure is exceptionally complex, which is not reflected in the model of territorial administration. The scale of corruption and nepotism of the local elite is enormous. The relations between the two titular ethnicities of Karachay-Cherkessia abound in mutual prejudices and distrust, or even hostility. The current model of a two-nationality republic is an element of the Soviet legacy, originally introduced in order to overcome ethnic particularism. The decline of the Soviet model of state fostered ethnic particularism and separatism, which applied to Karachays and Cherkessians alike at the turn of the nineteen-eighties. At present, Karachay separatism is a marginal phenomenon, while the influence of the Pan-Cherkessian movement has been consistently growing, posing an increasing threat to the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation. The author characterizes various dimensions of ethnic separatism in Karachay-Cherkessia and analyzes the reasons for the weakness of the armed Islamist underground in this Caucasian republic.

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13

Fard, Fahimeh Khansari, Mohammad Ali Basiri y Enayatollah Yazdani. "Ethnic Bargaining and Separatism in the South Caucasus". Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia 8, n.º 2 (2019): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/reg.2019.0011.

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14

Oglu Bayramov, Imdad Mustafa. "Social and Psychological Foundations of Ethnic Separatism in the Southern Caucasus". International Journal of Life Sciences 9, n.º 6 (26 de septiembre de 2015): 104–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijls.v9i6.13433.

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The formation of ethnic peculiarities depends on the forms of communication with the system public relations. The main reason for the different psychological characteristics of ethnic groups and peoples of the world is that the natural evolution of the human species happened differently in different regions of the world. This, in turn, led to the formation of various psychological characteristics, various types of thinking. It is known that there is a close connection between the style of human thinking, character and other peculiarities with climate, natural environment, which also leads to differences in psychological peculiarities of ethnic groups. Ethnic groups start distantiating from each other, when objective conditions are created for ethnic separatism.

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15

Mikhailov, Sergey Aleksandrovich. "Problems of the modern society and ethnic separatism in North-Eastern India (NER)". RUDN Journal of World History 11, n.º 4 (15 de diciembre de 2019): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-4-315-328.

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This article deals with the issue of North-Eastern India, its current social and economic problems in the context of long-term demonstrations of the ethnic separatism. The main aim of the research implies systematic analysis and identification of key factors and reasons perpetuating separatism in NER as well as resource search which determines Indian strategy in solving this problem. The first part of the article is devoted to separatism peculiarities in the region which remains withdrawn and underexplored in many respects. Apart from this, the author provides a quite detailed analysis of negative mentality of the certain part of NER population which justifiably reproaches New Delhi for “discrimination” and inability to solve many problems of the region. Then the author paid the detailed attention to these problems of NER modern society (ethnic, demographic, economic, transport, social etc.) as well as measures undertaken by the Indian government for its settlement.

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16

Ware, Robert Bruce. "The politics of ethnic separatism in Russia and Georgia". Central Asian Survey 30, n.º 2 (24 de mayo de 2011): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2011.569339.

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17

GORENBURG, DMITRY. "Regional Separatism in Russia: Ethnic Mobilisation or Power Grab?" Europe-Asia Studies 51, n.º 2 (marzo de 1999): 245–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139999029.

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18

Salomatin, A. Y. y A. S. Koriakina. "SWITZERLAND AND INDIA AS DIFFERENT MODELS OF ETHNIC FEDERALISM". Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), n.º 4 (22 de junio de 2020): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2020.68.4.155-162.

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The ethnic factor is important in the development of federalism. ethno-linguistic architecture and cultural-religious structure are the main elements. Switzerland and India are diff erent models of ethnic federalism. The Swiss model of federalism is cantonal-communal. Switzerland consists of 26 cantons; there is a multi-ethnic composition of the population. Switzerland escaped ethnic separatism. The state has centuries of experience in reconciling linguistic and cultural diff erences. The Indian model is postcolonial. The state is multi-ethnic. Indian federalism is highly centralized. India has a unique ethnic, linguistic and religious composition.

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19

Mikhailov, S. A. "North-Eastern India (NER) as an example of “clash of civilizations”". RUDN Journal of World History 12, n.º 4 (15 de diciembre de 2020): 324–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-324-337.

