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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "EU Foreign Policy"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 26 de julio de 2025

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1

Reiterer, Michael. "EU Foreign Policy." EU Studies in Japan 2008, no. 28 (2008): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj1997.2008.27.

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2

Portela, Clara, and Kolja Raube. "The EU Polity and Foreign Policy Coherence." Journal of Contemporary European Research 8, no. 1 (2011): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v8i1.340.

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The present article examines the character of the European Union (EU) as a polity by looking at the mechanisms it employs to ensure the coherence of its foreign policies. It first contrasts three ideal polity types. The methods chosen to ensure coherence in foreign policy actions differ according to each of the three polity types. The article then explores how the EU ensures coherence through institutional reform, and subsequently looks in detail at two illustrative policy fields: aid sanctions and civilian crisis-management. The investigation concludes that the organisation of EU foreign poli
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3

Smith, Karen E. "Emotions and EU foreign policy." International Affairs 97, no. 2 (2021): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa218.

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Abstract This article assesses the role that emotions play in European Union foreign policy-making. EU decision-making has often been depicted as technocratic and ‘de-dramatized’, yet there are still situations in which emotions can affect the process and outcomes of foreign policy decision-making. Using examples of the EU's responses to crises in Ukraine and Myanmar, the article illustrates that emotions can motivate the taking of particular decisions at particular times. Further, the EU expresses emotions in its foreign policy communications, although its use of emotional diplomacy may not b
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4

Di Feliciantonio, Susanna. "EU Foreign Policy and Albania." European Foreign Affairs Review 4, Issue 4 (1999): 519–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr1999049.

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5

Prichard, Alex. "Justice and EU Foreign Policy." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 21, no. 3 (2013): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2013.831604.

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6

Kramer, Helmut. "Austrian foreign policy 1995-2015." Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 45, no. 2 (2016): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/ozp.1372.vol45iss2.

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Die österreichische Außenpolitik wurde durch den EU-Beitritt Österreichs im Jahre 1995 wesentlich umgestaltet: Auf der einen Seite wurde die außenpolitische Agenda Österreichs durch die Involvierung in die Positionen und Verhandlungsprozesse der EU wesentlich ausgeweitet. Auf der anderen Seite wurde durch die Mitgliedschaft in der EU die frühere unabhängige Außenpolitik des neutralen Österreichs wesentlich eingeschränkt. In dem Aufsatz wird ein Überblick über die Entwicklung der österreichischen Außenpolitik seit 1995 gegeben, in der die Tendenz zu einer Abschwächung der früheren pro-aktiven A
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7

Hirman, A. P., V. A. Volkova, and A. O. Kovalchuk. "EU foreign policy and international relations." Politicus, no. 6 (2020): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2020-6.2.

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8

Nevra ESENTÜRK, N. "New Approaches to EU Foreign Policy." Marmara Üniversitesi Avrupa Topluluğu Enstitüsü Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi 25, no. 2 (2017): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/mjes.57.

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9

Orenstein, Mitchell A., and R. Daniel Kelemen. "Trojan Horses in EU Foreign Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55, no. 1 (2016): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12441.

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10

Nitoiu, Cristian, and Monika Sus. "Introduction: strategy in EU foreign policy." International Politics 56, no. 3 (2017): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-017-0125-x.

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11

Crombois, Jean. "Bulgaria’s Foreign Policy and EU Sanctions against Russia." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 2 (2019): 158–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04302005.

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The adoption of the EU sanctions on Russia provides a good case study to assess Bulgarian foreign policy under the conditions imposed by EU membership. This paper emphasizes the limits of both the foreign policy and Europeanization approaches when looking at national foreign policy and EU membership. It underlines the need to develop alternative approaches. These alternative approaches relate, in the first area, to the use of the concept of politicization of EU foreign policy; and in the second, to the conduct of a small country’s foreign policy within the EU framework. Although each of these
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12

Crowe, Brian. "Towards a European Foreign Policy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 1 (2006): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x101843.

