Bibliografías temáticas / - Foreign news Israel Palestine

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 3 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

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Segev, Elad y Menahem Blondheim. "ONLINE NEWS ABOUT ISRAEL AND PALESTINE". Digital Journalism 1, n.º 3 (octubre de 2013): 386–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2012.744560.

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Zwanger, Lea. "Foreign prepared Jewish nurses in Palestine and Israel 1900–1965". Pflege 13, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2000): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1012-5302.13.2.115.

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KAYA, Ferat. "THE ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT IN THE EU FOREIGN POLICY PROCESS". International Journal of Disciplines In Economics and Administrative Sciences Studies (IDEAstudies) 7, n.º 31 (1 de enero de 2021): 546–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26728/ideas.458.

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Asseraf, Arthur. "“A New Israel”". French Historical Studies 41, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254631.

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AbstractIn 1960–62 French officials considered partitioning Algeria between European- and Muslim-majority areas, much later and more seriously than the existing historiography shows. Even supporters of partition, however, remained ambivalent, regarding it as a “foreign” approach to decolonization opposed to French principles of territorial unity and racial equality. Thus they discussed partition by comparing Algeria to foreign models, in particular the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine that led to the creation of the state of Israel. Drawing on the private papers of Prime Minister Michel Debré, the writings of Alain Peyrefitte, and archives from the Ministries of Algerian and Foreign Affairs, this article argues that partition plans were failed attempts to deflect colonialism by looking sideways. To do so, the supporters of partition made use of comparison, a long-standing tool of the colonial administration.En 1960–62, le gouvernement français envisagea de partager l'Algérie entre zones de majorité européenne et musulmane, bien plus sérieusement et plus tard que ne le décrit l'historiographie actuelle. Mais même les partisans les plus ardents d'une partition restèrent relativement ambivalents face à ce projet, qu'ils considéraient comme une solution « étrangère » de décolonisation opposée aux principes français d'unité territoriale et d'égalité raciale. Ils évaluèrent ainsi la partition potentielle de l'Algérie en la comparant avec de nombreux modèles étrangers, en particulier la partition du mandat britannique de Palestine qui donna lieu à l'état d'Israël. S'appuyant sur les papiers du premier ministre Michel Debré, les écrits d'Alain Peyrefitte et les archives des ministères des Affaires algériennes et étrangères, cet article montre que les projets de partition furent des tentatives ratées de se détourner du problème colonial en regardant au loin. Pour ce faire, les partisans du partage firent usage de la comparaison, un vieil outil intellectuel de l'administration coloniale.
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Amara, Muhammad Hasan. "Recent foreign language education policies in Palestine". Language Problems and Language Planning 27, n.º 3 (18 de octubre de 2003): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.27.3.02ama.

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The paper investigates the development of foreign language education policies in Palestine, at a time when the establishment of a Palestinian state has become a real option, and when, following the Oslo agreements, the Palestinians have become responsible for Palestinian education. As the New Palestinian Curriculum shows, an international orientation is clearly part of the policy, and accordingly the learning and teaching of languages are a primary concern in identity formation. Through Arabic the relations with the Arabic countries in the region can be maintained, while Hebrew and also English will serve as the medium of communication with Israel, which will remain part of the Palestinian reality. Knowledge of other foreign languages will be needed to maintain contacts with other parts of the world. For historical reasons, Palestine has been in contact with many different countries all over the world, probably more than most other Arabic-speaking countries. It remains to be seen how the current battle between Arabization and Muslim fundamentalism on the one hand, and westernization and desecularization on the other will be resolved, but, whatever the outcome, Palestine cannot allow itself to turn away from the rest of the world.
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Pate, Tanvi. "Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020906647.

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Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.
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Chalimah, Riyadi Santosa, Djatmika y Tri Wiratno. "REGISTER IN DISCUSSION GENRE ON ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT THROUGH AFFECT EVALUATION". Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, n.º 1 (22 de enero de 2020): 247–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8135.