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This article attempts to analyze the current situation in North-Eastern India (NER) in the light of well-known concept clash of civilizations developed by S. Huntington (the American political scientist and proponent of the modern version of the civilizational approach to History). One may say that even a superficial glance at NER problems demonstrates a very characteristic example of the visual manifestation of this concept. The relevance of the work implies the possibilities of practical application of this concept for the analysis of India and NER existing ethnic and religious problems as well as the best ways to solve them. The author (besides S. Huntingtons work Clash of civilizations) used the works of the Russian indologists - S. Baranov (Separatism in India), B. Klyuyev (Religion and conflict in India), K. Likhachev (Ethnic separatism in NER: old problems in the new century) and the book of the Indian specialist on separatism in NER S. Bhaumik (Troubled periphery: crisis of Indias North East) as well as other sources.

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20

Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu y Christian Ezeibe. "The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria". African Affairs 119, n.º 477 (1 de octubre de 2020): 526–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025.

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Abstract The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

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21

Conrad, Keziah. "Achieving the Ordinary". Conflict and Society 5, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2019.050101.

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In Bosnia, 20 years aft er a war of ethnic cleansing, mixed-ethnicity families swim against the stream of nationalist separatism that insists all Bosnians should be neatly sorted into ethnic categories. When asked about their experiences, however, mixed families in Sarajevo during fieldwork from 2011 to 2012 repeatedly insisted that they were just “ordinary,” “normal” families. In this article, I look closely at an ordinary evening in the life of one such family, examining how they achieve this atmosphere of everydayness within which ordinary kin relationships are sustained despite the volatility of differences in ethnic and religious affiliation. Using a conversation analytic approach and building on the work of ordinary ethics theorists, I argue that the sense of being an ordinary family is an accomplishment constituted through active intersubjective work.

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22

Farukshin, M. "Ethno-Federalism: Russian and Foreign Discourse". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 10 (2012): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-40-51.

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The article considers different aspects of theory and practice of ethno-federalism disputed in the Russian and international political science. Special attention is given to such problems as advantages of ethnic federations and risks they create; ethno-federalism and realization of the right to self-determination, prevention and overcoming of ethnic conflicts and separatism.

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23

Obushnyi, Mykola. "SEPARATISM IN THE CONFLICTIZATION OF PUBLIC LIFE". Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, n.º 24 (2019): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.22.

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The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.

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24

Чупалова y D. Chupalova. "MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE PRIMARY SCHOOL". Primary Education 1, n.º 4 (31 de octubre de 2013): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1339.

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The paper is focused on acculturation and effective integration of ethnic minorities into the dominating language and cultural environment. The multicultural education is considered as a factor of enhancing stability in the RF on the basis of peaceful coexistence and close interaction among its various nations and ethnic groups. Multicultural education also helps to deter separatism and nationalism, argues the author.

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25

Brown, David. "From Peripheral Communities to Ethnic Nations: Separatism in Southeast Asia". Pacific Affairs 61, n.º 1 (1988): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758072.

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26

Lyon, Alynna J. y Emek M. Uçarer. "Mobilizing ethnic conflict: Kurdish separatism in Germany and the PKK". Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, n.º 6 (enero de 2001): 925–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713766482.

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27

Hagendoorn, Louk, Edwin Poppe y Anca Minescu. "Support for Separatism in Ethnic Republics of the Russian Federation". Europe-Asia Studies 60, n.º 3 (24 de abril de 2008): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130801947960.

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28

Gladney, Dru C. "The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region as an example of separatism in China". Kulturní studia 2021, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2021): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.150105.

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Though often called a “heaven on Earth” New Zealand suffers from a serious problem with gangs. Ethnic gangs have dominated the New Zealand gang scene since the 70s when many Maoris left traditional rural areas and migrated in search of work to the cities but ended up in poverty because of lack of skills and poorly-paid jobs. Maori urbanization and the dual pressures of acculturation and discrimination resulted in a breakdown of the traditional Maori social structures and alienated many from their culture. Maoris who have been unable to maintain their ethnic and cultural identity through their genealogical ties and involvement in Maori culture attempt to find it elsewhere. For many of those that have lost contact with their cultural and ethnic links gangs have replaced families and community and provides individuals with a sense of belonging and safety. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the role of gangs in Maori ethnic and cultural identity development. This paper demonstrates the impact of gang environment on individual identity development and provides evidence that cultural engagement initiatives can enhance Maori identities, which in turn could increase psychological and socio-economic wellbeing.

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29

Nair, Gautam y Nicholas Sambanis. "Violence Exposure and Ethnic Identification: Evidence from Kashmir". International Organization 73, n.º 02 (2019): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000498.