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AbstractThe Balkans have been the crucible of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In the 1990s the appointment of David (Lord) Owen as a strong representative to manage the EU's Bosnian policy, the sidelining of the EU itself by the Contact Group, and American dominance at Dayton (what price 'this is the hour of Europe'?) and over Kosovo were important precursors to the important European Council decisions in June 1999 to appoint a high-profile international statesman as High Representative for the CFSP and to create the EU's own military capability in European Security and Def
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13

Dijkstra, Hylke, and Sophie Vanhoonacker. "Why study EU foreign policy at all? A response to Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 2 (2016): 280–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716682393.

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In an important article on the state of European Union (EU) foreign policy research, Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire show that academics excessively focus on the study of the EU foreign policy system and EU implementation rather than the consequences of EU foreign policy for recipient countries. While the article is empirical, based on a dataset of 451 published articles on EU foreign policy, the normative message is that it is time to stop ‘navel-gazing’ and pay more attention to those on the receiving end of EU foreign policy. We welcome this contribution, but wonder why certain research ques
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14

Noi, Aylin Ünver. "Türkiye and the European Union Relations: Revisited from Europeanization and CFSP Alignment Perspective." Insight Turkey 27, Winter 2025 (2025): 133–52. https://doi.org/10.25253/99.2025271.9.

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The European Union (EU) is neither a state nor a traditional international organization in the classical sense. It is described as a sui generis international organization. This article first focuses on the EU’s unique structure, with a particular emphasis on the formulation of foreign policy at the EU level and the Europeanization of national foreign policy in the EU member states. In line with this perspective, the article evaluates Türkiye’s EU membership process, the Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy, and its alignment with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the EU fr
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15

Заикин, А. А. "Внешнеполитические полномочия Государственной Думы России". Экономика и управление: научно-практический журнал, № 6(180) (25 грудня 2024): 170–73. https://doi.org/10.34773/eu.2024.6.31.

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В статье анализируются роль Государственной Думы России во внешней политике государства и ее внешнеполитические полномочия. Выделены и проанализированы основные направления внешнеполитической деятельности Думы и обоснована значимость ее роли в формировании внешнеполитической стратегии страны. The article analyzes the role of the State Duma of Russia in the foreign policy of the state and its foreign policy powers. The main directions of the Duma's foreign policy activities are highlighted and analyzed, and the importance of its role in shaping the country's foreign policy strategy is substanti
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16

Whitman, Richard G. "The UK and EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after Brexit: Integrated, Associated or Detached?" National Institute Economic Review 238 (November 2016): R43—R50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011623800114.

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None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. It provides evaluation of the current EU-UK interrelationship in the fields of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and assesses the degree to which the UK is presently integrated into EU decision-making and implementation. It highlights that the UK needs to de
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17

Filipec, Ondřej. "(In)efficiency of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy: Ukraine, Brexit, Trump and beyond." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 3-4 (2017): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0012.

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Abstract The main aim of this article is to explore and analyze key determinants of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy efficiency. For this purpose a 3C analytical approach is used, exploring EU foreign and security policy consistency, capacities and the dimension of cooperation. Article analyzes both horizontal and vertical, consistency of EU Foreign and Security policy especially with connection to Ukraine crises and diverging interests of EU member states. EU capacities are explored with main focus on military spending and challenges related to limited spending. EU military decline is pu
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18

Morillas, Pol. "Institutionalization or Intergovernmental Decision-Taking in Foreign Policy: The Implementation of the Lisbon Treaty." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 2 (2011): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011017.

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This article analyses the evolving nature of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) as a consequence of the set-up of new structures such as the office of the High Representative/Vice-President (HR/VP) and the European External Action Service (EEAS). It argues that while decision-taking in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) remains intergovernmental for the most part, the strengthened power of initiative granted to the new services has introduced critical changes in EU foreign policy-making. The first developments under the Lisbon Tre
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19

Orenstein, Mitchell. "Deciding to Not Decide: EU Foreign Policy." International Studies Review 1, no. 3 (1999): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.00177.

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20

Aggestam, Lisbeth, and Markus Johansson. "The Leadership Paradox in EU Foreign Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55, no. 6 (2017): 1203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12558.

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21

Nasra, Skander. "A Small Member State and European Foreign Policy: Shaping or Taking? The Case of Belgium and the African Great Lakes." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 3, no. 3 (2008): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119108x367143.

