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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "German Foreign political opinion"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 28 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Słodkowska, Irena Anna. "Główni aktorzy polskiej sceny politycznej wobec zjednoczenia Niemiec (1989–1991)." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 28 (December 17, 2020): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.09.

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This article examines the attitudes and opinions of major Polish political actors about the impact of German reunification on Polish-German relations between 1989 and 1991. These are outlined against the background of public opinion polls and themes underpinning Polish foreign policy as reflected in the programmes of the main political parties represented in the Polish parliament. There were strong similarities in their programmes and policies. They broadly reflected the approach of Solidarity’s electoral manifesto of 4 June 1989, subsequently adopted by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. In con

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2

Цвык and Anatoliy Tsvyk. "CONCEPTUAL BASIS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE FRG." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (2015): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16833.

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The article analyzes conceptual basis of the foreign policy of the FRG in a period from the1950s to the present. In the author’s opinion the modern foreign policy strategy of Germany was the result of the evolution of German foreign policy since its formation. The author concludes that in the geopolitics, Germany realizes the Global Positioning Strategy based on the political and economic presence in the most important geopolitical regions of the world.

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3

Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.

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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opin

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4

Antolović, Mihael. "“World domination or ruin”. Friedrich von Bernhardi and German militarism before World War I." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 4 (2016): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i4.16.

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The paper analyzes the role of militarism in the political life of Germany before WWI. By pointing out the roe of militarism in the political life of Germany at the start of the 20th century, the paper puts an emphasis on the writing of Friedrich von Bernhardi titled Germany and the next war, published in 1912. Bernhardi sought to prove the inevitability of “preemptive war” and territorial annexations in order to provide for the economic and political interests of Germany as a global force. Bernhardi legitimized his opinion by calling on social-Darwinist arguments as well as the tradition of G

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5

Kosmach, Alena Eskridge. "Bismarck’s Foreign Policy from The Formation of The German Empire to the 1878 Congress of Berlin as Reflected in Russian Public Opinion." Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (2025): 11–22. https://doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v4i2.480.

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The paper provides an analysis of Bismarck's foreign policy from the establishment of the German Empire in 1871 to the Congress of Berlin in 1878, viewed through the lens of Russian public opinion. Throughout this period, Bismarck aimed to preserve equilibrium in Europe while prioritizing German strategic interests, particularly by thwarting the establishment of an anti-German coalition. The Three Emperors' League, comprising Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia, first presented an image of collaboration; nevertheless, it ultimately demonstrated ineffectiveness throughout the Balkan crises. Th

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6

Basov, F. "Internal Factors of Sanctions Policy in Germany." World Economy and International Relations 69, no. 7 (2025): 59–66. https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2025-69-7-59-66.

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This article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of internal factors over the policy of Germany on the issue of anti-Russian sanctions. It allows to answer the question, what reasons contributed to the stability of German sanctions policy – to the fact that business follows the government line despite losses, and consolidation occurs within the political mainstream on anti-Russian sanctions. In the present research, such aspects of this problem as inter-party competition, competition of political system institutions, the regional factor of sanctions policy, the influence of interest gr

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7

Vlasov, N. A. "THE IMAGE OF RUSSIAN PAN-SLAVISM IN THE GERMAN PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DURING THE LAST THIRD OF THE XIX CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 08, no. 03 (2024): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2024-08-03-20-28.

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The main topic of this research is the image of Russian pan-Slavism in German parliamentary discourse. The last third of the 19th century was the time of dramatic change in Russian-German relations – from an alliance to the membership in opposing military blocs. The driving forces of this deterioration were not only international politics and economy. Public opinion, especially in Germany, also played an important part in this process. Not entitled to take part in foreign policy decision making immediately, German political parties were able to influence public opinion on international issues.

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8

Krushinsky, V., and B. Pryimak. "GERMANY’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS OF UKRAINE." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 131 (2017): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.22-33.

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Despite the long history of relations Ukraine had a sidetrack in the German Eastern European politics. Ukrainian-German relations were in the shadow of German-Russian. This led to inconsistencies in the development of the German strategy for Ukraine and its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Another cause is a dualism of German foreign policy – as a nation-state on the one hand and on the other – as the informal leader of the EU, the most influential country in the union, whose foreign policy to some extent affects Europe overall. As the informal leader of the EU, Germany wants to strengt

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9

Kettler, Mark T. "“Incurable Megalomania” and “Fantasies of Expansion”: The German Army Reimagines Empire in Occupied Poland, 1915–1918." Central European History 54, no. 4 (2021): 621–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000017.