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Purpose of the study: This data exploration is to seek the level and also the sort of unhappiness expression as a part of effect used in the news texts as a register included in discussion genre taken from 2 news texts of New York Times, 2 news texts of BBC, 1 news text of The Guardian 1, 1 news text of Bloomberg 1, 1 news text of USA Today and 1 news text of Fox News. Methodology: The data is explored with the appraisal theory by using domain and component analysis. The effect measured is focused on unhappiness: misery and unhappiness: antipathy. The data source used here are international news which the text is written with discussion genre. Main Findings: The findings report that the unhappiness: antipathy is much more found (43 data) than the unhappiness: misery (34 data). The data found are: 8 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 27 data of unhappiness: misery in New York Times 1; 5 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 2 unhappiness: misery in BBC 2; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 2 data of unhappiness: misery in The Guardian; 6 data of unhappiness: antipathy in Bloomberg; 8 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 3 data of unhappiness: misery in BBC 1; 10 data of unhappiness: antipathy in USA Today; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy in Fox News; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy in New York Times 2. Applications of this study: This data exploration is a benefit in the linguistic study to find the implicit meaning taken from the news texts. Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty of this exploration is investigating unhappiness value in texts with the genre of discussion which can construct a new theory of genre.
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Rabkin, Yakov M. "Russia, China and India and the Israel–Palestine Conflict". Holy Land Studies 12, n.º 1 (mayo de 2013): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0057.

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Outside the Middle East, the future of Israel/Palestine is most often discussed in terms of US foreign policy, where the issue has also acquired religious overtones. This article examines the policies of three nuclear powers – Russia, China and India – on this issue. The analysis takes into account these countries' policies with respect to the entire region, including Iran, in which Russia and the two Asian giants have significant interests. While the three nuclear powers have close contacts with Israel and its military, they opposed Israel's position at the historic UN vote held on 29 November 2012.
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Abou-El-Fadl, Reem. "The Road to Jerusalem through Tahrir Square: Anti-Zionism and Palestine in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution". Journal of Palestine Studies 41, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2012): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.6.

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This article addresses an aspect of Egypt's 2011 revolution almost entirely ignored in most Western media accounts: Israel and Palestine as prominent themes of protest. In reviewing Egyptian mobilization opposing normalization and in support of the Palestinian cause starting from Sadat's peace initiative of the mid-1970s, the author shows how the anti-Mubarak movement that took off as of the mid-2000s built on the Palestine activism and networks already in place. While the trigger of the revolution and the focus of its first eighteen days was domestic change, the article shows how domestic and foreign policy issues (especially Israel and Palestine) were inextricably intertwined, with the leadership bodies of the revolution involved in both.
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Hegghammer, Thomas. "ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām and Palestine". Welt des Islams 53, n.º 3-4 (2013): 353–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0003.

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ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām (1941–1989) helped make jihadism more transnational by spearheading the effort to bring Muslim foreign fighters to Afghanistan in the 1980s. But why would a West Bank native devote himself to a war in Central Asia and not to the Palestinian struggle? In order to understand ʿAzzām’s unusual ideological trajectory, this article examines his relationship with Palestine, notably his experiences growing up in the territories, the extent of his involvement in the armed Palestinian struggle, and his views on the conflict with Israel. The article draws on previously underexploited primary sources, including ʿAzzām’s own writings, rare Arabic-language biographies, and interviews with family members. I argue that ʿAzzām’s Palestinian background predisposed him to transnational militancy. His exile in 1967 made him an aggrieved and rootless citizen of the Islamic world. His time fighting the Israel Defense Forces with the Fedayeen in 1969–70 gave him a taste of combat and a glimpse of pan-Islamic solidarity in practice. The inaccessibility of the battlefield after 1970 combined with ʿAzzām’s distaste for the leftist PLO led him to pursue the more accessible jihad in Afghanistan instead. There, he hoped to build an Islamist army that could reconquer Palestine. When Ḥamās rose as a military organization in the late 1980s, ʿAzzām embraced and supported it. Thus ʿAzzām was, to some extent, a byproduct of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Tesis sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

1

Peterson, Luke Mathew. "Contending discourses : Palestine-Israel in the print news media". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610738.

