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Segev, Elad y Menahem Blondheim. "ONLINE NEWS ABOUT ISRAEL AND PALESTINE". Digital Journalism 1, n.º 3 (octubre de 2013): 386–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2012.744560.
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Zwanger, Lea. "Foreign prepared Jewish nurses in Palestine and Israel 1900–1965". Pflege 13, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2000): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1012-5302.13.2.115.
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KAYA, Ferat. "THE ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT IN THE EU FOREIGN POLICY PROCESS". International Journal of Disciplines In Economics and Administrative Sciences Studies (IDEAstudies) 7, n.º 31 (1 de enero de 2021): 546–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26728/ideas.458.
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Asseraf, Arthur. "“A New Israel”". French Historical Studies 41, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254631.
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AbstractIn 1960–62 French officials considered partitioning Algeria between European- and Muslim-majority areas, much later and more seriously than the existing historiography shows. Even supporters of partition, however, remained ambivalent, regarding it as a “foreign” approach to decolonization opposed to French principles of territorial unity and racial equality. Thus they discussed partition by comparing Algeria to foreign models, in particular the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine that led to the creation of the state of Israel. Drawing on the private papers of Prime Minister Michel Debré, the writings of Alain Peyrefitte, and archives from the Ministries of Algerian and Foreign Affairs, this article argues that partition plans were failed attempts to deflect colonialism by looking sideways. To do so, the supporters of partition made use of comparison, a long-standing tool of the colonial administration.En 1960–62, le gouvernement français envisagea de partager l'Algérie entre zones de majorité européenne et musulmane, bien plus sérieusement et plus tard que ne le décrit l'historiographie actuelle. Mais même les partisans les plus ardents d'une partition restèrent relativement ambivalents face à ce projet, qu'ils considéraient comme une solution « étrangère » de décolonisation opposée aux principes français d'unité territoriale et d'égalité raciale. Ils évaluèrent ainsi la partition potentielle de l'Algérie en la comparant avec de nombreux modèles étrangers, en particulier la partition du mandat britannique de Palestine qui donna lieu à l'état d'Israël. S'appuyant sur les papiers du premier ministre Michel Debré, les écrits d'Alain Peyrefitte et les archives des ministères des Affaires algériennes et étrangères, cet article montre que les projets de partition furent des tentatives ratées de se détourner du problème colonial en regardant au loin. Pour ce faire, les partisans du partage firent usage de la comparaison, un vieil outil intellectuel de l'administration coloniale.
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Amara, Muhammad Hasan. "Recent foreign language education policies in Palestine". Language Problems and Language Planning 27, n.º 3 (18 de octubre de 2003): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.27.3.02ama.
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The paper investigates the development of foreign language education policies in Palestine, at a time when the establishment of a Palestinian state has become a real option, and when, following the Oslo agreements, the Palestinians have become responsible for Palestinian education. As the New Palestinian Curriculum shows, an international orientation is clearly part of the policy, and accordingly the learning and teaching of languages are a primary concern in identity formation. Through Arabic the relations with the Arabic countries in the region can be maintained, while Hebrew and also English will serve as the medium of communication with Israel, which will remain part of the Palestinian reality. Knowledge of other foreign languages will be needed to maintain contacts with other parts of the world. For historical reasons, Palestine has been in contact with many different countries all over the world, probably more than most other Arabic-speaking countries. It remains to be seen how the current battle between Arabization and Muslim fundamentalism on the one hand, and westernization and desecularization on the other will be resolved, but, whatever the outcome, Palestine cannot allow itself to turn away from the rest of the world.
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Pate, Tanvi. "Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020906647.
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Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.
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Chalimah, Riyadi Santosa, Djatmika y Tri Wiratno. "REGISTER IN DISCUSSION GENRE ON ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT THROUGH AFFECT EVALUATION". Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, n.º 1 (22 de enero de 2020): 247–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8135.
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Purpose of the study: This data exploration is to seek the level and also the sort of unhappiness expression as a part of effect used in the news texts as a register included in discussion genre taken from 2 news texts of New York Times, 2 news texts of BBC, 1 news text of The Guardian 1, 1 news text of Bloomberg 1, 1 news text of USA Today and 1 news text of Fox News.
Methodology: The data is explored with the appraisal theory by using domain and component analysis. The effect measured is focused on unhappiness: misery and unhappiness: antipathy. The data source used here are international news which the text is written with discussion genre.
Main Findings: The findings report that the unhappiness: antipathy is much more found (43 data) than the unhappiness: misery (34 data). The data found are: 8 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 27 data of unhappiness: misery in New York Times 1; 5 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 2 unhappiness: misery in BBC 2; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 2 data of unhappiness: misery in The Guardian; 6 data of unhappiness: antipathy in Bloomberg; 8 data of unhappiness: antipathy and 3 data of unhappiness: misery in BBC 1; 10 data of unhappiness: antipathy in USA Today; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy in Fox News; 2 data of unhappiness: antipathy in New York Times 2.
Applications of this study: This data exploration is a benefit in the linguistic study to find the implicit meaning taken from the news texts.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty of this exploration is investigating unhappiness value in texts with the genre of discussion which can construct a new theory of genre.
