Bibliografías temáticas / Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 3 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

1

Tomilov, M. V. "Prospects for deepening of trade integration between the EAEU participants and the Asia-Pacific countries." POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 92, no. 3 (2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2020-92-3-32-43.

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Against the background of negotiations crisis within the World Trade Organization framework, as well as increasing competition in the world markets, an important element of the state's economic policy is the integration component. The Russian Federation has chosen the deepening of integration interactions within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a priority direction in this area. To improve the efficiency of trade integration, it is necessary to increase the total market size. Since the EAEU market has not yet reached the indicators of the other large integration associations (the European Union, etc.), the Union’s members need to conclude agreements with the third countries. The most interesting option in this regard is the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region (APR). On the basis of results of the free trade agreement between the EAEU and Vietnam the article discusses the integration prospects of the Eurasian block and the Asia-Pacific countries. There are two scenarios: the conclusion of bilateral agreements with the individual regional states and negotiations with the regional integration associations. It was concluded that it is advisable to deepen the integration processes with the main trading partners in the Asia-Pacific region separately, or to conclude a general agreement with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), whose members are almost all the most important states for EAEU (in trade terms) in the region. However, in order to become a full-fledged participant in the negotiations, it is first necessary to sign such an agreement with the ASEAN countries. The results can be used in the economic model development of Russia's integration into the world system and in assessing the prospects for implementation of the national integration strategy.
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Claussen, Kathleen. "Stocktaking and Glimpsing at Trade Law's Next Generation." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.69.

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These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.
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Mahant, Edelgard. "Interregionalism and International Relations." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (2007): 777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070898.

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Interregionalism and International Relations, Heiner Hänggi, Ralf Roloff and Jürgen Rüland, eds., Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics; London: Routledge, 2006, pp. 364.How do we explain a widespread international phenomenon that only occasionally contributes to the geo-strategic or economic interests of the participating states? This book is about interregionalism, the international organizations and institutions that link regional organizations from more than one region of the world (as, for example, ASEM, also known as Asia-Europe Meeting) or that span across more than one region, such as APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation) or FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas). The fact is that few of these institutions have accomplished much in concrete terms, yet they continue to proliferate, as the four-and-a-half page list of acronyms at the beginning of this volume amply demonstrates.
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Hurrell, Andrew. "Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (1995): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.

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The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.
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Sanidas, Elias. "Emerging Economies of East and South East Asia: Some Salient Points about Technology’s Role in Economic Development." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 2, no. 3 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v2i3.9627.

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This area of East and South East Asia is characterized by the following traits: very large population; tendency and ability for detail; imitation rather than creation; ability for organization; tendency for corruption; tendency for autocratic regimes; in the process of an industrial revolution; technological imitation; nationalism without boundaries; wide range of GDP per capita and poverty; litter and pollution problems without solutions; natural disasters; exports oriented; high urban development; Chinese culture influence; FTAs (Free trade agreements) and ASEAN; FDI rather high; disparities between East Asia and other Asian areas; production networks through Japan‟s and South Korea‟s roles in international division of labor.
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Verma, Renu, and Jaidev Dubey. "What Does Gravity Model Reveal About SAFTA?" Journal of Global Economy 6, no. 3 (2010): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v6i3.60.

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During last decade, the stalemate in multilateral trade negotiations under the framework of World Trade Organization (WTO) regime has provided impetus to the signing of regional trade agreements world over .South Asia is not an exception to this trend and has been involved in setting up its own bilateral and Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Most commonly cited cooperation agreements are Agreement on Trade and Commerce between India and Bhutan(1972), India-Nepal Bilateral Trade and Transit Treaties(1991), India–Sri Lanka Bilateral Free Trade Area(1998) Bangkok Agreement (1975), Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand Economic Cooperation (BIMST-EC-2004) and the Indian Ocean Rim Association of Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC-1997). One of the most significant steps towards regional economic cooperation in the history of South Asian countries, was taken with signing of The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) formed in 1985 with the objective of exploiting “accelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region” for the welfare of the peoples of South Asia. And then seven South Asian countries—Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka—initiated a framework for region-wide integration under the South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement (SAPTA) in 1995. In order to further cement the regional economic relations and overcome some impediments of SAPTA, the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) was signed in early 2004, which came into force on 1st July 2006. The SAFTA is a parallel initiative to the multilateral trade liberalization commitments of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) member countries. SAFTA aims to reduce tariffs for intraregional trade among the seven SAARC member countries. It has been agreed that for the South Asian countries, Pakistan and India will eliminate all tariffs by 2012, Sri Lanka by 2013 and Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal by 2015. The current paper is an attempt in assessing the potential trade in the region with latest dataset with Gravity model approach.
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Irfan ul Haque, Irfan ul Haque. "The Rise of Bilateralism in Trade and its Implications for Pakistan." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 14, Special Edition (2009): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2009.v14.isp.a6.