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Berry, Mike. "Reporting on contested territory : television news coverage of the Israel-Palestine conflict". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1548/.

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This thesis is an examination of how British television news reported on the Peace Accords signed between Israeli and Palestinian negotiators at the Wye River Plantation, Maryland USA in October 1998. The research involves three elements. Firstly a review of the historiography of the conflict which sketches out the range of views on the history and origins of the dispute. Secondly a content analysis of the peace negotiations themselves. This examines how journalists drew on the range of views present in the historiography in order to contextualise coverage and provide explanations for the conflict. Thirdly the thesis looks at the various factors in production which influence the construction of news in this area, and links this to theoretical debates in the area.
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Al-Barari, Hassan Abdulmuhdi. "Domestic politics in Israeli peace-making, 1988-1994". Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1229/.

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This thesis provides an explanation of why Israel in the years between 1988 and 1994 decided on what might be termed a path to peace with both the Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It argues that, in Israel, peacemaking that entails any form of territorial concession is largely an issue that can be best understood in terms of domestic politics. Accordingly, at the heart of this thesis lies the assumption that the key to explaining Israel's road to peace lies in an appreciation of the dynamics of Israel's domestic politics. Part at least of this story is an understanding of certain key moments in the formation of Israeli thinking about movement towards a peace with the Palestinians. The thesis therefore examines the impact of the Intifada on Israeli thinking as well as detailing crucial turning points in domestic politics, not least Labour's electoral victory in 1992 and the subsequent formation of the most dovish government in Israel's history. The thesis also pays attention to the politics of personality and the role of key figures, such as Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, in the politics that permitted Israel's move to peace. To facilitate such an understanding, the study employs some analytical concepts from what might be described as the 'middle-range' theories, for example the so-called Bureaucratic Politics Model but its judgements are also fundamentally informed by both interview and primary source material. Hence, overall the thesis looks at the internal dynamics of Israeli peacemaking and demonstrates that, although external factors are certainly, as the last chapter argues an important part of the story, the decision to make peace was also rooted in the dynamic complex domestic politics of Israel.
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. "Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.

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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Abu, Zahra Nadia. "Legal geographies in Palestine: identity documentation, dispossession, repression and resistance". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491590.

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Wong, Ka Kei. "The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.

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Freeman-Maloy, Daniel. "Canada and the Palestine question : on Zionism, Empire, and the colour line". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/20370.

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This dissertation assesses the historical engagement of Canadian state and society with the Palestine problem. Canada’s contemporary position on the pro-Israel edge of the spectrum of world politics raises questions about long-term patterns of change and continuity in Canadian politics concerning the Middle East. Liberal patriotic historical narration of Canadian foreign policy conventionally invokes what Lester B. Pearson referred to as ‘the broad and active internationalism’ with which Canadian officials approached the world in the years after World War II. Moderate voices within the contemporary Canadian mainstream typically counterpose this history to a narrow support for Israel that pits Canada against a majority of the world community. This dissertation argues that contemporary political opposition in Canada needs to find other historical precedents to build upon. The established liberal internationalist framing obscures the formative influence upon Canadian foreign policy of a racialized politics of empire. The development of Canadian politics within the framework of the British Empire, and the domestic structures of racial power that formally endured into the twentieth century, need to be taken into account if the historical evolution of Canadian external affairs policy on Palestine – as more generally – is to be understood. Historical and political analysis structured around the assertion of national innocence undercuts the kind of understanding of the past that can inform constructive engagement with the problems of the present. As against the pervasive theme of fair-minded Canadian innocence, this dissertation finds that the implication of both the Canadian government and Canadian civil society in the denial of Palestinian rights has deep historical roots. It is critical to look not only at the scope of internationalist tendencies within Canadian political history, but also at their exclusionist boundaries. In so doing, this study positions Canada within wider Western structures of support for Israel against Palestinian and neighbouring Arab societies.
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Cassanos, Sam. "Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For Palestine". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1273954268.

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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian. "The War for Peace: George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11061/.

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The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.
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Libros sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

1

The Israel-Palestine conflict: Contested histories. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.