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Rabkin, Yakov M. "Russia, China and India and the Israel–Palestine Conflict". Holy Land Studies 12, n.º 1 (mayo de 2013): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0057.
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Outside the Middle East, the future of Israel/Palestine is most often discussed in terms of US foreign policy, where the issue has also acquired religious overtones. This article examines the policies of three nuclear powers – Russia, China and India – on this issue. The analysis takes into account these countries' policies with respect to the entire region, including Iran, in which Russia and the two Asian giants have significant interests. While the three nuclear powers have close contacts with Israel and its military, they opposed Israel's position at the historic UN vote held on 29 November 2012.
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Abou-El-Fadl, Reem. "The Road to Jerusalem through Tahrir Square: Anti-Zionism and Palestine in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution". Journal of Palestine Studies 41, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2012): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.6.
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This article addresses an aspect of Egypt's 2011 revolution almost entirely ignored in most Western media accounts: Israel and Palestine as prominent themes of protest. In reviewing Egyptian mobilization opposing normalization and in support of the Palestinian cause starting from Sadat's peace initiative of the mid-1970s, the author shows how the anti-Mubarak movement that took off as of the mid-2000s built on the Palestine activism and networks already in place. While the trigger of the revolution and the focus of its first eighteen days was domestic change, the article shows how domestic and foreign policy issues (especially Israel and Palestine) were inextricably intertwined, with the leadership bodies of the revolution involved in both.
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Hegghammer, Thomas. "ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām and Palestine". Welt des Islams 53, n.º 3-4 (2013): 353–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0003.
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ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām (1941–1989) helped make jihadism more transnational by spearheading the effort to bring Muslim foreign fighters to Afghanistan in the 1980s. But why would a West Bank native devote himself to a war in Central Asia and not to the Palestinian struggle? In order to understand ʿAzzām’s unusual ideological trajectory, this article examines his relationship with Palestine, notably his experiences growing up in the territories, the extent of his involvement in the armed Palestinian struggle, and his views on the conflict with Israel. The article draws on previously underexploited primary sources, including ʿAzzām’s own writings, rare Arabic-language biographies, and interviews with family members. I argue that ʿAzzām’s Palestinian background predisposed him to transnational militancy. His exile in 1967 made him an aggrieved and rootless citizen of the Islamic world. His time fighting the Israel Defense Forces with the Fedayeen in 1969–70 gave him a taste of combat and a glimpse of pan-Islamic solidarity in practice. The inaccessibility of the battlefield after 1970 combined with ʿAzzām’s distaste for the leftist PLO led him to pursue the more accessible jihad in Afghanistan instead. There, he hoped to build an Islamist army that could reconquer Palestine. When Ḥamās rose as a military organization in the late 1980s, ʿAzzām embraced and supported it. Thus ʿAzzām was, to some extent, a byproduct of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Saragih, Hendra Maujana. "Kebijakan luar Negeri Indonesia Dalam Mendukung Palestina sebagai Negara Merdeka Pada Masa Pemerintahan Jokowi". FOKUS Jurnal Kajian Keislaman dan Kemasyarakatan 3, n.º 2 (5 de febrero de 2019): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/jf.v3i2.601.
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The aim of this paper is to explain how serious and sympathy the Government and the people of Indonesia with the Palestinian struggle colonized by Israel and the unilateral claim made by Israel against Jerusalem as the capital. More than that the dominant factor is certainly the humanitarian crisis which is the reason why it needs to continue to support Palestine. Palestine and Egypt became the party that recognized the earliest Indonesian independence in 1945 even though at that time Palestine was not yet a state, it was not yet independent and it was recognized and respected by the Indonesian Government as concrete evidence of Palestinian existence. The Indonesian government's actions for Palestine have at least been announced from Bung Karno administration to President Jokowi today. None of the Indonesian Presidents since the Republic of Indonesia was independent which did not pay more attention to the Palestinian problem and its variants and it all became a concern of the President and his ranks in fighting for independent Palestine during his foreign policy so far
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Burrell, David B. "Competing Narratives: Philosophical Reflections on the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict". Holy Land Studies 2, n.º 1 (septiembre de 2003): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2003.0011.
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Assessing competing narratives is central to our understanding of the current crisis in the Holy Land. The histories of the region give us invaluable perspectives, which, in turn, take the form of stories. The stories attending nation-building, such as ‘socialist pioneers’ ‘making the desert bloom’, effectively have shaped the world's perception of the fledgling State of Israel, obscuring even the faces of the indigenous people of Palestine (not to mention their 1948 Nakba catastrophe). The same mindset, tragically, continues to prevail among American media: lines of questioning by the ‘anchor persons’ on the evening news simply presume that Israel is ‘us’ and Palestine ‘them’, no matter how ‘fair’ the presenters try to be. This article is a philosophical attempt to reflect on the evolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, giving both the historical background and the political context within which the current tragedy in Palestine-Israel is unfolding.
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Kumaraswamy, P. R. "The Jews". International Studies 55, n.º 2 (abril de 2018): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718768345.
