Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Greek Mural painting and decoration"

In the considerable creative legacy of the Ukrainian artist Modest Sosenko (1875–1920), the murals and sacred easel paintings he created for more than ten Galician churches deserve special attention. His contemporaries noted that the artist’s sacred works were characterised by his own ‘Sosenko style’, which boldly and organically combined Byzantine traditions reinterpreted by 16 th – and 17 th – century masters with modern European stylistic requirements of the turn of the 19 th and 20 th centuries. He was a pioneer who paved the way for the development of modern church art, which was helped by the circumstances of his life. After acquiring a thorough European professional education during his studies in Kraków as well as in Munich and Paris thanks to a scholarship funded by Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, Sosenko returned to Galicia and, continuing his mentor’s activities in the field of museums, became a full-time employee of the Church (later National) Museum. His direct contact with old monuments of iconography, manuscripts and incunabula, and folk art allowed him to gain a deep understanding of the peculiarities of Ukrainian national art. Thus, the combination of his personal talent, professional knowledge and museum experience, as well as his close relationship with the head of the Greek Catholic Church – Andrey Sheptytsky, who directed all his efforts towards the revival of the high culture of decorating the sacred space of Eastern Rite churches, gave birth to an intellectual artist, ready to take up the challenge of the present day. However, it is not possible to appreciate Sosenko’s achievements in their entirety. The warfare in the region during the two world wars of the 20 th century, the years of Soviet rule, which was intolerant of cultural, national and spiritual heritage, and even the first years of Ukrainian independence, were not conducive to the preservation of the churches and their decoration. As a result, researchers are forced to conclude that most of Sosenko’s works have been irretrievably lost. The artist’s sources of inspiration, the specific composition of his monumental artworks, the range of colours, the ideological and aesthetic programme can only be reconstructed on the basis of the decorations of two churches in the Lviv region: St. Michael the Archangel in the village of Pidberizci and the Holy Resurrection in the village of Poliany, by making comparisons with fragments of lost murals recorded in archival photographs, and by adding the decoration, already after restoration toning, of the artist’s last sacred object – St. Nicholas Church in Zolochiv. Even such scattered data make it possible to observe many of the author’s characteristics, to determine the process of the formation of Sosenko’s distinct individual artistic style, to which this study is dedicated.

Introduction. The fine arts of archaic Greece and Etruria experienced a noticeable influence of the East. The transition from archaic to classical time influenced the forms of depicting the morphological features of a person in antique art. Comparative study of the anthropological features of the antique population of the Mediterranean on the greek painted pottery and etruscan murals of the archaic and classical times was the purpose of our study. Materials and methods. The material was collected in the online-collections of ancient collections of museums. We used the method of a composite portrait in a digital version, the calculation of the frequency of features in our study. Studied features was – beard growth, hair color and nature of the hair. Results and discussion. On the etruscan murals of the archaic period, the frequency of depicting straight nature of the hair in women is the highest (7,7 %) in all samples; for different groups of painted pottery, it does not exceed 7 %. The degree of beard growth according to vase painting and etruscan murals is characterized by a strong and very strong growth. A greater manifestation of hair pigmentation polymorphism according to painted pottery is noted in the images of the classical period. Dark hair predominates in all groups, grey-haired was depicted only in male characters. Hair depigmentation on painted pottery is observed in images of the classical and late classical periods and did not exceed 6 % in the total sample. Pigmentation on etruscan murals indicates a lightening of the hair in the group towards reddish-red shades, depigmentation does not exceed 8%. Features of the depiction of pigmentation in to vase painting and murals, despite the different technique and coloring, reveal common tendencies of variability characteristic of the Mediterranean groups. Composite portraits based on painted pottery reflect the historical transformation of the anthropo-aesthetic ideas of the greeks through the fine arts of the archaic and classical times. Conclusion. Color in greek painted pottery performs not only a decorative function, but is also an artistic means of conveying morphological variability. Involvement of antique written sources of the description of population and the philosophy of color in antique culture can help in the anthropological reading of vase painting and further study of pigmentation polymorphism. @ 2023. This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 license

Owing to old photographic plates that recorded those segments of the mural decoration of Davidovica on the Lim which were later destroyed or considerably damaged, it is possible to put forward a more complete reconstruction of its thematic program. The programmatic and iconographic features of both the destroyed frescoes and the surviving ones correspond to the solutions that can be found in Post-Byzantine painting. The palaeographic analysis of inscriptions and the analysis of the style of the murals in the dome, the area under the dome and both chapels in Davidovica clearly indicate that we are dealing with paintings done in the second half of the sixteenth century.

