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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Feminist politics"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 21 de febrero de 2023

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1

Conway, Janet M. "Popular Feminism: Considering a Concept in Feminist Politics and Theory." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 4 (June 28, 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013008.

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An analysis of popular feminism as a category in Latin American feminist studies from its origins in the 1980s and its disappearance in the 1990s to its resurgence in the present through the protagonism of the World March of Women, asks what is at stake in this contemporary claim to popular feminism in relation to the multiplication of feminisms. The contemporary use of the concept specifies a feminist praxis that is contentious, materialist, and counterhegemonic in permanently unsettled relations both with other feminisms and mixed-gender movements on the left. Despite converging agendas for
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2

Fowlkes, Diane L. "Moving from Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza." Hypatia 12, no. 2 (1997): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00021.x.

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Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.
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3

Kirkpatrick, Jennet. "Introduction: Selling Out? Solidarity and Choice in the American Feminist Movement." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992829.

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This symposium examines an emergent orientation within the American feminist movement called “choice feminism.” Choice feminists are primarily concerned with increasing the number of choices open to women and with decreasing judgments about the choices that individual women make. Choice feminists are best known for their argument that a woman who leaves the remunerated labor market to care for her children is a feminist in good standing; she makes a feminist decision. While media coverage of choice feminism has been extensive, political scientists have been comparatively quiet. In this symposi
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4

Evans, Elizabeth, and Prudence Bussey-Chamberlain. "The problems with feminist nostalgia: Intersectionality and white popular feminism." European Journal of Women's Studies 28, no. 3 (August 2021): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211032058.

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Contemporary feminisms are ineluctably drawn into comparisons with historic discourses, forms of praxis and tactical repertoires. While this can underscore points of continuity and commonality in ongoing struggles, it can also result in nostalgia for a more unified and purposeful feminist politics. Kate Eichhorn argues that our interest in nostalgia should be to understand feminist temporalities, and in particular the specific context in which we experience such nostalgia. Accordingly, this article takes up the idea that neoliberalism and populism, which have given rise to both neoliberal femi
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5

Kelly, Maura, and Gordon Gauchat. "Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics." Sociological Perspectives 59, no. 4 (August 3, 2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.

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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to
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6

Marome, Wijitbusaba. "Foucault’s Work for the Analysis of Gender Relations: Theoretical Reviews." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 3 (December 30, 2005): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v3.169048.

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Michel Foucault’s focus on power relationships has drawn political scientists, political philosophers,and feminists to his texts. His argument which analyses power and discourse takes political analysts beyondstate as the locus of power. In general, his work is important for feminist analyses, especially the threevolumeof historical account of sexuality, because it shares with feminists and intense and critical gaze atsexuality, ‘power and knowledge.’ However, Foucault’s politics of Western sexuality leaves female sexualityinvisible. To complete this historical account of sexuality requires fe
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7

Benezra, Karen. "Feminine Desire, Feminist Politics." Critical Times 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9536575.

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8

Marso, Lori J. "Feminism's Quest for Common Desires." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992854.

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One attraction of “choice” feminism has been its refusal to judge the diverse desires of women. Yet for feminism to retain its political vision as a quest for social justice, we must continue difficult conversations concerning how acting on our individual desires impacts the lives of others. In this essay, I argue that feminists can acknowledge women's diverse desires while forging a meaningful feminist community. I make this argument by considering feminism's relationship to time, and particularly how women's diverse desires are read in each moment in time. If we abandon the generational mode
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9

Mojab, Shahrzad. "Theorizing the Politics of ‘Islamic Feminism’." Feminist Review 69, no. 1 (November 2001): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01417780110070157.