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AbstractThe European integration process has altered the conditions under which national foreign policies in Europe are made. Departing from this assumption, this article explores whether and under what conditions a small EU member state can influence European foreign policy. To this end, the role that Belgium has played in the construction of European foreign policy towards the African Great Lakes is examined. This article argues that a small EU member state can significantly influence European foreign policy, resulting in reinforcement of its national foreign policy. Yet this influence is co
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22

Larsen, Henrik. "The Arctic Exception: The Role of the EU in the Kingdom of Denmark’s Arctic Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 2 (2021): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021020.

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In most policy areas the EU is either the main forum in which Danish foreign policy is conducted or the most important forum together with bilateral action. However, the Kingdom of Denmark’s Artic policy is an exception in this respect. The article suggests an answer to why the role of the EU is much less prominent in the Kingdom’s policy towards the Arctic than in most other areas of Danish foreign policy: the combination of a very strongly articulated Danish agency with regard to the Arctic and an EU policy which is not intensive but still resourceful. This makes for a Danish foreign policy
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23

Kononchuk, I. M. "Legal status of the high representative of the European Union for foreign affairs and security policy." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 4, no. 84 (2024): 287–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2024.84.4.40.

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The article examines the legal status of the high representative of the European Union for foreign affairs and security policy. It has been discovered that the High Representative of the EU for foreign affairs and security policy is appointed by the European Council by a qualified majority of votes in agreement with the President of the European Commission and with the consent of the European Parliament. The High Representative is responsible to the European Commission, the Council of the EU and the European Parliament. The European Parliament can announce a vote of no confidence in the Europe
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24

Rosłoń, Dominika. "Specificity, effectiveness and directions of Polish foreign policy." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 345–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.345-352.

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At a time when Polish became a full member of EU, it started to specify its objectives and determined the process of their implementation. This situation caused a shock and a reluctance in many circles of Western political class, which were unaccustomed to contact with Warsaw like real member of EU. This period was undoubtedly difficult and it can be described as painful for both sides during the confrontation with reality. Poland ceased to be just a supplicant, and the main EU state accepted it reluctantly.
 2005-2007 years (Partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwoscść was at the power that time) wer
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25

Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.

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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on intern
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26

Misteli, Valentin. "EU Associates: Third-State Involvement in EU Foreign Policy Decision-Making." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 2 (2013): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013016.

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The European Union (EU) invites neighbouring states to contribute to the implementation of its foreign and security policy, but it does not offer involvement in relevant EU decision-making. This article makes the case for an associate status in the framework of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines how third states can be involved in both CFSP decision-shaping and decision-taking and discusses the political implications and legal requirements of such arrangements.
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27

Kreutz, Joakim. "Human Rights, Geostrategy, and EU Foreign Policy, 1989–2008." International Organization 69, no. 1 (2014): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000368.

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AbstractIs foreign policy influenced by humanitarian concerns, or are concepts such as human security merely rhetoric for traditional power politics? Using a multilevel modeling technique and a unique data set of military and economic European Union (EU) intervention 1989–2008, I find that military and economic interventions by the EU are conducted in response to humanitarian atrocities but that geostrategic concerns also influence EU action. While the EU consistently is more likely to act against countries with greater civilian victimization, the size of the effect is influenced by spatial co
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28

MacKenzie, Alexander. "The European Union's Increasing Role in Foreign Policy Counterterrorism." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 2 (2010): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i2.269.

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Since 9/11, the role of the European Union (EU) in counter-terrorism has expanded rapidly. Most of the developments were internally derived and would affect only EU Member States and countries on the EU’s periphery. However, over the past few years, the EU has become increasingly involved in counter-terrorism outside its borders. Although it still has a long way to progress before being recognised as a counter-terrorism actor of note, the EU has demonstrated a commitment to include counter-terrorism related initiatives into its foreign policies. Analyses of the EU’s foreign policy counter-terr
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29

Velichkov, Kamen. "EU Policy in Central Asia." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (2021): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.02.