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AbstractPlans for a Polish “border strip” are frequently cited to argue that the German army entered the First World War committed to pacifying conquered space through Germanization. This article contends that, in 1914, the German officer corps did not understand national homogeneity as essential for imperial security. Many influential officers insisted that Polish identity was compatible with German imperial loyalty. They supported a multinational imperial model, proposing to trade Poland its cultural and political autonomy for the acceptance of German suzerainty in foreign policy and militar

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10

Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.

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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-Americ

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11

Schoen, Harald. "Personality Traits and Foreign Policy Attitudes in German Public Opinion." Journal of Conflict Resolution 51, no. 3 (2007): 408–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002707300180.

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12

Vasil'ev, V. "New Aspects of Discourse about the Berlin’s Realpolitik." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-30-40.

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The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are

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13

Bryden, Eric. "Heroes and Martyrs of the Republic: Reichsbanner Geschichtspolitik in Weimar Germany." Central European History 43, no. 4 (2010): 639–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000749.

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It is common knowledge among historians of Germany that the nationalist right frequently and loudly argued that the Weimar Republic, throughout its fourteen-year existence, was fundamentally “un-German,” foreign in inspiration, and resting on a foundation of internationalist political thought. Indeed, in the opinion of many on the more traditionally minded right, such as the Deutsche Volkspartei (DVP) and the Deutschnationale Volkspartei (DNVP), monarchy corresponded most closely to Germany's historical development and German national character as a form of state. In large part due to Weimar's

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14

Khorolskaya, M. "Changes in the German Political Landscape after the Outbreak of the Conflict in Ukraine: Challenges for Russia." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2023): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2023-2-73-83.

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The article deals with the changes in public opinion and balance of political forces in Germany after the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine. The analyses of sociological polls revealed that German population has been experiencing the break of old patterns and the division on the most important foreign policy issues. Also, the article presents a graph of government rating created by the author. It shows that while the support for ruling coalition declines, opposition’s ranking improves. However, the graph of parties’ ranking demonstrates that the support for governing Social Democratic Party

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15

Berezhnaya, Natalia. "Religious Propaganda or Political Manifest: “Open Letters” of Johann Casimir of Palatinate." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018679-5.

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In the 16th century the factors of confessional propaganda and “public opinion” become very important for public power. Each princedom, defining the principles of imperial and &quot;foreign&quot; policy, was guided by the confessional motivation of the prince and all structures of territorial power (courts institutions, Landtags, city councils), as well as that part of society that had a consolidated opinion in religious affairs (universities, Landeskirchen). Johann Casimir (1543—1592), the son of the Elector Palatinate Friedrich III and regent for his nephew Friedrich IV, began to for

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16

Gelles, Katarzyna. "Między potępieniem a (n)ostalgią." Politeja 20, no. 5(86) (2023): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.86.03.

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BETWEEN CONDEMNATION AND (N)OSTALGIA: ON THE POLITISATION OF THE LEGACY OF GDR IN REUNIFIED GERMANY Reunified Germany emerged on the map of Europe in 1990. At first, settling an account with the communist Germany proceeded in a simplified way – everything about them seemed evil. Over time, this judgement became less biased and more comprehensive. At the beginning of the 21st century, the “trend for the East”, which was called Ostalgie, prevailed. From that point forward, dealing with their past balances between a sentimental journey to the time of the German Democratic Republic and a harsh ass

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17

Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be,

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18

Erokhina, Olga V., and Vitaly Y. Zakharov. "“The Other/Own/Alien”: Paradoxes of Perception of Germans in the Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th centuries." Journal of Frontier Studies 8, no. 1 (2023): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i1.494.

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The article deals with the problem of “the Other/Own/Alien” on the example of Germans and German colonists who arrived to Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th century at the invitation of the authorities. The material analyzed by the authors allowed revealing how the process of their transformation from “the Other” to “Stranger” took place. We have identified the socio-cultural, economic and political factors that influenced it. For various reasons, Germans came to the country where they had to adapt to new natural and climatic conditions, master the language, get acquainted with cultu

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19

Stellner, Frantisek. "On the Reasons Why the Reinsurance Treaty Was not Renewed in 1890." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640017181-7.