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This article examines developments in ‘Islamic feminism’, and offers a critique of feminist theories, which construct it as an authentic and indigenous emancipatory alternative to secular feminisms. Focusing on Iranian theocracy, I argue that the Islamization of gender relations has created an oppressive patriarchy that cannot be replaced through legal reforms. While many women in Iran resist this religious and patriarchal regime, and an increasing number of Iranian intellectuals and activists, including Islamists, call for the separation of state and religion, feminists of a cultural relativi
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10

Frazer, Elizabeth, and Kimberly Hutchings. "The feminist politics of naming violence." Feminist Theory 21, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119859759.

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The naming of violence in feminist political campaigns and in the context of feminist theory has rhetorical and political effects. Feminist contention about the scope and meaning of ‘Violence against Women' (VAW) and ‘Sex and Gender-Based Violence' (SGBV), and about the concepts of gender and of violence itself, are fundamentally debates about the politics of feminist contestation, and the goals, strategies and tactics of feminist organisation, campaigns and action. This article examines the propulsion since the late twentieth century of the problems of VAW and SGBV on to global and national p
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11

Motta, Renata. "Feminist Solidarities and Coalitional Identity: The Popular Feminism of the Marcha das Margaridas." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 5 (June 17, 2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211017896.

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The Marcha das Margaridas is a mass mobilization in Brazil led by women’s organizations within rural unions in alliance with other social movements and nongovernmental organizations, including transnational partners such as the World March of Women. The main political subjects are rural working women, a political identity that articulates gender, class, and urban-rural inequalities. These are foundational for the popular feminism of the Marcha. An examination of the Marcha das Margaridas guided by a theoretical discussion of poststructural feminism and postcolonial feminism on the role of poli
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12

McAuliffe, Jana. "How to feminist affect: Feminist comedy and post-truth politics." Philosophy & Social Criticism 49, no. 2 (February 2023): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01914537221147846.

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Under the shifting epistemic and political norms of post-truth politics, the conditions of feminist solidarity and agency are increasingly threatened. This article argues that feminist humour provides models for affective orientations that sustain feminist work and survival during such periods of political crisis. First, I explore a potential issue post-truth politics poses for feminists: That information overload can lead to truth burn-out that threatens intersectional feminist thinking and action. Next, I explain why comedy is well-suited to help maintain feminist work in the context of post
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13

Vickers, Jill M. "Feminists and Party Politics. By Lisa Young. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 227p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401732017.

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This comparison of the relationship between organized fem- inism and partisan politics in Canada and the United States addresses two questions. First, Young asks how much orga- nized feminism has influenced partisan and electoral politics in each country. Second, she asks how political parties in each country have responded to organized feminism. She answers these questions by examining the relationship between each country's largest feminist organization and its party system and by showing how each relationship changed between 1970 and 1997. The result is an important and readable book that d
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14

Khader, Serene J. "Do Muslim Women Need Freedom? Traditionalist Feminisms and Transnational Politics." Politics & Gender 12, no. 04 (July 21, 2016): 727–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000441.

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The idea that Muslim women need to be liberated from religion and tradition has animated feminist support for imperialist projects. The idea that tradition itself is women's oppressor prevents Western feminists from perceiving cultural and religious destruction as potentially harmful. In this article, I make conceptual space for traditionalist feminisms by showing that feminism does not require any particular stance toward tradition as such. What should matter to feminists is whether the content of a given tradition is oppressive—not whether it belongs to a worldview that places a high value o
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15

Nugraha, Dipa, and Suyitno Suyitno. "REPRESENTATION OF ISLAMIC FEMINISM IN ABIDAH EL KHALIEQY’S NOVELS." LITERA 18, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 465–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/ltr.v18i3.27012.

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The Indonesian literary tradition during the reform period was marked by the rise of female writers who raised the issue of feminism. Within the framework of locality and contextuality, the feminism movement echoed by female writers comes in diverse expressions. This study aims to describe the reference figures and issues of Islamic feminism that are represented in novels by Abidah El Khalieqy. This research uses a feminist literary criticism approach. The data sources of the research are three novels by Abidah El Khalieqiy, namely Perempuan Berkalung Sorban, Geni Jora, and Mataraisa. The tech
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16

Zhu, Chen. "MCROBBIE'S THEORY OF POST-FEMINIST DISARTICULATION AND THE PRECARIOUSNESS IN CHINESE CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 05, no. 06 (2022): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2022.0459.