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‘ Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French.’ This remark made in November 1938 has been the most widely statement of Mahatma Gandhi on foreign policy, especially on Israel, Palestine and wider Middle East/West Asia. This was seen as the epitome of Gandhi’s ‘consistent’ opposition to the formation of a Jewish national home in Palestine. However, a closer reading of the article published in the 26 November issue of Harijan presents a more complex picture and depicts Gandhi’s unfamiliarity with Judaism and his limited understanding of Zionism. Furthermore, while demanding Jewish non-violence even against Hitler, he was accommodative of Arab violence in Palestine.
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Daraghma, Zahran Mohammad Ali y Raed Ali Mahmoud Iriqat. "Exploring Economy Dependence in the Middle East Using Governmental Accounting Indicators: The Case of Palestine, Jordan & Israel". International Business Research 9, n.º 1 (24 de diciembre de 2015): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v9n1p154.
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<p>This paper aims at examining the causality between Palestine, Jordan, and Israel economics using three macroeconomic (governmental accounting) measurement indices: Gross Domestic Product [GDP], Inflation Rate [IR] and Unemployment Rate [UR]. In order to achieve this purpose, this manuscript employs a macroeconomic time series analysis on data gathered Palestine, Jordan, and Israel from 1997-2014. The paper employs a variety of econometric statistical methods (e.g. descriptive statistics, correlation tests, ordinary least squares, and Granger causality test). The findings of this paper statistically support the notion that both GDP in Israel and GDP in Jordan effects the Palestinian GDP. These findings put an emphasis on the dependency of the Palestinian economy on both the Jordanian and Israeli economies. Furthermore, in lieu of the findings, this study recommends that fiscal policy makers in Palestine exert serious efforts to attract additional foreign and expatriate investments, attempt to create a stable and attractive entrepreneurial and investment climate, and build national support for local products and services to minimize the interdependence. These recommendation could inspire greater confidence in the Palestinian economy and help create a better investment climate.</p>
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Hynd, Alasdair. "Making Australian foreign policy on Israel-Palestine: media coverage, public opinion and interest groups". Continuum 27, n.º 6 (17 de octubre de 2013): 944–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2013.843642.
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Han, Eulalia y Halim Rane. "Australian Press and Public Opinion on the Israel-Palestine Conflict". Media International Australia 141, n.º 1 (noviembre de 2011): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100108.
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This article examines the relationship between Australian press coverage of, and public opinion on, the Israel–Palestine conflict using a framing perspective. The first part of the study involves analysis of almost 10,000 articles published in The Australian and the Sydney Morning Herald between 2000 and 2010. The second part of the study is based on an online survey conducted with 1021 participants nationally. The main aim of this study is to identify the extent to which the issues deemed most central to resolving the conflict have been covered by the Australian press and the extent to which Australian public opinion is either reflective of this content or represents alternate views. The study found that respondents expressed perspectives inconsistent with prevalent news frames, including a close identification with the Palestinian narrative as well as views on a resolution of the conflict reflective of a concern for human rights and universal values.
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Amnon Cavari, Moran Yarchi y Shira Pindyck. "Foreign News on US Media: A Longitudinal Analysis of News Coverage of Israel". Israel Studies 22, n.º 1 (2017): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.22.1.02.
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Suwarno, Suwarno y Wening Sahayu. "Palestine and Israel Representation in the National and International News Media: A Critical Discourse Study". Jurnal Humaniora 32, n.º 3 (1 de octubre de 2020): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.52911.
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Despite a myriad of studies that have been reported in analysing media discourse, few works take into account media bias. In response to this empirical gap, the present critical discourse study (CDS) aims to expose how the biggest national and international news media, The Jakarta Post and The New York Times construct the media bias in depicting Palestine and Israel regarding the latest conflicts in 2019 and 2020. The transitivity system of Halliday’s systemic functional linguistics (SFL) was adopted to examine the textual features or choice of words in the clauses of 4 news articles from each news media. The findings show that both mainstream media have similarities, as if more favors to Palestine as the victim of the conflicts rather than Israel as a war criminal nation. However, The Jakarta Post and The New York Times have different sensitivities in constructing media bias. This empirical evidence suggests that critical discourse analysis (CDA) has a pivotal role in comprehending language used in media discourses. The last but not least, combining CDA and another theoretical approach is suggested for future studies.
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Smith, R. O. "Between Restoration and Liberation: Theopolitical Contributions and Responses to U.S. Foreign Policy in Israel/Palestine". Journal of Church and State 46, n.º 4 (1 de septiembre de 2004): 833–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/46.4.833.
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Ayaz Avan, Esengül. "Europeanization of Turkey’s Foreign Policy: The Case of Turkey’s Mediation in the Israel–Palestine Conflict". Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 21, n.º 6 (21 de agosto de 2018): 678–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2018.1506294.
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Halimi, Tariq Abdullatif, Clare D’Souza y Gillian Sullivan-Mort. "Examining the role of empathy on third-country nationals’ foreign product purchase behaviour". International Marketing Review 34, n.º 6 (13 de noviembre de 2017): 760–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imr-03-2015-0050.