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AbstractThis article studies the conditions that lead peripheral minorities to identify with the state, their ethnic group, or neighboring countries. We contribute to research on separatism and irredentism by examining how violence, psychological distance, and national status determine identification. The analysis uses data from a novel experiment that randomized videos of actual violence in a large, representative survey of the Kashmir Valley region in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, an enduring site of separatist and irredentist conflict. We find that a strong regional identity is a counterweight to irredentism, but violent repression by the state can push members of the minority to identify with an irredentist neighbor. Violence increases perceived distance from the nation and reduces national identification. There is suggestive evidence that these effects are concentrated among individuals with attributes that otherwise predict higher levels of identification with the state. Information about integrative institutions and increased national status brought about by economic growth is insufficient to induce national identification in a context where psychological distance from the nation is large.

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30

Michna, Ewa. "W poszukiwaniu rusińskiego separatyzmu". Rocznik Ruskiej Bursy 15 (30 de diciembre de 2019): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rrb.15.2019.15.02.

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In Search of Rusyn Separatism Separatism is both a social phenomenon and a political category employed in analysis of diverse types of phenomena by social sciences. Colloquially it is often used to label and deprecate emancipating aspirations of groups that strive for recognition. Whether such aspirations of a given ethnic/national group are, or are not, considered separatism depends on the accepted definition of the term as well as the vantage point assumed in description. This paper attempts to view the process of emancipation of Trans-Carpathian Rusyns from two perspectives: various ways in which this complex phenomenon is approached throughout social sciences as well as an intragroup perspective of the actual participants of the process: Rusyn activists in Trans-Carpathian Ruthenia.

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Mareš, Miroslav. "Separatist Currents in Moravian Fascism and National Socialism". Fascism 2, n.º 1 (2013): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201010.

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The article deals with separatism within Moravian fascism and National Socialism. It identifies fundamental links between ethnic nationalism and fascism, and describes the development of the ‘Moravian question’ within the context of Central European history. The separatist tendencies of Moravian fascism and National Socialism are examined in the context of the interwar history, the period of occupation of the Czech lands, and postwar developments, including contemporary tendencies. It also identifies similarities with and differences from some other ethno-national fascisms in Europe. The author concludes that although marginal, Moravian fascism and National Socialism have enjoyed a long existence.

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Grigoryan, Arman. "Concessions or Coercion? How Governments Respond to Restive Ethnic Minorities". International Security 39, n.º 4 (abril de 2015): 170–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00200.

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Destabilized multiethnic states and empires are environments that are highly susceptible to violent ethnonationalist conflict. Conflicts between states built on the ruins of such empires and their minorities are especially common. James Fearon has famously argued that these conflicts are the result of minorities' rational incentives to rebel, which in turn are the result of newly independent states' inability to guarantee that these minorities will not be discriminated against if they acquiesce to citizenship, as well as expectations that over time the balance of power will shift against minorities as states consolidate their institutions. States can, however, take steps to reassure their minorities. The puzzle is why they often fail to do so. In fact, states often adopt policies that confirm minorities' worst fears, pushing them toward rebellion. Such action may be precipitated by a state's belief that a minority is motivated by a separatist agenda rather than by the desire to have its concerns and grievances satisfactorily addressed. If secession is a minority's primary objective, then concessions intended to demobilize the minority will only make the state more vulnerable to future demands and separatist bids. The existence of third parties with incentives to support minority separatism exacerbates the problem. The violent and nonviolent minority disputes in post-Soviet Georgia illustrate these findings.

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Lekgoathi, Sekibakiba Peter. "Ethnic Separatism or Cultural Preservation? Ndebele Radio under Apartheid, 1983–1994". South African Historical Journal 64, n.º 1 (marzo de 2012): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2012.655942.

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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "Toward Explaining Communal and Ethnonational Resurgence and Separatism". American Journal of Islam and Society 9, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 1992): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i1.2595.