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This paper analyzes the theoretical transferring of post-feminism and the concept of “disarticulation” from western feminism discourses to the Chinese contemporary media landscape. By introducing the connotation of post-feminism and its disarticulated precarious consequence to the feminism agenda, the paper argues that Chinese native feminism discourses represented the precariousness of post-feminism in the way which de-politicized, decentralized and self-governed individualization has dominated the narratives of feminists. The paper proposes that there is a new Chinese feminist ecology widely
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17

Schreiber, Ronnee. "Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account." Politics & Gender 14, no. 01 (March 2018): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000587.

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The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Find
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18

Figueroa, Yomaira. "After the Hurricane: Afro-Latina Decolonial Feminisms and Destierro." Hypatia 35, no. 1 (2020): 220–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2019.12.

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The first version of this piece was written for the opening panel of the 2017 Conference of the Association for Feminist Ethics and Social Theory (FEAST) in Florida. The panel, “Decolonial Feminism: Theories and Praxis,” offered the opportunity for Black and Latinx feminist philosophers and decolonial scholars to consider their arrival to decolonial feminisms, their various points of emergence, and the utility of decolonial politics for liberation movements and organizing. I was prepared to discuss some genealogies of US Latina decolonial feminisms with a focus on the relationship of decolonia
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19

Boehm, Beth A. "Feminist Histories: Theory Meets Practice." Hypatia 7, no. 2 (1992): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1992.tb00894.x.

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Fox-Genovese, Kaminer, and Riley all write the history of feminism as a history of conflict between feminists who desire to deny difference in favor of equality and those who desire to celebrate difference. And they all ask what this contradiction lying at the heart of feminist theory implies for the practice of feminist politics. These works reveal the need for feminists who engage this debate to be self’-Conscious in their formulations.
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20

Bíró, Noémi. "Feminist Interpretations of Action and the Public in Hannah Arendt’s Theory." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philosophia 65, Special Issue (November 20, 2020): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphil.2020.spiss.06.

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"Feminist Interpretations of Action and the Public in Hannah Arendt’s Theory. Arendt’s typology of human activity and her arguments on the precondition of politics allow for a variety in interpretations for contemporary political thought. The feminist reception of Arendt’s work ranges from critical to conciliatory readings that attempt to find the points in which Arendt’s theory might inspire a feminist political project. In this paper I explore the ways in which feminist thought has responded to Arendt’s definition of action, freedom and politics, and whether her theoretical framework can be
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21

Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir, and Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion." Feminist Review 23, no. 1 (July 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.

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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In
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22

Ferreira, Nathalia Bezerra da Silva, and Verônica Maria de Araújo Pontes. "FEMINISMOS: CAMINHOS PERCORRIDOS E TENDÊNCIAS CONTEMPORÂNEAS." Revista Expressão Católica 6, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25190/rec.v6i2.2110.

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O movimento feminista possui dentro de sua história uma série de vertentes que colaboram para o fortalecimento e ampliação de pautas de lutas. Na medida em que cresce, o movimento amplia suas pautas de discussões incluindo novas temáticas que precisam ser debatidas, novas dificuldades a serem superadas. Dessa forma, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir sobre aspectos históricos e teóricos do feminismo. Realizamos uma leitura de três teóricas: Beauvoir, Friedan e Hooks, contextualizando-a com as realidades sociais e políticas do período. No decorrer do trabalho apontamos para o fato de
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23

Parashar, Swati, and Daria B. Kazarinova. "Introducing the Special Issue: Interview with Swati Parashar about Women and Feminism in Global Politics." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15.