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Purpose As the Arab/Muslim-Israeli animosity case is attracting international attention, citizens of non-Arab and non-Muslim countries around the world, referred to as third-country nationals (TCNs), are increasingly joining the boycott against Israel. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of empathy for the citizens of the countries offended by Israel, namely Palestine and Lebanon, as a potential factor affecting TCNs decision to boycott Israeli products. Design/methodology/approach In total, 20 in-depth interviews were conducted with non-Arab, non-Muslim, and non-Israeli informants from different national and religious backgrounds, supported by secondary data sources. The qualitative grounded theory approach was employed to analyse data in order to answer the research questions. Findings TCNs decision to boycott Israeli products is affected by their empathic concern for the citizens of Palestine and Lebanon rather than by animosity towards Israel. Such concern is evoked by their awareness of the animosity case and further strengthened by their self-transcendence/universalism values and interaction with the case which activate their altruism towards the citizens of the offended countries, and consequently motivates them to relieve or reduce the suffering of these citizens by avoiding Israeli products. Greater emphasis is given to the Arab/Muslim-Israeli animosity case as a result of the greater empathic emotional impact it generates compared to other cases. Originality/value This is an original attempt to distinguish empathy from animosity as a factor which can affect TCNs decision to buy from a country engaged in hostile actions against another country other than their own. As the boycott campaign against the country under examination is growing internationally, this study can help international marketers in setting strategies to either exploit or combat the boycott campaign.
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Kireeva, Irina. "Extra-regional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy (2010-2015". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n.º 4 (28 de diciembre de 2016): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-4-94-106.
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The article analyses extraregional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy during the presidency of José Mujica (2010-2015), namely the development of relations between Uruguay and the USA, the European Union, Russia and countries of Asia and Middle East such as China, India, Iran, Palestine and Israel. This aspect of Uruguayan foreign policy is particularly relevant amid the crisis in Mercosur, when Uruguay is trying to mitigate its adverse consequences for the country’s economy by expanding trade ties with the other countries, both within Latin America and beyond it. The relations between Uruguay and Latin American countries are touched upon in some investigations while Uruguay’s active foreign policy in other regions isn’t studied at all
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Ukka, Ibrahim T. I. y Bienmali Kombate. "A RESEARCH ON THE ROLE PLAYED BY LOCAL AND INTERNATIONAL MEDIA INTO CONFLICT MANAGEMENT". International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, n.º 2 (21 de junio de 2020): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.12.
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While several scholar had drew their study focusing on the role of media into conflict management, Hume et al. (2014) few have pay to attention to the types, levels, and phases of the conflict, Hyland and Makowsky (2006). Looking to fulfill the research gap, this study was aimed to investigate the effect of media into conflict management focusing on the level of media. Israel and Palestine conflict was used as a case study and to frame the analysis, the research data were collected through a series of questionnaires. As concluded by Kim, Amouzegar, and Ao 2016), local media are a potential tool deescalating in global conflict, our finding show that local media are source of peace building and conflict deescalating however international media interfere into conflict management according to his national interest and as an instrument of influencing foreign policy to the parties involve. We finally concluded that the current and future relationship and level of tension between Israel and Palestine can be predicted by Al jazera.
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Rubin, Alfred P. "Professor D’Amato’s Concept of American Jurisdiction is Seriously Mistaken". American Journal of International Law 79, n.º 1 (enero de 1985): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202666.
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Professor Anthony D’Amato criticizes a long opinion of Judge Bork rejecting American jurisdiction over various foreign defendants in a tort action growing out of an attack on civilians in Israel by members of the Palestine Liberation Organization. None of the victims was American and there seems to be no connection between the United States and the incident except the temporary presence of agents of various defendants in the United States.
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Gianniou, Maria. "Promoting Cohesion and Consistency in EU Foreign Policy: The European Parliament and the Israel-Palestine Conflict". Mediterranean Quarterly 27, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2016): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3817321.
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Götsch, Katharina. "Irans Außenpolitik zwischen Religion und Macht". PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, n.º 182 (1 de marzo de 2016): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i182.102.
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Protector of Shiites, export of Islamist revolution, fight against Israel and support of Palestine – the religious element plays an obvious role in Iran’s foreign relations. At the same time, several foreign policy actions and positions of Iran indicate the prioritization of material national interests (of geopolitical and economic nature): a recent example is the nuclear deal from July 2015. The article will first discuss theoretical approaches in the social sciences for the analysis of religion in international relations; subsequently, the ideological foundation and constitutional principles of the Islamist Republic of Iran are set out as the basis for empirical case analyses in the final section.
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Köse, İsmail. "The Lloyd George Government of the UK: Balfour Declaration the Promise for a National Home to Jews (1916-1920)". Belleten 82, n.º 294 (1 de agosto de 2018): 727–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.727.