The main churches of three monasteries in Thessalia, Central Greece, were decorated with wall paintings in the post-Byzantine period. The main goal of the present study is to characterize the inorganic and organic materials present in the paint layers of areas that have been gilded. Optical microscopic examination was carried out on samples taken from the gilded decoration of the paintings to view their layer build-up. The combined use of micro Fourier transform infrared (FT-IR) and micro-Raman spectroscopy led to the detection of the pigments and the binding media used. The results from specimens taken from different wall paintings were compared with each other to observe their differences and similarities. The three investigated churches are believed to have been painted by the same iconographer, Tzortzis, who however has only been identified in only one of them. The comparison led to the conclusion that there are many similarities in the painting materials used and the general methodology adopted and, therefore, this study offers support to the belief that the mural paintings of the three monasteries could have been painted by the same iconographer. While not authenticating the two painting as being by Tzortzis, the results provide further critical material that is consistent with this attribution. However, this statement must be carefully considered because the pigments identified have been commonly and diffusely used in historic mural paintings.

Reconstructing a single coherent history of painted images over almost two and a half millennia and across a wide variety of cultural contexts in the Mediterranean and Europe is a daunting task, especially today, at a time when the notions of diversity and multiplicity play a crucial role in the study of classical antiquity. The editor Jerome J. Pollitt introduces this study as the first attempt, after Mary Hamilton Swindler’s 1929 Ancient Painting, to provide a comprehensive and up-to-date survey of ancient Greek and Roman panel and mural painting from the Bronze Age to Late Antiquity, and to offer a critical assessment of past and current research on the paintings’ style, technique, iconography and sociocultural context. This ambitious study gathers nine essays by world-leading experts in different areas of ancient painting and is an essential tool for both students and specialists.

This paper presents and interprets the iconographic programme of the frescoes in the lowest register of the sanctuary in the church of St Demetrios at Markov Manastir in the context of the relationship between mural decoration and the contemporary Eucharistic rite. In the first part of the paper special attention is paid to the scene in the north pastophorion, which illustrates the prothesis rite, and the depiction of the Great Entrance, placed in the sanctuary apse. The iconographic and programmatic features of the fresco ensemble, the most pominent place among which is occupied by the representations of the deceased Saviour and Christ the Great Archpriest - are compared to various liturgical sources and visual analogies (monumetal painting and liturgical textiles) in the medieval art of Serbia and Byzantium.

The purpose of the article is to analyze compositional types, topography, methods, and techniques used in the formal solution of mural compositions in the Catholic churches of Eastern Galicia in the second half of the XVIII century. The methodology lies in the usage of art historical methods of stylistic analysis and generally scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction. The scientific novelty of the research is in the analysis of methods and techniques used by Galician masters in the second half of XVII century for implementation of mural compositions that were interpreted, adapted to local artistic traditions. The research can be used in the attribution of saved samples of the monumental art. Conclusions. The monumental painting in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, in particular in Galicia, developed in the context of artistic trends in West and Central European countries. Chronologically, the development of monumental painting in Galicia ranged from the thirties until the late XVIII century. As for the formal characteristics of monumental art, in the territory of the Commonwealth, the most common were three compositional types of polychrome: local variation of Italian «quadro riportato», illusionistic and panoramic. The basis of the first is the method of placing of the image on the vault area, framed with imitated or sculpted frame, the second is based on the quadrature and other methods and techniques of illusionistic monumental art, the third includes a panoramic image on the vault. In Galicia, the third type of vault decoration has not become widespread. Visiting masters were the bearers of these trends. They implemented the polychrome in local cathedrals, using a wide variety of methods and techniques for the formal solutions of mural compositions, typical for European art schools. Later, local artists adopted this experience, creating polychromes with certain interpretations of compositional types.

Theophanes the Greek was one of the well-known artists of exceptional personality who lived in the second half of the 14th century. His talent stood out on account of the expressionist manner in which he portrayed his art creations and their impact on the school of Russian religious painting. His artistic talent, “swift brush” painting manner and life adventure can be compared with those of Doménikos Theotokópoulos (El Greco), another famous Greek painter, who brought the Cretan dramatic and expressionistic style to the West, influencing the Spanish Renaissance two hundred years after Theophanes. The artistic heritage of Theophanes stands between the short vibrant period of the Palaeologan Renaissance when the Byzantine Empire went through a terminal crisis, and the European Proto-Italian Renaissance. The artist seized the opportunity to unleash his creative work in the ancient Russian cities, unfolding his talent in the creation of large mural paintings. Characterized by his contemporaries as “Theophanes the Greek, icon painter and philosopher”, he enjoyed a high reputation in medieval Russian society. Present article questions Theophanes’ belonging to the hesychast movement and the attribution of the Muscovite icons and manuscripts to the painter. Considering the impact of Theophanes on Russian visual art, D. Talbot Rice stated: “It was thanks to the teaching of Greek immigrants like Theophanes that a sound foundation was established Russian painting, and it was on this basis that local styles were founded.” And it was in the Russian principalities that Theophanes developed his very distinctive style, enjoying carte blanche from the princes and boyars (aristocracy) to apply his creativity in various domains.