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Gender issues and feminist studies are rare in Russian Political Science. This gap is surprising given the increasing international recognition of womens rights, as well as growing interest in mainstreaming gender equality norms and removing key obstacles to womens advancement. This special issue addresses this gap by bringing together studies that use feminist optics to examine a variety of political spaces, including those where feminism has not yet become an ideological mainstream. Presenting the contributions and the core ideas that unite them, we discussed with Professor Swati Parashar no
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24

TOLA, MIRIAM. "Composing with Gaia: Isabelle Stengers and the Feminist Politics of the Earth." PhaenEx 11, no. 1 (June 5, 2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v11i1.4390.

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This essay brings the work of Isabelle Stengers into the fold of feminism to propose a feminist politics of the earth that disrupts the fantasy of human exceptionalism underpinning much Anthropocene discourse. I begin by situating Stengers’s political use of Gaia theory in current debates on the Anthropocene. Next, I show how Stengers’s reworking of Gaia helps in reconsidering the relations between two bodies of feminist theory—Deleuzian feminism and Marxist ecofeminism—that are rarely brought into conversation. On this basis, I explore what a feminist politics of composition with the earth mi
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25

Molina, Irene. "Is there a non-socialist Swedish feminism?" European Journal of Women's Studies 27, no. 3 (June 9, 2020): 301–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506820930671.

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Based on a narrative of the recent history of postcolonial feminism within and outside the Swedish academic world, this article discusses the controversial relationship between feminism and politics. Installing a socialist inspired perspective on intersectionality in Swedish feminist debates and in gender research has been a hard task for postcolonial feminists in a society whose self-imagination excludes the recognition of racism as a fundamental component of the national identity. Moreover, as the country moves rapidly towards a neoliberalization of the former Keynesian Swedish welfare state
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26

Saeidzadeh, Zara, and Sofia Strid. "Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 18, 2020): 312–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2825.

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The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore
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27

Morabito, Valeria. "Developing Transnational Methodologies in Feminist Studies: the relationship between postcolonial feminisms and new materialist feminism = Desarrollo de metodologías transnacionales en los estudios feministas: la relación entre los feminismos postcoloniales y el feminismo neo-materialista." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2019.4566.

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Abstract. The following article is an attempt to establish a constructive dialogue be­tween two of the leading feminist philosophical theories of our time, new materialist feminism and postcolonial feminisms. Despite the fact that new materialist feminism has claimed to share the same concerns of postcolonial feminisms, this paradigm in some cases has been un­appreciated among the postcolonial field, even though the two theories actually do have some common viewpoints, as I want to demonstrate. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight the main standpoints of new materialist feminism, i
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28

Johnson, Pauline. "Learning from the Budapest School women." Thesis Eleven 151, no. 1 (April 2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.

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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes H
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Duff, Koshka. "Feminism Against Crime Control: On Sexual Subordination and State Apologism." Historical Materialism 26, no. 2 (July 30, 2018): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001649.

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AbstractIts critics call it ‘feminism-as-crime-control’, or ‘Governance Feminism’, diagnosing it as a pernicious form of identity politics. Its advocates call it taking sexual violence seriously – by which they mean wielding the power of the state to ‘punish perpetrators’ and ‘protect vulnerable women’. Both sides agree that this approach follows from the radical feminist analysis of sexual violence most strikingly formulated by Catharine MacKinnon. The aim of this paper is to rethink the Governance Feminism debate by questioning this common presupposition. I ask whether taking MacKinnon’s ana
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Calloni, Marina. "Feminism, Politics, Theories and Science." European Journal of Women's Studies 10, no. 1 (February 2003): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506803010001799.

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Are women's movement and feminist theories still connected to radical politics and the interest in changing social inequalities, when feminism has been `institutionalized', for instance in the academia, and has become a mainstreaming issue in social policies? This main question was put to eminent feminist scholars, with the aim of investigating the renewed critical role of international feminism and women's/gender studies in society, science, information, education and research. A reconstruction of the main changes which have occurred to women's movements and feminist theories in the last deca
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31

Fantone, Laura. "Precarious Changes: Gender and Generational Politics in Contemporary Italy." Feminist Review 87, no. 1 (September 2007): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400357.