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Palestine, throughout modern known history has been geographically called "the least of all lands". Meanwhile because hosted holy shrines of three monotheistic religions, it was/is one of the most praised/precious small piece of land on the globe. Palestine came under Ottoman rule after Sultan Selim's Egyptian Campaign in 1517 and until the year of 1917 was an Ottoman land during 400 years. Before Ottomans, following old Roman experience, small colonies or administrations had been planted in Palestine with the express intention of preventing the political regeneration of the Jews. Under Ottoman rule, Jews and other two religions have been peacefully living in Palestine. In 1897 at Basel Congress, World Zionist Organization decided to establish a Jewish State in Palestine. They asked Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II for a national home in Palestine but could not achieve what they desired. Abdulhamid II also restricted Jewish pilgrimage to Palestine to prevent any possible de facto unpermitted foreign settlement of Jews. But, due to corruption and bribery of local rulers that rule could not be implemented properly. Nowadays addressing their future plans Zionists were asking to send high number of Jews to Palestine and the progress taken by bribery was not enough such kind of stream. The opportunity Zionists looking for emerged during WWI while British search of support for unsustainable war economy. In the year of 1916, a Zionist sympathizer Lloyd George became British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of his Cabinet Arthur Balfour proclaimed his famous publication promising a national home hence Israeli State for Jews. To realize that aim Palestine had to be occupied and become a British colony. This paper will search archive documents and related second hand publications to shed light on Zionist activities and establishment process of Israel, special focus will be put on the role of Lloyd George Government. Arab reactions, especially the attitude of Sheriff Hussein and his son Faisal to the developments also will be discussed.
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Rashid, Muhammad Imran. "Digitalization of Conflicts: An Analysis of Social Media Coverage of Palestine-Israel Conflict by Traditional News Organizations". PAKISTAN LANGUAGES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW 5, n.º I (30 de junio de 2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/plhr.2021(5-i)2.2.
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Karniel, Yuval, Amit Lavie-Dinur y Tal Samuel Azran. "Professional or personal framing? International media coverage of the Israel–Hamas prisoner exchange deal". Media, War & Conflict 10, n.º 1 (27 de febrero de 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216658717.
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This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel’s Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government’s position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.
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Mirilovic, Nikola y David S. Siroky. "Two States in the Holy Land?: International Recognition and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Politics and Religion 8, n.º 2 (8 de abril de 2015): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000164.
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AbstractHow do states decide to extend or withhold international recognition in cases of contested sovereignty? We focus on how religion shapes the incentives of states in making this decision, both at the domestic level through religious institutions and at the international level through religious affinities. States with transnational religious ties to the contested territory are more likely to extend recognition. At the domestic level, states that heavily regulate religion are less likely to extend international recognition. We test these conjectures, and examine others in the literature, with two new data sets on the international recognition of both Palestine and Israel and voting on the United Nations resolution to admit Palestine as a non-member state observer, combined with global data on religious regulation and religious affinities. In cases of contested sovereignty, the results provide support for these two mechanisms through which religion shapes foreign policy decisions about international recognition.
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Wood, Brian. "Congressional Monitor". Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n.º 4 (1 de enero de 2007): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.177.
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With this issue, JPS inaugurates a new section that will monitor U.S. congressional initiatives dealing with Palestine and Israel. Substantively, the initiatives——listed chronologically——include all relevant acts, bills, appropriations, and resolutions (joint, concurrent, and simple) that mention, even briefly, either Palestine or Israel. Speeches are not included. Space considerations have prevented more than a very brief description of each initiative, along with essential details such as bill number, date introduced, name of sponsor and number of cosponsors, votes cast, last action taken, and companion measures. The format is designed to give the reader an overview of legislation that relates to the Palestine issue and to help identify the major themes of legislation, its initiators, their priorities, the range of their concerns, and their attitudes toward the regional actors. While this first monitor covers two years——both annual sessions of the 109th Congress——each new Congress will be treated by annual session. Material in this compilation is drawn from thomas.loc.gov. This is part of a larger IPS project to cover the current 110th Congress, subsequent congresses, and previous congresses dating back to the start of the second Bush administration and beyond, while simultaneously monitoring ongoing and past executive policy statements on the same topics. The expectation is that cumulative congressional data, when compared and/or contrasted to parallel executive data, could generate new insights into the process of and the influences upon U.S. foreign policymaking with respect to one of the most central and volatile conflicts of modern times.
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Leep, Matthew y Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n.º 1 (21 de noviembre de 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.
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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.
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Ukk, Ibrahim T. I. y Duc Anh Linh Bui. "How Indonesian’s Online News Papers Report the Conflict between Palestine and Israel—A Case of Republika.co.id and Kompas.com". Open Journal of Social Sciences 07, n.º 05 (2019): 290–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.75025.
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Korochkina, Victoria. "THE PALESTINIAN CASE AND ITS PLACE ON RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA". Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, n.º 1 (2021): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.105.
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The events of the “Arab spring” and its consequences as well as the “Iranian threat”, which became a key security challenge for the Gulf States, not without the efforts of Benjamin Netanyahu and supported by the pro-Israel Trump administration (2016-2020), seemed to have removed the Palestinian case from the priority list of Middle East issues. The role of Russia, the traditional partner of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since Soviet times, also looked more low- key after the collapse of the Soviet Empire, especially amid resolution of the military-political crisis in Syria. Russian diplomacy on the Palestinian track remained unnoticed compared to the activity in the region of Donald Trump’s envoys, who promoted a peace plan for settling the Palestinian-Israeli conflict known as the “deal of the century”. Having failed to achieve the main goal, the White House contributed to the signing of the “The Abraham Accords”, which was a breakthrough given that the Arab states declared the solution of the Palestinian issue as precondition for formal relations with the Jewish state. If Arab-Israeli normalization continues, Israel will have peace treaties with more than half of the Arab and Muslim states despite the deadlock in the peace process with the Palestinians. Based on the analysis of political processes amid the unresolved Palestinian problem, and above all, Russia’s attempts as a mediator to achieve a settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the author suggests that the Palestinian issue has not lost its political significance and relevance as much as the Israeli government under Netanyahu tries to sell it.