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This paper examines and critiques the worldwide mushrooming of preferential trading arrangements and traces its implications for Pakistan. It points out that this development is fundamentally contrary to the principle of most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment, which was the cornerstone of the post-war multilateral trading system as embodied in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The causes of the rise in bilateral and regional trading arrangements are discussed and it is shown that they pose a real threat to many relatively small economies, including Pakistan. The paper discusses the various preferential trade agreements Pakistan has already signed. It notes that, with the exception of its trade agreement with China, Pakistan has not succeeded in concluding preferential trading arrangements with any of the strategically and systemically more important countries, viz., the US, European Union, and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) could potentially be of considerable importance for Pakistan’s long-term economic growth, but this potential might not be realized if India and Pakistan fail to overcome their mutual differences. Finally, the paper explores steps that might be taken to promote Pakistan’s economic interests in its bilateral relations.
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Laosutsan, Pheesphan, Ganesh P. Shivakoti, and Peeyush Soni. "Comparative advantage and export potential of Thai vegetable products following the integration into the ASEAN Economic Community." International Food and Agribusiness Management Review 20, no. 4 (2017): 575–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22434/ifamr2016.0029.

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International trade, which is the exchange of capital, goods and services across international borders or territories, has contributed to the rapid global economic growth in recent decades. In Southeast Asia, the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian (ASEAN) Free Trade Area and the implementation of the ASEAN Economic Community have benefited Thai entrepreneurs and other member countries’ as nearly all import restrictions are removed and market entry barriers lowered. The ASEAN is an organization of countries in Southeast Asia set up to promote cultural, economic and political development in the region; and comprises 10 member states: Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Specifically, this research has explored the possible economic impacts of trade liberalization and improved connectivity on Thailand’s exportation of 23 vegetable product groups to the ASEAN member states (AMSs) using the Revealed Comparative Advantage and Revealed Symmetric Comparative Advantage indices based on the 2009-2013 datasets. In the analysis, the indices were applied to the 14 fresh and 9 preserved vegetable product groups from 15 countries (i.e. AMSs, Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, the USA) to determine their comparative advantages. The dendrogram was used to cluster the countries with regard to their ability to export the fresh and preserved vegetable products. In addition, the Boston Consulting Group matrix was utilized to determine the relative market positions of the Thai fresh and preserved vegetables. The analysis results identified four each of the Thai fresh and preserved vegetable product groups with high comparative advantage in the ASEAN market.
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9

Arapova, E. "Integration Potential of Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-68-81.

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During the 2014 APEC summit the participating countries agreed to move towards a region-wide economic integration and approved China-backed roadmap to promote the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). The paper examines prospects for economic integration in the Asia-Pacific in the framework of 21 APEC participating members. It aims to measure the “integration potential” of the FTAAP on the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis of the actual statistic data, to explore key obstacles hampering economic integration in the region. The research comes from the theory of convergence and concept of proximity. They suppose that the higher is the degree of homogeneity in economic development and regulatory regimes of the integrating countries the higher is their “integration potential”. The objective of the author’s analysis is to measure the “integration potential” of APEC countries in four directions: trade liberalization, free movement of investments, monetary and banking integration, free division of labor. Initial estimates of the FTAAP prospects base on the merchandize trade complementarity indices and coefficients of variation analysis. Besides, the research uses hierarchical cluster analysis that helps to classify countries in different groups according to similarity of their economic typologies. This methodology allows to reveal the favorable algorithm of regional economic integration in the framework of the “hybrid approach” (or “open regionalism” adopted for APEC countries in 1989) which encourages the countries to enter into free trade agreements on a bilateral basis or to make offers to the APEC membership as a whole. Final conclusions are based on the results of authors’ calculations with consideration for contemporary trends of the member countries’ economic development and long-term strategies of economic growth. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by the Russian Fund for Humanities, project no. 15-07-00026 “East Asian regionalism in the context of diversifi cation of economic growth model”.
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Oxley, Alan. "Liberalisation in Asia Pacific – Why A Free Trade Area Would Benefit Australia." Economic Analysis and Policy 25, no. 1 (1995): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0313-5926(95)50006-2.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

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Tong, Chi-hung Philip, and 湯志雄. "International trade in Asia Pacific: a study of trade liberalization and regionalism : an East Asia prospective." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31267683.

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2

Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.

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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.
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3

Cheong, Inkyo. "The economic effects of Asia-Pacific economic cooperation (APEC) and Asia-based free trade area (AF-11) a computational general equilibrium approach /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38001460.html.

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Amba-Cuenca, Maria Dulce Cecilia B. "Social clause in trade liberalization : an agenda for the Philippines in APEC." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/8114.

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The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.
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Libros sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

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Lewis, Jeffrey D. Beyond the Uruguay Round: The implications of an Asian Free Trade Area. World Bank, East Asia and Pacific, Country Dept. III, Country Operations Division, 1995.

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2

Achieving the APEC vision: Free and open trade in the Asia Pacific. Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, 1994.

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3

APEC mao yi zi you hua, bian li hua wen ti yan jiu. Nan kai da xue chu ban she, 2005.