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Shlaim, Avi. Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, revisions, refutations. London: Verso, 2010.

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Shlaim, Avi. Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, revisions, refutations. London: Verso, 2009.

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Shlaim, Avi. Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, revisions, refutations. London: Verso, 2009.

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Neff, Donald. Fallen pillars: U.S. policy towards Palestine and Israel since 1945. Washington, D.C: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1995.

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Finkelstein, Norman G. Image and reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict. 2a ed. London: Verso, 2003.

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Finkelstein, Norman G. Image and reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict. London: Verso, 1995.

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Perceptions of Palestine: Their influence on U.S. Middle East policy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

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Trans-colonial urban space in Palestine: Politics and development. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik., ed. Between Vienna and Jerusalem: Reflections and polemics on Austria, Israel, and Palestine. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1997.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

1

Burchill, Scott. "Israel-Palestine: Part Two—Australian Foreign Policy and the Israel-Palestine Conflict—Avoiding the Colonialist Narrative". En Misunderstanding International Relations, 63–83. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_5.

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Mandel, Maud S. "The 1967 War and the Forging of Political Community". En Muslims and Jews in France. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691125817.003.0005.

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This chapter investigates the influence of the 1967 war between Israel and its Arab neighbors on Muslim–Jewish relations in France. This conflict, which ended with Israel's occupation of significant Arab lands including the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, had little impact on daily interactions more fundamentally shaped by the colonial North African past and the French present than the Middle East. Nevertheless, the unprecedented mobilization of Jewish organizational life around Israel and efforts to create parallel affinities in the Muslim North African population around Palestine continued to shape political discourse in binary terms. The result was that while conflict between France's large Muslim and Jewish populations was rare, the story of two polarized ethno-religious political units hardened as new political actors, particularly university students, began to use French campuses as spaces in which to engage in discussions of foreign policy.
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"Nations, publics, and the print news media". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 34–45. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-3.

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"Introduction". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 1–18. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-1.

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"Conclusion". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 182–89. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-10.

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"Discourse and theory". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 19–33. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-2.

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"Covering Palestine–Israel news media in the United States and Great Britain". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 46–62. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-4.

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"Evacuating Gaza from two sides of the Atlantic". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 63–91. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-5.

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"The Palestinian legislative council elections, 2006". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 92–116. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-6.

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"Covering the Gaza war". En Palestine–Israel in the Print News Media:, 117–42. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769752-7.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "- Foreign news Israel Palestine"

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Hairi, Nur Atika y Norhafizah Ahmad. "Pengaruh dan Impak Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) Terhadap Isu Palestin di Malaysia". En Conference on Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum 2020/1. Penerbit UTHM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/ahcs.2020.01.01.001.

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The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) is an Islamic organisation legally established in 1972. From 1971 until now, ABIM is very concern to international issues, especially the Israeli-Palestinian issue. This article discusses the influence and impact of ABIM in fighting for the liberation of Palestine (1971-2020). ABIM has always called on those responsible for Palestinian independence and the freedom of its people from the grip of Israel. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine internationally, concrete solutions have not been reached. The objective to be achieved is to analyze ABIM’s involvement in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The methodology used is primary source research in the National Archives of Malaysia and the ABIM Archive. Apart from that, an interview with the President of ABIM, Mr. Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz was also held. The results of the study found that ABIM is consistent and active in fighting for this issue. This proves that the voice of NGOs can influence and impact decisions at the national and international levels such as the United Nations (UN). The volume of voice that is always displayed by ABIM is able to give awareness to the leaders and the people of Malaysia that this issue is not just a religious issue but this issue is a universal issue involving humanitarian values. ABIM has held press conferences, sent memorandum, held demonstrations, peaceful rallies, boycotts of American-Israeli goods and set up a Palestinian Aid Fund to raise the issue. ABIM's official paper, 'Risalah' also played a role in disseminating current Palestinian issues by publishing articles from original sources on the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and developments in Palestine, especially in the 1970s. This is because resources at the time were very limited and Western media published biased and untrue news.
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