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Jevtic, Miroljub. "Christian zionism as a factor of US politics". Medjunarodni problemi 65, n.º 4 (2013): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1304462j.
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One of the most important phenomena in US politics is Christian Zionism. The term Christian Zionism is related to unity of a large part of Protestant beliefs and the Zionists movement. The religious motives of US Protestants have coincided with the Jewish intention to go back to Palestine. In this way, Protestant religious motives could only be achieved by using political pressure on the US government. The goal of this pressure is to turn the foreign policy of Washington into a struggle for reconstruction and maintenance of the state of Israel. That is why many people wrongly believe that the US policy in Middle East is a product of the Jewish lobby. However, the US foreign policy in Middle East is a product of religious beliefs of Christian Zionists and the Jewish lobby is just using this fact for its own purposes.
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Marmura, Stephen. "Assessing the ‘impact’ of a media event: An Innisian appraisal of Al Jazeera’s Palestine Papers leak". Global Media and Communication 15, n.º 2 (2 de julio de 2019): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519852713.
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This article considers the ‘Palestine Papers’ as both a major news story carried by Al Jazeera in 2011 and an enduring digital artefact. These leaked documents revealed that during peace talks, the Palestinian Authority offered concessions to Israel that went beyond the Palestinian national consensus, yet failed to advance the cause of statehood. While many predicted a third Palestinian uprising, the impact of this scandal appeared limited. However, by drawing upon Harold Innis’ insights concerning the time-binding versus space-binding ‘biases’ of media and institutions, a more complex picture is revealed, one unamenable to conventional understandings of media effects.
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Freeman-Grenville, G. S. P. "A New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 4, n.º 3 (noviembre de 1994): 325–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300005952.
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This work is a truly splendid and remarkable achievement. It greatly enlarges and brings up to date the Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, 4 vols, 1975–8, edited by the late Michael Avi-Jonah and by Ephraim Stern, on whom the prophet's mantle has now fallen. It provides a detailed catalogue raisonne of all the archaeological excavations in the Holy Land. This is defined in a pragmatic way, that is to say, the ancient Palestine, and so modern Israel and Jordan, some parts of Lebanon and Syria under Israeli control, and a number of sites in the Sinai peninsula. Given that in Israel archaeology is a national hobby, and that numerous foreign agencies are likewise at work, British, French, German, Italian and United States as well as others, such an encyclopaedia can only mark a stage in Holy Land archaeology, for it is of its nature an on-going process.
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Jafri, Gul Joya. "Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel". American Journal of Islam and Society 19, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2002): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1928.
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In their book Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel, Shahak and Mezvinsky document the nature of Jewish fundamentalism and argue that it is a growing threat to Israeli society. As a work of activist scholarship, the authors point out that their aim is not to present new scholarship but to document, in English, literature that is normally available only in Hebrew, and to make the links between Jewish fundamentalism and Israeli politics clearer. As such, this is a fascinating, informative, and easy-to-read book for anyone interested in Israeli politics, Judaism, and its relation to Israeli policies toward Palestine. It presents facets of Orthodox Judaism (particularly messianic, which they consider most dangerous) and Israeli politics not usually available to those without access to Hebrew sow·ces. Shahak and Mezvinsky show that Judaism, like any other religion or ideology, has its extremists and fundamentalists and that these views have very real effects on state politics and public opinion. In fact, they take a stance few are willing to risk: describing Israeli intolerance of non-Jews as Jewish Nazism. Each chapter discus9es in meticulous- at times, excessive- detail the history and characteristics of particular religious groups and parties in Israel. The authors quote throughout from a diverse range of sources, from religious texts and rabbinical writings to news articles in such Israeli dailies as Ha'aretz. In the preface, the authors lay out the book's context: "We have written this book in order to reveal the essential character of Jewish fundamentalism and its adherents. This character threatens democratic features of Israeli society." They add, furthermore: "We believe that a critique of Jewish fundamentalism, which entails a critique of the Jewish past, can help Jews acquire more understanding and improve their behavior toward Palestinians." At this point, their aim is linked primarily to prospects for peace in the Middle East, though by the end of the book their concern seems more focused on Israel itself. At the end of chapter 7, they state: ...
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Schneider, Emily Maureen. "Touring for peace: the role of dual-narrative tours in creating transnational activists". International Journal of Tourism Cities 5, n.º 2 (26 de junio de 2019): 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-12-2017-0092.
