Bibliografías temáticas / Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024
Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association"

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Enstam, Elizabeth York. "The Dallas Equal Suffrage Association, Political Style, and Popular Culture: Grassroots Strategies of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1913-1919." Journal of Southern History 68, no. 4 (2002): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069775.

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Rosenberg, Rachel. "“Women Teachers’ Lobby”: Justice, Gender, and Politics in the Equal Pay Fight of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers, 1906-1911." History of Education Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2024): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2023.49.

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AbstractThis paper explores the movement of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers (IAWT) for “equal pay for equal work” in teaching salaries, which it won in 1911. The IAWT’s success sheds light on the possibilities and limits of women teachers advocating for change within a feminized profession. Leading the movement were of a group of women teachers, organizing before woman’s suffrage and in an era of sex-differentiated work and pay, who convinced the city’s public and state’s legislators that they deserved pay equal to what men teachers received. They did so by strateg
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Grudzińska, Agata. "Legal and Societal Obstacles to Obtaining Equal Rights by Women: The Way to Equality of Rights according to Paulina Kuczalska-Reinschmit." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 33, no. 3 (2024): 61–73. https://doi.org/10.17951/sil.2024.33.3.61-73.

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The paper presents the road to equal rights outlined by Paulina Kuczalska-Reinschmit, who was one of the most prominent feminists of her time (she was the editor-in-chief of the “Ster” magazine and one of the founders of the Association for the Equal Rights of Polish Women). For Kuczalska, women’s suffrage was only a means to achieve the goal of women’s equality. The paper analyses the provisions of the Napoleonic Code that took away women’s right to self-determination, independence and autonomy. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries also saw a gap in educational opportunities of the same qu
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Goodier, Susan. "Doublespeak: Louisa Jacobs, the American Equal Rights Association, and Complicating Racism in the Early U.S. Women's Suffrage Movement." New York History 101, no. 2 (2020): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2020.0036.

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Kovačev, Dušan. "Meta-legal basis of the autonomy of Vojvodina before 1929." Nacionalni interes 45, no. 2 (2023): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nint45-45143.

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The meta-legal basis of the provincial autonomy of Vojvodina appeared in political form only after the state fusion in 1918. A crossanalysis of the material on Vojvodina political autonomism points to its origin in the historical law of the Habsburg Empire, which was accepted by a group of few political outsiders and landowners of Vojvodina. The new modern state effectively and quickly solved problems: currency, tax and agrarian issues, improvement of trade, association and achieving sustainability of independent farms in Vojvodina. Then the Vojvodina autonomists looked for arguments in the ba
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Bhatt, Anushree Pratikkumar, and Berlina Ajinkya Lopes. "UNDERSTANDING FEMINISM AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENT: ACTIVISM & ADVOCACY OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS." ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing Arts 5, no. 7 (2024). https://doi.org/10.29121/shodhkosh.v5.i7.2024.2919.

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As India sets its sights on becoming a developed' nation by 2047, empowering women lies at the heart of this challenge. Women empowerment and socio-economic development go hand in hand, as development alone cannot address gender inequalities. Amartya Sen coined the term "missing women" to highlight ongoing gender disparities globally. With women lagging behind on several parameters of well-being, India must adopt key policies to propel the country towards gender parity in socio-economic outcomes. The term “Feminism” was first coined in the 19th century in association with the women’s suffrage
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Pausé, Cat, and Sandra Grey. "Throwing Our Weight Around: Fat Girls, Protest, and Civil Unrest." M/C Journal 21, no. 3 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1424.

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This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any
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Tesis sobre el tema "Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association"

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Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.

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This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis present
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Egge, Sara Anne. "The grassroots diffusion of the woman suffrage movement in Iowa : the IESA, rural women, and the right to vote/." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1464195.

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Libros sobre el tema "Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association"

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interviewer, Myers Constance Ashton, Southern Oral History Program, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Documenting the American South (Project), and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Library, eds. Oral history interview with Gov. Rosamonde R. Boyd, October 29, 1973: Interview G-011, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.

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Monopoli, Paula A. Constitutional Orphan. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190092795.001.0001.

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This book explores the role of former suffragists in the constitutional development of the Nineteenth Amendment, during the decade following its ratification in 1920. It examines the pivot to new missions, immediately after ratification, by two national suffrage organizations, the National Woman’s Party (NWP) and the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). The NWP turned from suffrage to a federal equal rights amendment. NAWSA became the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), and turned to voter education and social welfare legislation. The book connects that pivot by both group
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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Galesburg Equal Suffrage Association"

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"Chapter Two. The Fourteenth Amendment and the American Equal Rights Association." In Feminism and Suffrage. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501711817-006.

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Gold, David. "Women’s Suffrage." In Democracies in America. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865698.003.0010.