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Geography and a preference for regional approaches have an impact on EU foreign policy. From the EU perspective, the countries of Central Asia are classified as “neighbors of EU neighbors.” The EU’s policies assume the existence of strong centripetal forces in the Eurasian heartland, whereas in fact the regionalization is still in the initial stages there. Consequently, EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. The specific goals and performance of EU member states add a two-tier dimension to this process. In parallel with other external actors such a
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30

Jaskólska, Aleksandra. "Transactionalism in India’s Foreign Policy, Case Study: India-European Union Relations." Azja-Pacyfik 27, no. 1 (2023): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ap2023.1.02.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the dominant role of transactional drivers in India’s foreign policy towards the European Union (EU). The article hypothesizes that India is trying to use its relationship with the EU in primarily transactional ways to achieve its own foreign and economic policy goals rather than to advance shared norms and values as democratic powers. Those goals include (i) leveraging its global image and reputation as a trusted and credible international partner, (ii) gaining greater regional and global influence, (iii) attracting foreign investment and boosting Ind
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31

Alcaro, Riccardo, and Hylke Dijkstra. "Re-imagining EU Foreign and Security Policy in a Complex and Contested World." International Spectator 59, no. 1 (2024): 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2024.2304028.

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The European Union (EU) increasingly formulates and implements foreign and security policy under the constraints of internal contestation, regional fragmentation and multipolar competition. While such contextual challenges can inhibit the EU from adopting an ambitious foreign and security policy, this Special Issue shows that the EU and its member states have developed ways of mitigating their impact. Through institutional, functional and diplomatic measures, the EU has managed to reduce the adverse effect of the contextual factors on its foreign and security policy towards conflicts and crise
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32

Uğur, Ömer. "The European Union Foreign Policy System and the Extent of Europeanization after the Common Foreign and Security Policy." Journal of International Scientific Researches 10, no. 2 (2025): 276–93. https://doi.org/10.23834/isrjournal.1653350.

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This study aims to comprehensively address the foreign policy cooperation processes shaped at the European Union (EU) level, especially in the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), through the concept of Europeanization. In-depth analysis of the effects of the EU's integration and cooperation processes in the field of foreign policy on the national foreign policies of the member states is of great importance in understanding how this interaction is shaped both at the European and national levels. In this framework, it will be analyzed in detail how the EU's common foreign p
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33

CARDWELL, Paul James. "The Legalisation of European Union Foreign Policy and the Use of Sanctions." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 17 (November 11, 2015): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2015.11.

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AbstractThis article explores the legalisation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) and its increasing use of sanctions. It argues that the breadth and depth of the numerous sanctions regimes in place shows that EU foreign policy is not merely an aspiration but produces law and legal processes which share similarities with those in the rest of the EU’s legal order. Further, the article examines the extent to which non-EU Member States in Europe have aligned themselves with EU sanctions. The argument is made that this is evidence not only of Europeanisatio
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34

Ayata, Ali. "Human rights aspects of european foreign policy." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (2016): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.406.

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The development policy of the European Union is a policy area that has developed rapidly, especially after the Cold War and the conflicts between Eastern countries. In the 1990s, the EU issued a development profile and started the human rights and democracy concepts into the Treaty of European Union officially as guiding principles in its foreign policy. Even before the importance of human rights and democracy in the founding treaties of the European Union was mentioned, strengthening the identity of the European Union could be brought at the international level from the start with respect for
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35

MARGARYAN, Zaruhi. "Armeniaʼs foreign policy: between diversification and dependence". Foreign trade: economics, finance, law 139, № 2 (2025): 14–24. https://doi.org/10.31617/3.2025(139)01.

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The structural and geopolitical barriers that limit Armeniaʼs ability to shift its foreign policy away from russia toward the European Union (EU) have been studied. The relevance of this study lies in understanding why, despite recent interaction with the EU – particularly via the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) – Armenia remains strategically attached to russia. The hypothesis was tested that deep infrastructural dependence on this country, as well as institutional ties such as membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic U
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36

Matsaberidze, David. "The Competitive Securitization of Foreign Policy." Security science journal 4, no. 2 (2023): 187–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.4.2.10.