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Purpose Scholarship on the contact hypothesis and peacebuilding suggests that contact with marginalized ethnic and racial groups may reduce prejudice and improve opportunities for conflict resolution. Through a study of dual-narrative tours to Israel/Palestine, the purpose of this paper is to address two areas of the debate surrounding this approach to social change. First, past research on the effectiveness of contact-based tourism as a method to change attitudes is inconclusive. Travel to a foreign country has been shown to both improve and worsen tourists’ perceptions of a host population. Second, few scholars have attempted to link contact-based changes in attitudes to activism. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of 218 post-tour surveys, this study examines the role of dual-narrative tours in sparking attitude change that may facilitate involvement in peace and justice activism. Surveys were collected from the leading “dual-narrative” tour company in the region, MEJDI. Dual-narrative tours uniquely expose mainstream tourists in Israel/Palestine to Palestinian perspectives that are typically absent from the majority of tours to the region. This case study of dual-narrative tours therefore provides a unique opportunity to address the self-selecting bias, as identified by contact hypothesis and tourism scholars, in order to understand the potential impacts of exposure to marginalized narratives. Findings The findings of this study suggest that while these tours tend to engender increased support for Palestinians over Israelis, their most salient function appears to be the cultivation of empathy for “both sides” of the conflict. Similarly, dual-narrative tours often prompt visitors to understand the conflict to be more complex than they previously thought. In terms of activism, tourists tend to prioritize education-based initiatives in their plans for post-tour political engagement. In addition, a large number of participants articulated commitments to support joint Israeli–Palestinian non-governmental organizations and to try to influence US foreign policy to be more equitable. Originality/value These findings complicate debates within the scholarship on peacebuilding as well as within movements for social justice in Israel/Palestine. While programs that equate Israeli and Palestinian perspectives are often criticized for reinforcing the status quo, dual-narrative tours appear to facilitate nuance and universalism while also shifting tourists toward greater identification with an oppressed population. Together, these findings shed light on the ability of tourism to facilitate positive attitude change about a previously stigmatized racial/ethnic group, as well as the power of contact and exposure to marginalized narratives to inspire peace and justice activism.
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Kark, Ruth y Seth J. Frantzman. "“One of the most spectacular lawsuits ever launched”: Abdülhamid's heirs, his lands and the land case in Palestine, 1908-1950". New Perspectives on Turkey 42 (2010): 127–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005604.
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AbstractThis paper is a sequel to Fischel and Kark's study on the private lands owned by Sultan Abdülhamid II (1842-1918, ruled 1876-1909) in Palestine and analyzes their fate after his forced abdication. In particular, we examine the court cases that arose around these lands, cases which were initiated by his heirs after 1920. For 28 years the heirs, led by his eldest son, Mohammad Selim and his daughter Amina Namika, approached half a dozen governments in the Middle East and Europe to regain the properties they claimed. The appeals represented a test of the British colonial legal system as well as issues of land settlement and the role of foreign courts in interpreting Turkish and Ottoman law. We furthermore examine the disposition of the sultan's lands from his abdication in 1909 to the last attempts by his heirs to recover them from the State of Israel in 1950, the general context of his lands in the Middle East as a whole, and the legal precedent set by the Mandatory Palestine court cases.
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Graziano, Manlio. "The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East". Modern Italy 12, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2007): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633767.
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The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.
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Andrea, Novan Jemmi. "SANTA CLAUS SOLIDARITY FOR PALESTINE: A SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE MOHAMMAD TOROKMAN’S PHOTOJOURNALISM". Indonesian Journal of Communication Studies 13, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31315/ijcs.v13i1.3853.
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Mohammad Torokman is a photojournalist with the Reuters News Agency. Torokman's photojournalism is chosen as "Picture of the Month: December" Reuters in 2017. The photo shows a picture of protesters dressed as Santa Claus throwing stones at the Israeli army when Palestinian protest against unilateral claims by the United States to make Jerusalem the capital of Israel. Torokman's photojournalism not only just evidence of a mere protest, but it has a message and a deeper meaning. This research discusses the denotation and connotation meaning of Torokman’s photojournalism using the semiotics theory of Roland Barthes. This research is descriptive qualitative. This research concludes that Torokman's photojournalism has two meanings: solidarity and resistance. In the first level of analysis, Torokman's photojournalism shows the protestor's opposition to the Israeli army. On the second level of analysis shows the meaning of solidarity, which is shown through joint struggle without regard to religion and belief to maintain its territory in Jerusalem.
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Yarchi, Moran, Amnon Cavari y Shira Pindyck. "Covering foreign news – intensity and topics: the case of the American coverage of Israel 1981–2013". Journal of International Communication 23, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2017): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2017.1299776.
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Nicoll, Fiona. "Indigenous Sovereignty and the Being of the Occupier". International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i2.115.
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The significance of this publication can be appreciated with reference to two recent moments in Australian public life. The first is Australian Attorney-General George Brandis’ signalling a shift in foreign policy by stating that “no Australian government of either political persuasion ‘acknowledges or accepts’ the use of the word occupied in relation to Palestine” (Australian Associated Press 2014). This semantic reorientation was endorsed by Prime Minister Tony Abbott, who described the longstanding conflict between Palestine and Israel as pertaining to ‘disputed’ territories, rather than as a matter of ‘occupation’ (Hurst 2014). The second moment was during Q&A, a live panel show screened by the national broadcaster, when a senior Indigenous leader from Utopia, Rosalie Kunoth Monks (2014), criticised not only the failures, but also the flawed premise of the federal government’s ‘intervention’ into remote Indigenous communities in the Northern Territory. After explaining the importance of her language and her resistance to historical and current attempts to assimilate Indigenous people to better serve the nation’s cultural and economic ‘development’, she said very slowly and clearly to camera: “I am not the problem.”