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The article is aimed at discussing the reasons for the non-renewal of the Reinsurance Treaty in 1890 between Russia and Germany. It analyses the fundamental traits of Bismarck’s foreign policy towards Russia and subsequently deals with the impact of Bismarck’s resignation. It further details the shift in attitudes towards Russia by Bismarck’s replacement in order to understand why the Treaty was not renewed. The article also determines how this shift influenced international politics and lists the reasons for French and Russian relations growing. The study uses methodological approaches of “tr

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20

Vatlin, A. Yu. "German reunification process in 1989-1990 and the reaction of the Soviet public." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 4 (36) (2022): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(4).16-23.

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Based on the methodology of studying historical memory, the author analyzes personal and social reactions that the resolution of the German question and the unification of Germany in 1990 caused in the Soviet society of the perestroika era. The special attention is paid to the phenomenon of the GDR that for several generations of Soviet people was associated with the process when a part of the German nation has learnt the lesson from the tragedy of National Socialism. The author traces the connection between Gorbachev`s reforms and his foreign policy initiatives with the transformation of the

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21

Mader, Matthias. "Citizens’ Perceptions of Policy Objectives and Support for Military Action." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (2015): 1290–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603099.

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This article is concerned with the role of perceived policy objectives in German citizens’ attitude formation toward military action in Afghanistan. While some scholars have claimed that public opinion is prudent because citizens assess the effectiveness of a mission on the basis of these perceptions, micro-level tests of this kind of prudence remain scare. Drawing on two cross-sectional surveys of the German population conducted in 2008 and 2009, we use responses to open-ended questions about the German government’s policy goals in Afghanistan to analyze whether such perceptions influenced su

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22

Buss, Christopher. "Public opinion towards targeted labour market policies: A vignette study on the perceived deservingness of the unemployed." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 2 (2018): 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928718757684.

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The issue of welfare targeting is back on the political agenda in European welfare states. Benefit recipients are subject to different rules, depending on age, family status and work. For instance, strict conditions and harsh sanctions apply, in particular, to young unemployed people. This article investigates public opinion towards welfare targeting in three policy areas – unemployment benefits, conditionality of benefits and sanctions – and utilizes a factorial vignette experiment presented within a representative German survey. The results suggest strong support for welfare targeting. Respo

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23

Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.

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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullist

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal R

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25

Madajczyk, Piotr. "Próby wznowienia Planu Rapackiego przez dyplomację polską w pierwszej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 17 (April 28, 2009): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2009.17.01.

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The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are currently available make a much more balanced and differentiated approach to its appraisal possible. The article takes into account both a certain autonomy present in the Polish initiative and its dependence on Soviet policy. At the ministry in Warsaw, they were aware that a disarmament initiative as such had meagre chances of being implemented; nevertheless, it

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26

Hoffman, Michael E. S. "Job Losses and Perceptions of Globalization." Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 5 (2010): 967–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010037.

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The focus of much recent economic anxiety has been on the relationship between job losses and a limited number of hot-button issues, in particular (offshore) outsourcing and immigration. I use the variation over time (from a consistent Gallup poll administered from 1992 to 2009) and in the cross section (from the German Marshall Fund’s 2007 survey ‘Perspectives on Trade and Poverty Reduction’) to explore potential causes of recent aversion to globalization. I demonstrate that up until recently views on foreign trade were highly correlated with the national unemployment rate. Views on free trad

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27

SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. "‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.

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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen af

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Butkus, Zenonas. "German-USSR diplomatic cooperation in Baltic countries 1920–1940." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 8 (2025): 68–72. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2000.204.

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German and USSR diplomats in the Baltic states cooperated closely during the inter–war period, maintaining much closer relations with each other than with envoys from other countries. These were not just the usual diplomatic contacts where opinions were exchanged, and issues of international life discussed. Diplomatic cooperation between the USSR and Germany was a specific policy, sanctioned and organised at the highest level of both countries. This policy was aimed at ensuring that the Baltic states, like the other countries between Germany and the USSR, would not form any alliance, that they

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Grachov, Artem. "The break-through of “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British Foreign policy." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (October 7, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.113-127.