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The paper explores competitive securitizations of the Russian Federation vs. the European Union in the Georgian political public sphere through deconstruction of the pro-Western and pro-Russian public political narratives. The dis-information incursion and propaganda of the Russian Federation in the societal landscape of Georgia have become the primary tools of the Kremlin to undermine the soft-power policy the EU and the pro-Western agenda. The study reflects on the rotating political discourses on Russia vs. EU through narrative analysis and deconstructs those metanarratives, that securitize
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37

Tsuglevich, K. V. "Foreign trade in tourism services of Portugal." Gostinichnoe delo (Hotel Business), no. 2 (February 26, 2024): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/igt-2-2402-03.

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EU members have a common customs union, a single market (in which goods, people and capital move freely), a common trade policy, a common agricultural policy and a common currency (the euro). In addition, the EU has taken steps to develop a common foreign and security policy. The EU currently faces a number of political and economic challenges, including slow growth and persistently high unemployment in many EU countries. Portugal, as a member of the EU, is experiencing a whole range of problems, like other member countries. But due to the peculiarities of the economy, these problems have thei
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38

Sattorova, Mavluda. "EU investment law at a crossroads: Open strategic autonomy in times of heightened security concerns." Common Market Law Review 60, Issue 3 (2023): 701–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2023049.

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This article examines the key pillars of the EU’s open strategic autonomy with a focus on its foreign investment policy. It explores three dimensions the EU’s investment policy: 1) the creation of the EU-wide FDI screening framework, 2) the proposal of new investigative and enforcement powers in relation to foreign investment subsidies, and 3) the proposal of new mechanisms to enforce EU values on sustainability, including human rights, environment and labour standards. The overarching objective is to unveil the forces at play in the making of EU investment policy and to interrogate the shifti
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Denysenko, V. I. "EUROPEAN VECTOR IN UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (2010)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 57 (2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.57.6.

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The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first
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40

Barros de Albuquerque, Rodrigo, and Christian Brandão. "European Union Foreign Policy." Carta Internacional 18, no. 2 (2023): e1347. http://dx.doi.org/10.21530/ci.v18n2.2023.1347.

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This article examines the voting patterns of Nordic countries and the Netherlands in the UNGA, highlighting their longstanding alignment. Notably, Norway and Iceland are not part of theEuropean Union, which has been enhancing its foreign policy coherence since 1993. The central focus is to investigate if this integration has led to a divergence between EU member states and non-members. By calculating the voting cohesion rate among these countries in the UNGA from 1993 to 2021, the article found no significant variation in the cohesion rate, suggesting that European integration has not ended th
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41

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of
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42

Starkin, Sergey Valer'evich, Elena Sergeevna Pripisnova, and Sergei Valer'evich Krivov. "Energy security issues in US and EU foreign policy: comparative analysis." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.37120.

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Energy resources are becoming an increasingly politicized commodity, which at the same time retains special technical and economic characteristics, which complicates the work of the foreign policy leadership. The authors, using a comparative method, conduct a study of the relationship between energy and foreign policy in the EU and the USA through the prism of different cognitive structures used by subjects to assess the landscape of global energy. On this conceptual basis, the authors explore the evolution of the relationship between energy and foreign policy in the EU and the United States:
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Tolstov, Serhii. "The EU’s Foreign Policy Towards African Countries." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.17-44.

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The article presents a review of the EU policy towards the African states in the early 21st century. It covers the main aspects and priorities of the EU’s relations with the countries of the region, including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, migration control, negotiations on the new type of economic agreements. The goals and principles of the EU-AU cooperation were outlined in the Joint Strategy signed in Lisbon in December 2007. The strategic partnership relations envisage the EU’s assistance to the African states aimed at the development, security cooperation, the preven
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ERDEMİR, Emre. "Kitap İncelemesi: THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW FOREIGN POLICY." Ankara Avrupa Calismalari Dergisi 21, no. 1 (2022): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32450/aacd.1148640.