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The issue of a generational exchange in Italian feminism has been crucial over the last decade. Current struggles over precariousness have revived issues previously raised by feminists of the 1970s, recalling how old forms of instability and precarious employment are still present in Italy. This essay starts from the assumption that precariousness is a constitutive aspect of many young Italian women's lives, young Italian feminist scholars have been discussing the effects of such precarity on their generation. This article analyses the literature produced by political groups of young scholars
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Hodgdon, Tim. "Fem: "A Window onto the Cultural Coalescence of a Mexican Feminist Politics of Sexuality"." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052122.

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The journal Fem documents the evolution in the 1970s of a distinctly Mexican feminist politics of sexuality. These politics emerged as activist women molded those elements of diverse foreign feminist ideologies and practices which they deemed relevant to the exigencies of their situation into a coherent political program for the liberation of women from male supremacy. / La revista Fem documenta la evolución, en la década de los 70, de una política feminista de la sexualidad idóneamente mexicana. Esta política fue el resultado de una adaptación de diversas ideologías feministas extranjeras, de
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Kay, Judith W. "Politics without Human Nature? Reconstructing a Common Humanity." Hypatia 9, no. 1 (1994): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00108.x.

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Political action requires a concept of humanity grounded in an explicit notion of human nature. Feminists apprehensive about poststructuralism's implications for a feminist politics need methods and discourses that allow feminist politics to proceed toward a vision of human well-being. Recent work by Chris Weedon and Erica Sherover-Marcuse highlights the need for hypotheses that can guide efforts to dismantle oppressed habits of being and help women evaluate and develop political strategies for universal solidarity.
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34

Ignjatovic, Suzana, and Zeljka Buturovic. "Breastfeeding divisions in ethics and politics of feminism." Sociologija 60, no. 1 (2018): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1801084i.

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The paper focuses on the ongoing ?breastfeeding wars? in public discourse and feminist approaches to ongoing debates in this area. Feminist disputes over breastfeeding are found in every ?wave? of the feminist movement, including the dominant contemporary political discourse of ?gender mainstreaming?. For one, feminist divisions over breastfeeding are influenced by ideological and theoretical differences in feminism (Marxist, radical, libertarian and other positions), sometimes resulting in their convergence with other ideologies (for example, conservatism). However, a recurrent point of divis
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35

Browne, Victoria. "Backlash, Repetition, Untimeliness: The Temporal Dynamics of Feminist Politics." Hypatia 28, no. 4 (2013): 905–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12006.

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Susan Faludi's Backlash, first published in 1991, offers a compelling account of feminism being forced to repeat itself in an era hostile to its transformative potentials and ambitions. Twenty years on, this paper offers a philosophical reading of Faludi's text, unpacking the model of social and historical change that underlies the “backlash” thesis. It focuses specifically on the tension between Faludi's ideal model of social change as a movement of linear, step‐by‐step, continuous progress, and her depiction of feminist history in terms of endless repetition. If we uphold a linear, teleologi
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36

Varino, Sofia. "Liminal politics: Performing feminine difference with Hélène Cixous." European Journal of Women's Studies 25, no. 3 (May 3, 2018): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506818769918.

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As one of the most influential feminist theorists in Western academic circles, Hélène Cixous is often associated with écriture feminine (feminine writing), a term she coined in 1977, and with a fluid, poetic style both in her essays and in her fiction. This article investigates how Hélène Cixous uses the concept of the ‘feminine’ in her plays as a container for heterogeneity, liminality and difference, mobilizing it to animate feminist strategies that interrupt male, white and/or hegemonic forms of subjectivity. If for Cixous the practice of feminine writing is fundamentally characterized by t
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STERN, MARIA, and MARYSIA ZALEWSKI. "Feminist fatigue(s): reflections on feminism and familiar fables of militarisation." Review of International Studies 35, no. 3 (July 2009): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008675.