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The work analyzes the events around cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British foreign policy, and their connection with the broader problems of Foreign Office diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire and neighboring countries. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity, systematics and the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, problem-chronological) methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact the multimethodology is used to the problem of cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” and their c

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Мифтахова, О. В., and К. Г. Мокрова. "LANGUAGE MEANS OF CREATING POLICIAN’S IMAGE (ON GERMANY MEDIA MATERIALS)." Актуальные вопросы современной филологии и журналистики, no. 1(40) (March 19, 2021): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/aqmpj.2021.23.91.019.

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Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения вне

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Ziegler, Andrew H. "The Structure of Western European Attitudes Towards Atlantic Co-operation: Implications for the Western Alliance." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 4 (1987): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004877.

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Previous studies of Western European foreign policy attitudes rely almost exclusively on single-item measures, such as support for defence spending, support for the new missiles in Europe, opinions on NATO, and so on. This article, using a multi-country data set, aggregates several survey items and explores the manner in which Europeans structure their attitudes towards one aspect of foreign policy: Atlantic co-operation. A factor analysis uncovers two underlying conceptual dimensions: military and non-military co-operation. These dimensions provide the axes to construct a four-fold typology o

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Woźniak, Marek. "What We Should Get from the Partition of Czechoslovakia (Co powinniśmy dostać z parcelacji Czech ), or “Głos Lubelski” about the International Situation in Central Europe after the Munich Conference." Res Historica 58 (December 18, 2024): 639–58. https://doi.org/10.17951/rh.2024.58.639-658.

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In October 1938, when Europe was enveloped in political tensions, “Głos Lubelski” played the role of witness to the turbulent times. The newspaper not only reported on the ongoing events but also actively shaped public opinion, particularly in the context of the situation in Czechoslovakia. It warned against German territorial ambitions and called for retaining the balance of power in Central Europe. “Głos Lubelski” critically analyzed the policy of appeasement, treating the concessions to Germany as a potential threat to the region. The paper scrupulously followed international diplomatic man

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Kokkonen, Pellervo. "Religious and Colonial Realities: Cartography of the Finnish Mission in Ovamboland, Namibia." History in Africa 20 (1993): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171970.

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Missionary work was one of the main forces in the opening of the African continent to direct western influence. In many cases, from the 1830s onwards, missionaries were the first Westerners residing in the interior of the continent, thus accumulating considerable knowledge concerning geographical conditions in their respective areas of residence.The question arises: how did information from these people with scarce knowledge about the interior filter down to representations of geographical conditions such as maps and literary descriptions? Working in close cooperation with Africans, their conc

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Hoskin, Marilyn. "Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker: Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany." Comparative Politics 17, no. 2 (1985): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.

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Mikhina, Olga, Artem Mikhin, and Svetlana Shulezhkova. "“Wir Schaffen Das!” (Angela Merkel as a Linguistic Persona)." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001013.

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The problem posed by the authors of this paper is to reveal peculiarities of linguistic persona of one of the most authoritative state and political actors of our time: Angela Merkel, the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. Material for the research comes from various election debates, speeches at international forums and in Bundestag, addresses to voters, interviews of “the engine of the EU” with journalists of various media outlets. An anthropocentric approach that has become the main principle of modern linguistics, enriched with procedures having being developed within cultural,

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Sarmiento-Mirwaldt, Katja. "Germans' Transnational Contact and Trust in Other Nations; A Methodologically Cosmopolitan Approach." German Politics and Society 29, no. 3 (2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290304.

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This article considers Germans' relationships with other nations from a perspective of methodological cosmopolitanism. It examines the claim that everincreasing contacts with members of different nations can bring about a sense of trust in these nations. Using data from a 2006 opinion poll, it analyzes Germans' contact with and trust in six other nations. The study suggests that Germany as a whole is too large as a level of analysis. Germans' transnational relationships are better examined at a subnational level such as political districts. It is shown that transnational contact is particularl

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Ramazanov, Shamil, and Feliks Levitas. "June 22, 1941 in the historical files of foreign historiography." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-62-73.