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Today, the European Union (EU) is trying to determine its place in the international system where there are multipolar power centers. Editor Martin Westlake and other contributing authors lay out the foundations of the Union's new foreign policy in “The European Union's New Foreign Policy.” The foreign policy issue, which has been under the jurisdiction of the Member States for many years, has become a phenomenon with the Common Foreign and Security Policy column created with the Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 (p.1). This phenomenon also raises the book's fundamental research question: Why i
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Szép, Viktor. "The Geopoliticization of EU Trade Policy: Exploring the Growing Links Between the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Commercial Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 29, Issue 4 (2024): 427–46. https://doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024030.

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For a long time, foreign policy and trade were separated from each other in the European Union (EU). Although certain links have always existed between them, in the past the creation of such nexuses often generated constitutional tensions in the EU’s legal order and sparked controversies surrounding the choice of appropriate legal basis. This article aims to show that, since the birth of the geopolitical Commission, the traditional boundaries of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) have been blurred to the extent that it no longer makes sense to
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Fidato, Riccardo, and Luigi Lonardo. "The Foreign Affairs Aspects of the Artificial Intelligence Policy of the European Union." European Foreign Affairs Review 30, Issue 1 (2025): 11–28. https://doi.org/10.54648/eerr2025010.

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The EU has a problem: it is lagging behind in technological developments on Artificial Intelligence (AI). To solve it, the EU does what it does best: it regulates. Is this going to be enough? To attempt an answer, this article examines the foreign affairs ramification of the EU’s AI policy, particularly through the lens of the foreign policy implications of the AI Act (Regulation (EU) 2024/1689). We cluster these foreign policy implications around three themes: areas in which the EU leads, dossiers on which it cooperates with partners, and issues on which it seeks to export its values. By draw
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Crombois, Jean. "Lilliput Effect Revisited: Small States and EU Foreign Policy." European View 19, no. 1 (2020): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685820915375.

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The role of small member states in EU foreign policy is increasingly being challenged, especially in view of the reforms being proposed to make the EU more effective as an international actor. These reforms, if adopted, will require the small Central and Eastern European member states, such as Bulgaria, to rethink their old foreign-policy strategies and practices. Instead of band-wagoning and balancing conflicting interests, these small member states will have to learn to be more proactive, to build their reputations and to form alliances if they want to continue to have any influence on EU fo
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Dudas, Tomas, and Rastislav Rajnoha. "Chinese high-tech foreign direct investments in the EU – trends and policy responses." Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, no. 2 (2020): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(2).2020.26.

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This paper aims to examine the trends of Chinese high-tech acquisitions in the EU countries, describe the policies that these acquisitions prompted on the level of member states and the EU, and analyze the effects of these policy responses. The results of the research review clearly show an increasing number of takeovers of European companies in the high-tech sectors, especially in the big member states such as Germany, France, or the UK. This created a backlash from the European policymakers that led to an introduction of tighter screening regimes in many EU member states and the creation of
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МАТЮХИН, А. В., Ю. А. ДАВЫДОВА, and Е. В. КАРГАПОЛОВА. "Kazakhstan: foreign policy vectors." Социально-гуманитарные знания, no. 2 (May 24, 2022): 283–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.34823/sgz.2022.2.51793.

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В статье рассматриваются отношения Казахстана с основ­ными внешнеполитическими партнерами, такими как Россия, США, ЕС, Турция и Китай. Раскрывается, как в Казахстане по­нимается политика многовекторности, в чем преимущества и недостатки этой позиции. Делается вывод о том, что для дальнейшего динамичного развития и обеспечения своей на­циональной безопасности, для Казахстана крайне важным представляется сотрудничество с Российской Федерацией. The article examines Kazakhstan's relations with major foreign policy partners such as Russia, the US, the EU, Turkey and China. It reveals how the multi-
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Fägersten, Björn. "The Implications of the Euro Crisis for European Foreign Policy- Lessons from Crisis Management and International Trade." European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Issue 4 (2014): 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014039.

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This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive foreign policy areas are investigated: crisis management in North Africa and the negotiation of free trade agreements with the US and India. The article employs an analytical framework that focuses on three key aspects shaping EU policy: capabilities, cohesion and context. The results suggest considerable changes in each, but not only in one direction: there are mechanisms driving policy in different directions which suggest a nuanced conclusion is required. The overarching findings of the article, ho
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