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Abstract This essay examines key arguments made for and against women’s suffrage that evidence conceptualizations of citizenship rights in the period, illuminating divides that still challenge contemporary feminism. For many white women, citizenship was tied to racial identity, influencing their opposition to suffrage, and even white suffrage advocates were at times unable to offer full support for universal suffrage that included women of color, fracturing potential cross-racial alliances. For many Black women, meanwhile, women’s suffrage was inseparable from racial justice. Women’s suffrage
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Rogoff, Leonard. "Breathing the Same Air." In Gertrude Weil. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630793.003.0006.

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Weil pushed a reluctant Federation of Women's Clubs to adopt a suffrage resolution. In 1914 she served as president of the Goldsboro Equal Suffrage League and five years later was elected president of the Equal Suffrage Association of North Carolina. Either North Carolina Tennessee would need to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment for women to achieve the vote, but North Carolina's political climate was conservative. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, appointed Weil as state field commander. The legislature repeatedly voted down granting women the f
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Goan, Melanie Beals. "Jars of Clay." In A Simple Justice. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813180175.003.0003.

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In the 1800s and 1890s, the Clay women -- Mary Jane Warfield Clay and her daughters Mary, Sallie, Laura, and Annie -- were the main force behind Kentucky's suffrage movement. This chapter explains why they chose to embrace a controversial cause and discusses the important ways they shaped the movement, bringing their class and racial views to bear on its development. This chapter traces the creation of the Kentucky Woman Suffrage Association and its rebirth as the Kentucky Equal Rights Association several years later when Laura Clay stepped up to be the primary suffrage leader in Kentucky.
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Jabour, Anya. "Defining Equality." In Sophonisba Breckinridge. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042676.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 explores the “equality versus difference” debate--a defining feature of feminism in modern America--through the lens of Breckinridge’s work in both the national suffrage organization, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and its successor organization, the League of Women Voters. By exploring Breckinridge’s work with national feminist organizations during and after the suffrage struggle, this chapter highlights both women’s continuous activism and their ideological differences, especially their debate over the Equal Rights Amendment and so-called “protective legislation.
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Gosse, Van. "Consult the Genius of Expediency Approaching Power, 1847–1860." In The First Reconstruction. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660103.003.0013.

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In the late 1840s, the focus of New York’s black politics shifted to the philanthropist Gerrit Smith’s plan to award freeholds in upstate counties to 3,000 black men, making them both independent farmers and voters. Although the “Smith Lands” project did not succeed, evidence suggests many used their deeds to gain the vote in New York and Brooklyn, and in 1849-1850 they were credited with giving the state to the Whigs. In the 1850s, the suffrage campaign revived as the state shifted left. Republicans in the legislature repeatedly voted for non-racial suffrage, and Stephen Myers led a State Suf
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""Pioneering representatives of the Hebrew people": Campaigns of the Palestinian Jewish Women's Equal Rights Association, 1918-1948." In Women's Suffrage in the British Empire. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203714638-17.

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Painter, Nell Irvin. "Voices of Suffrage: Sojourner Truth, Frances Watkins Harper, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage." In Votes For Women. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195130164.003.0003.

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Abstract After the Civil War, in the midst of debates over black and woman suffrage, Sojourner Truth, a former slave and committed abolitionist, addressed the American Equal Rights Association: “If colored men get their rights, and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it was before.” It was a typically courageous stand for this important supporter of woman suffrage. Before the Civil War, black and white men and women, including Truth, Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and other reformers, had
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Eley, Geoff. "Introduction Democracy in Europe." In Forging Democracy. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037845.003.0001.

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Abstract But what does “democracy” mean? In the realm of law it requires at least the following: free, universal, secret, adult, and equal suffrage; the classic civil freedoms of speech, conscience, assembly, association, and the press; and freedom from arrest without trial. By this standard, democracy was achieved nowhere in the world during the nineteenth century and arrived in only four states before 1914— New Zealand (1893), Australia (1903), Finland (1906), and Norway (1913). If we relax our definition by ignoring women’s suffrage, then the male democracies of France and Switzerland may a
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Gardner, Eric. "“Go on”." In Frances Ellen Watkins Harper’s Civil War and Reconstruction. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/9780197804520.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter 4 explores Harper’s pragmatic evaluation of early Reconstruction, Andrew Johnson’s racist reconciliation policies, growing neo-confederate violence, and nationwide racism. Focusing on 1866 and 1867, it considers Harper’s lecturing broadly, including her work at the 1866 American Equal Rights Association meeting (set up by women’s suffrage activists including Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton) and her first large tour of the South (aided by Black leaders like Nelson Merry and Richard Cain). It studies key lectures, including “Our Nation’s Great Opportunity” and “The C
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