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The events of World War II and its component – the German-Soviet War do not lose their significance more than 75 years after its end and remain a field for fraught scientific debate in the society. Historical lessons of the past tragedy must be studied from all angles and interpreted objectively. The European choice of Ukraine stimulates the national scientists not to ignore thorough military historical research of the specialists from near and far abroad, and results of this objective studies must be taken into consideration in the contemporary Ukrainian historical discourse. Characteristics

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Malay, Vera V., Nickolay N. Fomichev, Olga A. Timoshkova, Andrew P. Uryvsky, and Marina S. Orehova. "The Role of Germany, Italy and Portugal in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) in the Representation of the British Media." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 9 (April 5, 2022): 1922–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2020.09.224.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the nature of the reflection of the events of the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939 in the British press. The most important factor shaping public opinion was the periodical press. The authors emphasize that events on the European continent, including local conflicts, significantly influenced the mindset of British society, combined with an acute party struggle on foreign policy issues. The practical component of the article is based on the analysis of about 20 titles of British Newspapers political orientation. The results of the study showed that the publ

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Mukhamedov, Yoqubjon Q. "CHACH ADMINISTRATIVE CENTER OF THE WESTERN TURKIC KHAGANATE." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 02, no. 05 (2022): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume02issue05-09.

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This article analyzes the reforms carried out in the management system of the Chach oasis, which served as the administrative and political center of the Western Turkic Khanate in the early Middle Ages. The article studied the main opinions expressed by foreign researchers about the administration of the oasis by F. Grenet, E. E. de la Vessier, Chavannes, German researcher Z.Stark, American J.K. Skeff, Hungarian orientalist K.I. Bekvis,Turkish orientalist and historians Z.V. Tugan, E. Esin and E.Ekrem.

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Kotov, Aleksandr. "RESULTS OF GERMANY’S CHAIRMANSHIP IN G7: ECONOMIC ASPECT." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 31, no. 1 (2023): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran12023135147.

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A new coalition government in Germany came into power at the end of 2021. The paper describes Germany’s 2022 G7 Presidency as a first major foreign policy priority and test. The article considers that this period gave the German government the opportunity to test diverse political initiatives. These include proposals in the economic and climate sphere, in the regulation of the labor market, the prospects for the global agro-industrial complex, and overcoming the consequences of the pandemic. The creation of the Climate Club has become the most ambitious project. In this regard the G7 will unif

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Sinichenko, Vladimir V. "Diplomatic conflict between the United States and Russia during World War I in the case of Charles Moser, American Consul in Harbin, based on documents from the archives of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2025): 67–82. https://doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2025-1-67-82.

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The article describes the diplomatic conflict between the United States and Russia during World War I in the case of the American consul in Harbin Charles Moser on the basis of documents from the funds of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI, Moscow). The work uses the historical-systemic method based on the principles of historicism, which allowed us to come to the conclusion that American diplomacy since World War I has been based on the priority of American interests rather than the common interests of political coalition partners. The basis for the study was the lack

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42

Chernov, O. "RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR A.P. IZVOLSKY ON THE SITUATION IN FRANCE IN THE INITIAL PERIOD OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR (ACCORDING TO THE DOCUMENTS OF THE AVPRI)." PERSONAL FUNDS OF STATE ARCHIVES AS A SCIENTIFIC AND INFORMATION RESOURCE, no. 2 (2023): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/978-5-6049622-0-6-2023-32.

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The article deals with the problems outlined in the letters of the Russian Ambassador to France A.P. Izvolsky to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S.D. Sazonov. Among the issues raised by A. P. Izvolsky were the retreat of French troops at the beginning of the First World War and the assessment of the risks of the Russian Empire losing an ally in the person of France; S.D. Sazonov's assessment and broadcasting the opinions of other statesmen on the development of the situation and the forecast of further events after the victory of the French troops in the Battle of the Marne and the r

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Иванов, А. А., and Б. С. Котов. "“An alliance between Austria, Germany, Russia and Turkey is required”: About Prince V.P. Meshchersky’s Articles in the Austrian Press on the Eve of the First World War." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 8, no. 3 (2024): 898–950. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2024-8-3-5.

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Статья посвящена внешнеполитическим взглядам известного русского консервативного публициста князя В.П. Мещерского (1839–1914). В научный оборот вводятся вышедшие накануне Первой мировой войны в венской газете “Neue Freie Presse” три статьи Мещерского, нацеленные на изменение общественного мнения Австро-Венгрии в отношении внешней политики российского императора. Желая предотвратить надвигавшийся военный конфликт с Германией и Австро-Венгрией, князь стремился убедить читателей влиятельной венской газеты в равнодушии значительной части российского общества к балканскому вопросу, в отсутствии у б

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Bednarz, Piotr. "Switzerland Vis-a-Vis the Fall of the Polish State in September 1939. Status and Prospects for Research." Res Historica 58 (December 18, 2024): 769–90. https://doi.org/10.17951/rh.2024.58.769-790.