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Doboš, Pavel. "The problem of different post-colonial spatial contexts in television news about distant wartime suffering". International Communication Gazette 81, n.º 6-8 (10 de enero de 2019): 644–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518822607.
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The point of departure of the article is distant suffering studies. The article tries to supplement them by theses from post-colonial and critical spatial theories that were elaborated in post-colonial geography. Through post-colonial imaginative geographies, the spatial context shapes Western television performances of wartime suffering. This is demonstrated by empirical examples of mediation of wars in Mali, Palestine and Syria, from the news of Czech Television. In the Malian case, the space is homogenized as a violent African space, where suffering is moral. In the Palestinian case, the space is divided into rational Israeli and barbaric Palestinian space, where Palestinians’ suffering is neglected, if Israel stays evidently rational. In the Syrian case, the suffering is accented, however, only if Syrians seem to want to de-Orientalize themselves. These cases demonstrate that there is always a need to be spatially sensitive in respect to mediated distant suffering from post-colonial regions.
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Almahallawi, Wesam y Hasmah Zanuddin. "50 Days of War on Innocent Civilian: Ma’an News Agency Coverage of Israeli and Palestinian Conflict". International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, n.º 3.21 (8 de agosto de 2018): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i3.21.17204.
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Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
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Almahallawi, Wesam y Hasmah Zanuddin. "50 days of war on innocent civilian: Ma’an news agency coverage of Israeli and Palestinian conflict". International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, n.º 4.9 (2 de octubre de 2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i4.9.20635.
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Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
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RABAYA FUAD, MAHMOUD AHMAD. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A PALESTINIAN STATE IN THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT (AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN APPROACHES)". Sociopolitical sciences 10, n.º 6 (28 de diciembre de 2020): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-6-63-70.
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The urgency of the issue is determined by the disregard of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, of the will of the Palestinian people to create their own state. The article is devoted to the problem of creating a sovereign Palestinian state. Palestine currently remains a hostage of intermediary States, especially the United States, which does not allow direct negotiations with Israel on the return of the occupied territories, the solution of the refugee issue, the regulation of the status of Jerusalem, and other problems. The Palestinian authority does not have state sovereignty as an integral state entity. The author, after analyzing various projects on the settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, comes to a disappointing conclusion that it is impossible to achieve the goal of creating a Palestinian state through the assistance of the international community, primarily the United States and the European Union. Due to the current circumstances, it is not possible to hold direct Palestinian-Israeli negotiations. As a conclusion, it is noted that the us monopoly influence on the negotiation process is not productive. To solve this problem, we need a wider range of intermediaries, including international organizations, global and regional actors. Success is possible if the leadership of Israel is inclined to compromise, agreement is reached in Israeli society on the creation of a Palestinian state, and internal contradictions are overcome in the Palestinian society, first of all, the intra-elite split, which further pushes the prospect of the creation of a state of Palestine. The work is based on General scientific research methods and works of Russian and foreign researchers. Empirical data are taken from open sources.
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Fisanov, Volodymyr. "Problems of international governance in the middle east during the cold war period". Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, n.º 49 (30 de junio de 2019): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.49.101-108.
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The article is devoted to little-known aspects of the political and military developments in the Middle East during the Cold War – from the division of Palestine into two states and until the mid-1950s. The focus is on the confrontation between the two superpowers of the United States and the USSR for their influence on Arab countries.
This article uses little-known documentary material, as well as the display of some of the described international events in contemporary film documentaries.
It was clarified that in the investigated period the first steps of the policy of large foreign military aid and cooperation on development issues in the Middle East were carried out, first of all, on the part of the USSR and the USA. It was emphasized in particular that then two international coalitions were formed – the monarchical Arab regimes and Israel were supported by the official Washington, and the national revolutionary regimes, where the military forces came to power (Egypt, Syria), cooperated with Moscow.
Keywords: Middle East, Great Britain, USA, USSR, Israel, Egypt, Lebanon, Cold War, supply of weapons, digital cinema collections
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Dalacoura, Katerina. "Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East: power projection and post-ideological politics". International Affairs 97, n.º 4 (julio de 2021): 1125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab082.
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Abstract Power projection, security, pragmatic considerations and a disparate mix of national interests and narrower party-political objectives have driven the foreign policy of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the Middle East since it came to power in 2002. Ideological concerns, consisting of a fluid blend of Islamist, neo-Ottoman and ‘civilizationalist’ ideas, mingled with a hefty dose of Turkish nationalism, have played a variable, auxiliary but none the less significant role. The Arab uprisings of 2011 opened up opportunities for the AKP to pursue its ideological objectives and they became more central to its policies, if only in some areas or clusters of relationships. However, they receded after 2015, when a confluence of domestic and regional factors caused the onset of a transactional, ‘post-ideological’ phase. The article places the Middle East in the wider context of Turkish foreign policy, both historically and in comparison with other regions, arguing in the process that categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’ are of limited value for its proper understanding and interpretation. It then divides it into four sub-regions, distinct in geographical and issue terms: Syria and Iraq (the ‘near abroad’), the wider Arab world, Israel–Palestine, and Iran. It analyses Turkish foreign policy towards them in sequence, illustrating the ways in which power-political considerations have predominated in all, albeit in different ways and to varying degrees, over the past five years.