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AbstractIn this article we critically consider the idea that feminism has performatively failed within the discipline of International Relations. One aspect of this failure relates to the production of sexgender through feminism which we suggest is partly responsible for a weariness inflecting feminist scholarship, in particular as a critical theoretical resource. We reflect on this weariness in the context of the study and practice of international politics – arenas still reaping the potent benefits of the virile political energies reverberating since 9/11. To illustrate our arguments we re-c
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38

Thorpe, Holly, and Rebecca Olive. "The Power, Politics, and Potential of Feminist Sports History: A Multi-Generational Dialogue." Journal of Sport History 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.379.

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Abstract This article considers the role that feminism has played in the development of sport history. More than writing “women’s sport history,” “feminist sport history” critically (re)engages issues of theory, method, and representation in the ways we approach historical scholarship. However, feminism remains a diverse area of thought that includes both political and personal aspects, which creates differences in the perspectives that feminist scholars bring to the field. After an overview of the development and contributions of feminism to sport history, this article reveals some of the div
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Yousfi, Kenza. "Revisiting Community Organizing and National Liberation in the Saharawi Feminist Politics." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 2, Summer (June 1, 2016): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/kohl/2-1-7.

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This paper examines how Saharawi feminist political praxis shapes community organizing and national liberation politics. I attempt to disrupt the binaries of national liberation and freedom through a reading of the political and temporal context of the engagements of National Union of Saharawi Women feminists in the refugee camps, in Tindouf, Algeria. From ethnographic encounters, the paper aims to challenge the linearity of violence in armed conflict by looking into nuances and politics of feminists who challenge the equation of national liberation as state-building, and simultaneously argue
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40

Védie, Léa. "Hating men will free you? Valerie Solanas in Paris or the discursive politics of misandry." European Journal of Women's Studies 28, no. 3 (August 2021): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211028896.

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In the wake of contemporary controversies in France over feminist misandry, this article reflects on claimed hatred of men as a feminist discursive resource. I use the reception of Valerie Solanas’ SCUM Manifesto by some radical French feminists of the 1970s as a privileged case study, along with historian Colette Pipon’s study on misandry within French second-wave feminist movements and Judith Butler’s works on stigma reversal. I contend that in a seemingly paradoxical way, misandry is both an anti-feminist stigma and a feminist discursive strategy: the inhibiting effects of such injurious te
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41

Oliver, Kelly. "Julia Kristeva's Feminist Revolutions." Hypatia 8, no. 3 (1993): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1993.tb00038.x.

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Julia Kristeva is known as rejecting feminism, nonetheless her work is useful for feminist theory. I reconsider Kristeva's rejection of feminism and her theories of difference, identity, and maternity, elaborating on Kristeva's contributions to debates over the necessity of identity politics, indicating how Kristeva's theory suggests the cause of and possible solutions to women's oppression in Western culture, and, using Kristeva's theory, setting up a framework for a feminist rethinking of politics and ethics.
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Siddiqui, Saima. "Where Are The Women? A Contemporary Feminist IR Critique Of Security In World Politics." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 7, no. 1 (June 8, 2013): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v7i1.271.

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The international relations (IR) discourse has been a subject of feminist critique for over two decades. One of the key concerns for this assessment is marginalisation women and gender perspectives in security studies. Many feminists have argued that world politics remain a masculine domain where fewer women are visible at the decision making positions. The association of masculinity and security has allowed feminist scholars to identify possible impediments for this inadequacy. This article explores the “gendered” nature of international relations from a contemporary feminist perspective by m
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Musgrave, L. Ryan. "Liberal Feminism, from Law to Art: The Impact of Feminist Jurisprudence on Feminist Aesthetics." Hypatia 18, no. 4 (2003): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb01419.x.