The paper deals with a presentation of the Virgin with the Christ Child, in the niche above the archivolt of the western portal of the Church of the Transfiguration, in Novgorod. The fresco is assumed to have belonged to the painted ensemble in the church narthex, none of which has survived. It is also believed that like Theophanes the Greek, who headed the group painting the naos in the church, the zographos who worked on the decoration of the narthex, had arrived from Constantinople.

This paper focuses on the presentation of a part of the main thematic data documenting the pathologies and the degradation problems of a contemporary mural painting, which was designed and carried out by the italian artist Giuseppe Capogrossi in 1954. This forgotten masterpiece is developed on the ceilings of the main double stairscase at the entrance of the Airone, an ex-cinema-theatre in Rome (Italy). In time, the original project was completely damaged and now the Airone cinema is abandoned since 1999; the decoration, strictly connected to the function of the original project, has been completely covered by synthetic coatings. The documentation of the observed pathologies and the original materials of the lower ceiling takes place during a restoration project in 2015–2016 and was accomplished by utilizing different technologies in order to facilitate the collecting of the main data within several graphic thematic tables. The challenge of this documentation was to create a contact point, and perhaps also a contamination, between the practices of CAD graphic documentation, restoration and GIS technology.

The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.

In the Greek world, the practice of decorating walls with painted stucco emerged in the 5th or 4th c. B.C. and was at first limited to public and religious monuments and the palaces of rulers, later spreading to the houses of the aristocracy. In the homes of the nobility, painted decoration enhanced the ornamentation of rooms used for receiving visitors, such as the dining room (andron), in which the floors were sometimes decorated with mosaics, most often with geometric motifs. In the wealthiest abodes, as seen at Pella in the 4th c. B.C., Alexandria, or on Delos in the 2nd c. B.C., a mosaic picture called an emblema sometimes lay at the centre of the mosaic. In the realm of domestic art, in the Hellenistic age images were restricted to the mosaic floors. The walls were ornamented with architectural elements that imitated, in stucco relief, the fashions that could be seen in the masonry and marble veneers of temples and palaces. This type of décor, established in the homes of Greek nobility throughout the Hellenistic era, is traditionally known as the masonry style or incrustation style.

Introduction. Of the numerous ceramic production centers of ancient Greece, the Attica region is notable for its continuous development of vase painting styles. Compared to the black-figure and red-figure painting techniques, the polychrome painting of Attic vases on a white-ground may indicate polymorphism in the pigmentation of the ancient Greeks. Materials and methods. The material was collected in digitized museum collections and thematic literature. The color and nature of the characters' hair were studied from vase painting and funerary painting. Anthroposcopic method and simple statistics were used. The significance of differences between groups was assessed using the chi-square test. Results and discussion. In all samples of Attic vase painting, the wavy nature of the hair is predominant, and this frequency does not change significantly over time. The highest frequency of straight nature of the hair (13.3%) is observed in white-ground vase painting. In comparison with the characters in vase paintings, modern Greeks have predominantly straight, lightly wavy hair, especially in women, and then wavy hair. For all style groups of Attic vase painting, no gender differences in nature of the hair were identified. The depiction of hair color on white-ground vase paintings of the early classical and classical times is significantly different: in the earlier vase painting, black and dark brown predominate, and in the later ones, brown/light brown and red-brown. The minimum frequency of dark shades of the hair is noted in Hellenistic funerary painting; it shows, like the white-ground vase painting of the classics, a lighter-pigmented population. The hair color of the modern Greek population is predominantly dark. Based on the hypothesis that the artist depicts familiar forms as traditional ones and reflects the anthropological characteristics of his group, the polymorphism of pigmentation and nature of the hair of the ancient and modern Greek populations is different. Conclusion. Groups of art sources that differ in chronology and style do not represent the hair pigmentation of the population of ancient Greece in the same way. To further study polymorphism of pigmentation of the ancient population, it is necessary to correct the methodology to correlate the actual colors used in vase/mural painting with the hair color classes of the traditional color scale, as well as the use of additional comparative materials.