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The outbreak of World War Two posed fundamental questions before Switzerland about the political future in the context of Germany’s aggressive policy. Territorial claims laid by the Third Reich’s elites towards the neighboring countries in the name of the unification of all Germans in one state were also dangerous to Switzerland, whose Alemannic citizens were perceived by Berlin as a part of the great German nation. The Swiss political class as well as the public opinion of the country closely observed Germany’s actions, and in this context the Third Reich’s aggression against Poland was one o

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Галкина, Ю. М. "The Franco-Russian Alliance in Historiography: On the Mechanisms of Rapprochement." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 611–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-6.

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Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и полит

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Maiorova, Natalya S., and Artem Ed Maiorov. "The Far East in Russian foreign policy according to “Memoirs” by S.Yu. Witte." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 29, no. 2 (2023): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2023-29-2-18-23.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of “Memoirs” by S.Yu. Witte in the context of the study of the Far Eastern policy of the Russian Empire and contradictions between Russia and Japan, which had been growing only to cause the war of 1904-1905. S.Yu. Witte was a member of the political elite of Russia in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries and, as Minister of Finance and Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, he was involved in critical decisions on domestic and foreign policy matters. Witte's memoirs reflected his meetings with the Russian and German emperors, Japanese and Chinese s

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O’Brien, Thomas C., Bernhard Leidner, and Linda R. Tropp. "Are they for us or against us? How intergroup metaperceptions shape foreign policy attitudes." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 6 (2017): 941–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216684645.

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We identify public opinion polls from other countries as an important form of indirect exposure to outgroups, and an important source of intergroup metaperceptions, outgroup perceptions, and support for group-level behavior towards outgroups. Three experiments demonstrate a two-step process through which such exposure affects support for ingroup behaviors that facilitate peaceful or violent intergroup relations. When indirectly exposed to national outgroups, Americans inferred intergroup metaperceptions (Step 1), which, in turn, shaped outgroup perceptions (Step 2). This effect and its underly

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Evdokimova, T. V. "The “Greens” of the “first hour” in the Federal Republic of Germany: social characteristics of the electorate." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 11, no. 4 (2024): 644–50. https://doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2024.4.4.

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Introduction. Currently, the increased interest in the German party “Union 90 / The Greens”, associated with its transformation from a “one-day butterfly” into a “green monster”, makes it relevant to turn to the origins of this party and raises the question of the legitimacy of comparing the early and modern “greens” Materials and Methods. The fundamental principles of the research are the principles of historicism and authenticity, following which allows one to create a “portrait” of the “greens” at the stage of their organizational design and initial stage of development. Using historical-ge

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Kovtun, Volodymyr. "Shaping a sociocultural attitude through multilingual intercultural communication." Germanistik in der ukraine, no. 19 (June 20, 2025): 42–57. https://doi.org/10.32589/2408-9885.2024.19.333158.

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Foreign language learning significantly promotes the learner's intercultural communication. His/her intercultural skills expanded in this way become an important instrument in shaping his/her socio-cultural world view. The foreign language skills to be acquired enable unmediated access to information from original sources in a foreign language. In this way, the recipient safeguards his/her consciousness against the influence of arbitrary manipulation of information during its translation. In this article the author compares several passages from the original work by the worldfamous British pub

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Bekirova, F. S., and R. R. Gabrilyan. "Judicial constitutional control In Russia and foreign countries: models, significance and specificity." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 11, no. 3 (2024): 545–50. https://doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2024.3.16.

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Introduction. Constitutional review is the cornerstone in maintaining the constitutional order, ensuring compliance with the rule of law and protecting individual rights in the state. Differences in models of constitutional review globally highlight its complexity and uniqueness. This factor necessitates a comparative study to reveal the specific mechanisms used in different legal systems. The article examines the models, significance and features of constitutional control In Russia and a number of foreign countries, determines the nuances of their functioning, as well as issues of interaction

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