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This essay explores how early approaches in feminist aesthetics drew on concepts honed in the field of feminist legal theory, especially conceptions of oppression and equality. I argue that by importing these feminist legal concepts, many early feminist accounts of how art is political depended largely on a distinctly liberal version of politics. I offer a critique of liberal feminist aesthetics, indicating ways recent work in the field also turns toward critical feminist aesthetics as an alternative.
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Jamal, Amina. "The Entanglement of Secularism and Feminism in Pakistan." Meridians 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 370–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-9547932.

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Abstract In many Muslim-majority societies, including Pakistan, liberal progressive subjects who espouse feminism and gender equality do so through the language of universal human rights and political secularism. This brings them into conflict not only with anti-secular rightwing conservatives within their own societies but also with progressive scholarly critics of secularism in other contexts. To clear the space for a nuanced understanding of feminist secularism in Pakistan, the author examines a unique style of politics that may be described as “secular” among middle-class Muslim women inte
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45

Arscott, Jane, and Manon Tremblay. "Il reste encore des travaux à faire: Feminism and Political Science in Canada and Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001012x.

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AbstractThis article takes an empirical measure of the extent to which feminism has altered the discipline of Political Science in Canada and Québec since the mid-1980s. The authors, members of the second cadre of female political scientists in the field of women and politics, single out for particular attention the current relation between anglophone and francophone feminist scholarship in the field. They maintain that the two linguistic solitudes remain fundamental to the women and politics field as much as was the case before the emergence of feminist perspectives in the discipline.
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46

Sanders, Rebecca, and Laura Dudley Jenkins. "Special issue introduction: Contemporary international anti-feminism." Global Constitutionalism 11, no. 3 (November 2022): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381722000144.

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AbstractIn recent years, conservative governments and their civil society allies have undermined international women’s rights treaties and SOGI rights initiatives and challenged domestic rights protections. The articles in this special issue grapple with these trends by analysing the ideologies, discourses, and strategies of contemporary anti-feminism in global and comparative contexts. Several prominent patterns emerge: the core significance of social hierarchy and biological essentialism to anti-feminist conservative thought; the polarizing demonization of feminists by religious conservative
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47

Sawer, Marian. "Feminist Political Science and Feminist Politics." Australian Feminist Studies 29, no. 80 (April 3, 2014): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.2014.930554.

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Wibben, Annick T. R. "Feminist Politics in Feminist Security Studies." Politics & Gender 7, no. 04 (December 2011): 590–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x11000407.

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Elliot, Patricia. "Politics, Identity, and Social Change: Contested Grounds in Psychoanalytic Feminism." Hypatia 10, no. 2 (1995): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1995.tb01368.x.

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This essay engages in a debate with Nancy Fraser and Dorothy Leland concerning the contribution of Lacanian-inspired psychoanalytic feminism to feminist theory and practice. Teresa Brennan's analysis of the impasse in psychoanalysis and feminism and Judith Butler's proposal for a radically democratic feminism are employed in examining the issues at stake. I argue, with Brennan, that the impasse confronting psychoanalysis and feminism is the result of different conceptions of the relationship between the psychical and the social. I suggest Lacanian-inspired feminist conceptions are useful and d
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50

Dorroll, Philip. "“Post-Gezi Islamic Theology: Intersectional Islamic Feminism in Turkey”." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (August 2016): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.138.

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AbstractThe legacy of the 2013 Gezi Park protests has been controversial and its impact on Turkish politics difficult to assess. At the same time, there has been little reflection on contemporary Islamic feminist thinking in English sources. This essay argues that one important political and intellectual legacy of the Gezi movement has been the development of certain intersectional discourses in Islamic feminism in Turkey, whereby the shared experience of marginalization felt by pious Muslims, women, ethnic and religious minorities, and the LGBTIQ community has begun to broaden and complicate
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