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Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, by KennethE. Bauzon. Published by the Acorn Press, Durham, NC, in association withDuke University Islamic and Arabian Development Studies, 1991, pp. xx + 219.Ethnicity, Pluralism and the State in the Middle East, edited by Milton J. Esmanand Itamar Rabinovich. Published by Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London,1988, pp. viii + 296.Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan, by Tahir Amin. Published by Instituteof Policy Studies, Islamabad, Pakistan, 1988, pp. xxix + 285.Most of the scholarly writings on Muslim minorities have focused on thesocioeconomic and political issues and religious concerns that tend to dividethese minorities from the mainstream of their respective societies. Particularemphasis is often given to the religious nature of the conflict between the Muslimminority and the non-Muslim majority communities, especially as it relatesto the pracesses of socioeconomic change and modernization in the larger society.This conflict is also explained in terms of integration versus separatism,universalism versus particularism, and secularism versus communalism.Theorists of the civil society persuasion have looked at the politics of minorityunrest as essentially a product of socioeconomic changes brought about bythe processes of modernization, including social mobilization, and the expansionof education and mass communication. Hence, according to this perspective,ethnic and religious particularism in postcolonial societies is a necessaryconcomitant of modernity. The statist view, on the other hand, regards thepolitics of religious and ethnic separatism as a function of public policies.Nothing is predetermined and inevitable; public policies can restructure andreshape the environment within which communal and ethnonational movementscan either flourish or disappear ...

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Giuliano, Elise. "Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition". World Politics 58, n.º 2 (enero de 2006): 276–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0025.

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Do ethnic federations undergoing democratization promote or discourage regional secessionism? This article argues, based on evidence from the Russian Federation, that when democratization produces a transfer of political accountability from center to region, the incentives of regional leaders shift, forcing them to react to local constituencies in order to retain office. If these constituencies desire autonomy, regional leaders must respond, making separatism not merely an opportunistic strategy but a necessary one for their own political survival. Democratization, then, can transform administrative regions into electoral arenas.However, the case of Russia also demonstrates that regional demands for autonomy are not inevitable and may dissipate after they have begun. Popular support for nationalism and separatism varied significantly among Russia's sixteen ethnic republics in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet period. This variation is explained by showing that mass nationalism, contrary to conventional wisdom, is neither a latent attribute of federal regions, nor a simple function of natural resource endowments, nor something summoned into existence by the manipulations of regional leaders. Rather, it is argued that increasing competition for jobs in the Soviet Union's failing economy allowed particular issues articulated by nationalist leaders to resonate with ethnic populations. Through the framing of issues of ethnic economic inequality, nationalist leaders were able to politicize ethnicity by persuading people to view their personal life chances as dependent on the political fate of their ethnic community. Thus, secession in democratizing ethnic federations can be best understood by directing attention toward the origins of popular support for nationalism and the role that support plays in the elite contest for power within subfederal regions.

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Liao, Yang y Li Meng. "Ethnic Issues in China's Northwest Frontier Regions and Its Solutions". Randwick International of Social Science Journal 1, n.º 3 (23 de octubre de 2020): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v1i3.97.

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The Northwestern Frontier of China is different from the Northwestern China in that it is only a part of the Northwestern China that is close to the border of the country. The geographic space of the northwestern frontier in different periods of Chinese history has changed with the effective governance of the Chinese central government. The ethnic issues in the northwestern frontier have their basic historical background and time and space. The types of ethnic issues in China’s northwest frontier areas are not the same, but they are basically manifested in internal socio-economic and cultural development issues and external ethnic interaction issues, as well as transnational (border) ethnic issues and ethnic religious issues, such as ethnic separatism and extreme religion. Doctrine and violent terrorism are only part of it, not all of it. To this end, it is necessary to "prescribe the right medicine" for different types of ethnic problems and formulate different effective "prescriptions" to solve ethnic problems in order to realize the "Chinese dream" of harmonious socialist ethnic relations in China.

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37

Knyazeva, Eklaterina A., Natalia A. Knyazeva, Alexey A. Shirshov y Nguyen Hung. "Features of the manifestations of terrorism in the Asian-Pacific Region". LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-A (28 de abril de 2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-a791p.179-192.

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The target of research is discussing the terrorism and its manifestation in some countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The authors used the following research methods: systemic, complex, historical, logical-legal, statistical, etc. The main conclusions of the study are: 1. after the end of the cold war, problems of ethnicity, religion and separatism emerged again. 2. The restructuring of power institutions on a global scale, as well as the expansion of international socio-political and democratic life are one of the main reasons that led to ethnic and religious conflicts around the world, as well as in the Asia-Pacific region. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the analysis concerning the features of manifestation of terrorism in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region was carried out by studying ethnic, religious, interethnic and separatist conflicts in the APR countries, their causes and impact on the terrorist situation in the region.