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Qu yu zheng he lang chao xia de Ya tai zi you mao yi qu: 2007 APEC yi ti lun cong. Zhong Hua Taibei Ya tai jing ji he zuo (APEC) yan jiu zhong xin, 2007.

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5

Dent, Christopher M. New free trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific. Palgrave Macmillan/Economic & Social Research Council, 2006.

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6

Nam, Sang-yirl. APEC trade liberalization after EVSL. Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, 2000.

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Nam, Sang-yirl. APEC trade liberalization after EVSL. Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, 2000.

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8

Hart, Michael. An assessment of the prospects for trade liberalization in APEC: A paper prepared for the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, October 1997. Centre for Trade Policy and Law, 1998.

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McKibbin, Warwick J. A dynamic analysis of a Korea-Japan Free Trade Area: Simulations with the G-Cubed Asia-Pacific Model. Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, 2002.

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Gotō, Fumihiro. The current situation and prospects for regional economic integration: Asia-Pacific free trade area proposals and Japan's choice. Research Institute of International Trade and Industry, 1990.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

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Bobowski, Sebastian. "Contemporary Trade Regionalism on the Example of Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP)." In Eurasian Studies in Business and Economics. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35040-6_2.

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Hosono, Akio. "Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA): Possibilities for Trans-Pacific Cooperation." In Regional Integration and Economic Development. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230513174_13.

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Feldman, Mark, Rodrigo Monardes Vignolo, and Cristian Rodriguez Chiffelle. "The Role of Pacific Rim FTAs in the Harmonization of International Investment Law: Towards a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific." In Asia's Changing International Investment Regime. Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5882-0_11.

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Bahar, Wahyuni, and Joseph Wira Koesnaidi. "How Ready Is Indonesia to Open Government Procurement à la TPP?" In Megaregulation Contested. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825296.003.0019.

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Government procurement is an important area of economic regulation in every nation, and free trade and comprehensive economic agreements are becoming central venues for adopting procurement standards. Based on arguments for efficient government spending on goods and services, opening commercial opportunities for local firms abroad, and larger concerns of social protection and policy pursued through procurement decisions, countries like Indonesia now need to consider whether they are ready to go down this path. This chapter analyzes in some detail the requirements of the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s Government Procurement Agreement and similar provisions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to assess which reforms, and political choices, Indonesia would need to make to bring its current system into compliance with these international norms. It argues that the costs, benefits, and challenges must be carefully weighed and counsels for a cautious and phased-in opening.
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"4. Options for Asia-Pacific Trade Liberalization: A Pacific Free Trade Area?" In Open Regionalism and Trade Liberalization. ISEAS Publishing, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814377812-007.

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"5. Options for Asia-Pacific Trade Liberalization (A Pacific Free Trade Area?)." In APEC. ISEAS Publishing, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814379991-009.

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Irwin, Douglas A. "The World Trading System." In Free Trade under Fire. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691201009.003.0008.

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This chapter focuses on the current controversies about the multilateral trading system, particularly the World Trade Organization (WTO). It provides an overview of how the WTO was criticized by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which attacked the WTO as an antidemocratic institution that has struck down environmental regulations by ruling them inconsistent with world trade laws. The chapter examines the WTO's rules and dispute settlement system and U.S.–China trade war. It analyzes the rise of regional trade arrangements, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement. It also points out the importance of unilateral trade policy changes that are rooted in domestic reforms.
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"5. Japan’s FTA Strategy and a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific." In An APEC Trade Agenda? ISEAS Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789812304612-007.

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"6. Towards the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP)." In APEC. ISEAS Publishing, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814311649-009.

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"The Free Trade Area of the Americas: how deep an integration in the Western Hemisphere?" In Reshaping the Asia Pacific Economic Order. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203337400-18.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (Organization)"

1

Çetin, Semih, and Burak Sertkaya. "An Analysis of Links between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan from Economic and Commercial Perspectives." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00325.

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Kyrgyzstan has become an attractive market because the country has a central location in Central Asia and kept pace with the free market faster than other countries in the region. Since Kyrgyzstan is a member of the World Trade Organization country become more important than the other countries in the region. In this study the recent history and the development of foreign trade relation between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan and the problems encountered in this relation are considered. Despite the growing trend of bilateral trade and economic relations since the early 90s, contraction experienced in the trade volume in 1998 and 1999 depending on the Russian crisis. Since the early 2000s, again the increasing trend of economic relations was observed. In this context by examining the trade relations between the two countries, the trade relations between the two countries are discussed and problems that encountered in the development process of the relations are investigated and solutions suggested.
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Qin, Feng, Zhuangbin He, and Qiongnian Huang. "Notice of Retraction: The International Engineering of Road and Bridge Professional and Technical Personnel Training Mode and Practice Based on the Development of China - ASEAN Free Trade Area." In 2011 Third Pacific-Asia Conference on Circuits, Communications and System (PACCS). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/paccs.2011.5990363.

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