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38

Wellens, Koen. "Negotiable Rights? China's Ethnic Minorities and the Right to Freedom of Religion". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 16, n.º 3 (2009): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138819009x12474964197755.

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AbstractIn order to get a fuller picture of the conditions for religious freedom for ethnic minorities in China, we must both look beyond laws and central policies as well as beyond the more publicised cases of religious suppression in Tibet and Xinjiang, both hot-spots of party-state concerns of ethnic separatism. The province of Yunnan – where one-third of the population are members of one of 26 different recognised ethnic minorities – presents a more nuanced picture of the conditions for practicing religion in the People's Republic of China. This article argues that in the case of China we need to expand the concept of implementation by taking into account the public discourse that accompanies the laws and policies on both religion and ethnic minorities. Local officials and intellectuals belonging to ethnic minorities in Yunnan have been successful in exploiting public discourse on 'religious freedom' and 'cultural rights of ethnic minorities' in order to revive or reinvent traditional religious practice.

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39

Glynn, Sarah. "Marxism and Multiculturalism Lessons from London's East End". Human Geography 3, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 108–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861000300108.

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This article uses the lens of the East End of London, to examine 130 years of socialist and Marxist responses to racism and to ethnic and religious division. It looks both at how action was organised, and also at the debates of those trying to put Marxist ideas into practice, who all had to strike a balance between the pragmatic demands arising from working with ethnic minority groups, and the dangers of separatism. And it shows that, despite the difficulties, Marxism -far from neglecting divisions that cut across the basic economic categories of class, as is so often claimed – has a long history of analysing them and of arresting ethnic and racial conflict.

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40

Sharan, O. V. "National and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism in the Balkan states". Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, n.º 1 (26 de marzo de 2019): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/17199.

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The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo’s struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90’s of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world.

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41

Cetinyan, Rupen. "Ethnic Bargaining in the Shadow of Third-Party Intervention". International Organization 56, n.º 3 (2002): 645–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760199917.

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Relatively weak ethnic groups mobilize and rebel against their governments just as frequently (or infrequently) as strong ones. However, such seemingly irrational behavior is not inconsistent with a rationalist approach to ethnic separatism. A bargaining model that treats all the relevant actors as strategic players suggests that power disparities between an ethnic minority and the state—including those based on a group's access to third-party intervention—should affect how the state treats the group but not the likelihood that the group rebels against the state. Greater mistreatment by the state should not be correlated with greater external intervention on a group's behalf. New empirical support for the model is drawn from the Minorities at Risk data set, and the discussion has implications for the field of international relations beyond ethnic conflict to extended deterrence more generally.

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42

Huang, Sam. "Reverse Discrimination in National College Entrance Examination – Epitome of Preferential Ethnic Affairs Policies in China". Global Journal of Comparative Law 4, n.º 1 (17 de abril de 2015): 108–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00401004.

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This article critically analyses ethnic affairs policies in China; in particular, preferential policies in criminal law, family planning and education. The policy of awarding extra points to ethnic minority candidates in the National College Entrance Examination (ncee) is evaluated as a case study to expound why preferential treatment is discriminatory. China’s regional autonomy model, which replicates that of the former ussr, is unsustainable in the long run, because it could foster separatism and ethnic identity, rather than a common citizenship of China. Lessons are drawn from education affirmative action in the usa, which in recent years has arguably transformed into reverse discrimination in some states. The author argues that China does not have historical persecutions against minorities like those in the usa that require governmental compensatory policy, nor could it afford to cherry-pick amongst 55 ethnic minorities (shaoshu minzu 少数民族) and alienate Han ethnicity1 (hanzu 汉族). Preferential ethnic affairs policies could challenge harmony among various ethnic groups. Equality before the law of all citizens regardless of ethnicity must be upheld.

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43

Clarke, Michael. "Ethnic Separatism in the People’s Republic of China History, Causes and Contemporary Challenges". European Journal of East Asian Studies 12, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2013): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-13120108.

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44

Mutlu, S. "Economic Bases of Ethnic Separatism in Turkey: An Evaluation of Claims and Counterclaims". Middle Eastern Studies 37, n.º 4 (octubre de 2001): 101–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004425.

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45

Ponamareva, A. M. "Eurointegration as a Trigger for the Serbian Ethnic Separatism in Bosnia and Herzegovina". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, n.º 1 (7 de abril de 2021): 120–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-120-156.

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The paper provides a retrospective analysis of the European Union’s policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and its possible outcomes for BiH progress towards positive sovereignty amid growing international tensions in the Western Balkans. The paper draws on a vast body of both Russian and Western academic literature on the collapse of Yugoslavia, BiH under the Dayton Agreements, the possibilities of democracy building in divided societies, as well as on a range of official documents adopted by various EU institutions. On that basis the author assesses the prospects for BiH to survive in its current administrative-territorial borders. The paper examines the outcomes of the Bosnian War, as well as the main effects of the external governance mechanisms implementation in BiH. This allows the author to trace the evolution of the EU policy towards BiH and to reassess the country’s progress in terms of Eurointegration. Since the EU has refused to grant countries, which do not meet the Copenhagen criteria, the status of a member state ‘in advance’, the main conclusions on the prospects of the BiH accession to the EU are drawn from the European Commission’s 2020 Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following the logic and the structure of the report, the author assesses the BiH efforts to meet the set targets and criteria, such as establishing a stable democratic political system, promoting the development of civil society institutions and the rule of law, combating corruption and organized crime, ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, migration management, strengthening economy and regional cooperation. The report of the European Commission clearly hints that most obstacles for BiH progress towards EU membership arise from the lack of support from the Republika Srpska and that it is impossible to overcome its obstruction within the framework of Dayton Agreements. However, the author argues that this fixation on revision of the Dayton Agreements, accompanied by excessive pressure on the Serbian community in BiH may provoke protective reaction of the Serbian community, resulting in a rising nationalism and disintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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46

Hrubov, Volodymyr y Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION". Politology bulletin, n.º 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.

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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.

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47

Hrubov, Volodymyr y Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION". Politology bulletin, n.º 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.

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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.

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48

Gordon, June A. "A Critical Interpretation of Policies for Minority Students in Washington State". NACADA Journal 17, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 1997): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12930/0271-9517-17.1.15.

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Presented is a critical ethnographic analysis of minority culture-based policies and programs on six university campuses in Washington state and how their existence contributes to the retention and success of students of color and to increased racial and ideological separatism. Conclusions are based on interviews with 60 educators intimately involved with programs and policies that attempt to support or reinforce the culture and heritage of specific ethnic minority student groups.

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49

Remington, Thomas F. "After the Deluge: Regional Crises and Political Consolidation in Russia. By Daniel S. Treisman. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. 262p. $57.50." American Political Science Review 95, n.º 1 (marzo de 2001): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401722010.

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Daniel Treisman offers an ingenious explanation for the fact that the Russian Federation held together after the collapse of the Soviet regime. Unlike the three other ethnic federa- tions in the communist world-Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the USSR itself-the Russian Federation, which was the largest of the 15 nationally based constituent republics in the Soviet Union, avoided disintegration. Many observers in the early 1990s feared the same pressures that had led to powerful separatist movements among the Soviet republics would prove too strong for the fragile central government to resist. Yet, Russia managed to maintain itself as a federal state, albeit weak. The one constituent republic in which separatism ultimately led to armed confrontation was Chech- nia, where a brutal war began in 1994, paused in 1996, and erupted again in 1999.

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50

Głąb, Anna. "Rosjanie – między narodowością a tożsamością". Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, n.º 1 (5 de diciembre de 2012): 199–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2012.1.8.

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The article concerns the ethnic structure of the Russian Federation and the problems of national identity in the multiethnic state. A few distinct regions were identified based on ethnic, linguistic and religious components. They show that despite the Russian numerical superiority and the dominant role of Russian language and Russian culture, the Federation is a diverse state. Ethnocultural mosaics are situated throughout the state and it because of that any aspiration for larger autonomy or local separatism could destroy the Federation from the inside. A source for such aspirations may result from, for example, strong ethnic identity, which is especially important because of its naturalness, resulting from life and acting within constituent entities that were formed on the ethnic basis. The strength of ethnic identity resides in its stability, which played a significant role during the transformation period. On the other hand, the strong ethnic component in Russia is opposed to a weak civil identity, whose character is more formal. This second approach may be undermined by the results of public opinion polls. They show quite a strong and parallel identity with three groups: citizens at large, members of the same ethnic group and local community. In fact, it is difficult to precisely describe the dominant identity of the Russians. It is based on a peculiar dualism – ethnicity and citizenship.

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