Polychromy in Ancient Greek Sculpture was the subject of the exhibition Chroma: Ancient Greek Sculpture in Color, held at The Metropolitan Museum of Art (The Met), New York, in 2022–2023. On this occasion, a multidisciplinary project involving The Met’s Departments of Greek and Roman Art, Objects Conservation, Imaging, Scientific Research, and colleagues from the Liebieghaus Polychromy Research Project in Frankfurt, Germany, was carried out to study an Attic funerary monument. The color decoration of the sphinx was reconstructed by combining non-invasive and minimally invasive techniques that provided information about surviving and lost pigments, original design, and painting technique. Results of multiband imaging, digital microscopy, and X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy guided the removal of minute samples from selected areas for examination by Raman spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy, coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy, to shed light on the pigments and paint stratigraphy. The color palette included two varieties of blue, Egyptian blue and azurite, a carbon-based black pigment, two reds, cinnabar and red ocher, and yellow ocher, all painted directly over the marble without a preparation layer. The scientific findings informed the physical reconstruction of the sphinx made by archaeologists from the Liebieghaus Polychromy Research Project, featured in the exhibition.

Considered here is the ‘Labyrinth Fresco’ (or ‘Maze Fresco’), fragments of which were found by Sir Arthur Evans in the Minoan palace at Knossos. Interestingly, the pattern was rendered through engraving, with the exclusively red colour used applied within the grooves. Oddly, this design is very similar to one shown as a patterned floor in a recently excavated wall painting discovered by the Austrian excavator Manfred Bietak, at Tell el Dab'a, in the Nile Delta area of Egypt, where it depicts an arena used for bull leaping. The present article therefore raises the question of whether the ‘Labyrinth Fresco’ from Knossos was actually decoration on a patterned plaster floor rather than a wall, and could have acted as the model for the one depicted in the Tell el Dab'a painting. One possible explanation for this phenomenon is that the Tell el Dab'a painters were Greek expatriate artists – a matter that prompts questions about actual international contacts between the Aegean and Egypt in the mid-second millennium bc The paintings in Egypt clearly imply travelling Aegean artists, though further and more formal contacts probably also existed between the two countries.

In the Archaic period, from the end of the seventh and above all in the sixth century bc, sphinxes are ubiquitous in the figured decoration of Greek temples. They appear not only as acroteria, but also on antefixes and simas. As acroteria, they always occur as lateral versions, flanking the central acroterion at a distance. Although these figures have recently been the subject of several exhaustive studies, their significance remains a matter of debate. In the absence of explicit texts, the only means of comprehending their meaning is by examining the combinations of figures in which the sphinx makes an appearance. It is their association in three-part or heraldic compositions with a central vegetal or floral motif which provides the key to the explanation. This group is similar to that known in the Levant in which two sphinxes flank a ‘Tree of Life’, a group which the Old Testament texts allow us to identify as the cherubim guarding the Tree of Life of Genesis 3.24. This group was transmitted to Cyprus and to the Aegean world without losing its meaning. A series of documents allows us to verify that the ‘extended’ group of acroteria that we are concerned with has not lost its symbolic value by comparison with the ‘compact’ group known particularly from Archaic Greek vase-painting. An explanation in terms of eschatological ends and aspirations also permits us to interpret the other associations of the sphinx – with gorgons, with horsemen and with ‘Nike' figures.

The paper summarises conservation research carried out on abandoned wooden Ukrainian Greek-Catholic churches from south-eastern Poland. As an example, two architectural objects remaining in complete ruin are discussed: the church in Babice and the church in Miękisz Stary. Both of them were erected in log construction and have rich interior polychrome. Conservation methodology was discussed, which must combine often contradictory challenges and aspects: both the need to stabilise the architectural body (which requires the replacement of a significant amount of historical substance) and the intention to preserve as much as possible the remains of the interior painting decoration (in the majority, polychrome was made directly on structural elements). The method of polychrome transfer was therefore discussed, which guarantees the preservation of the authentic character of the temples as well as their aesthetic and historical value. In addition, a detailed study of the remains of the iconostases of both temples (icons are currently stored in museum warehouses) and the issue of the possible restitution of the iconostases, along with a discussion of the necessary technical solutions for this procedure, are presented.

Статья посвящена исследованию мозаик базилики Рождества Христова в Вифлееме. Построенный в IV веке в эпоху императора Константина Великого храм остается одним из важнейших святилищ христианского мира. На его стенах и в крипте сохранился уникальный ансамбль мозаик, созданных в XII веке в период владычества Латинского королевства в Иерусалиме. В 2015–2019 годах итальянскими специалистами была предпринята масштабная реставрация декорации базилики. Впервые почти за тысячу лет мозаики на стенах храма и росписи на колоннах были расчищены. Это открывает новые возможности для анализа столь выдающегося памятника. В статье использованы различные методы: стилистический, иконографический и историко-культурный. Г. Кюнель убедительно показал, что мозаики были выполнены единовременно, вероятно, с середины 1150-х годов до 1169 года. На основании сохранившихся надписей можно заключить, что в мозаичной декорации базилики участвовали два мастера: монах Ефрем, предположительно, грек и дьякон Василий, сириец. В третьей надписи, ныне утраченной, упоминалось имя Зан, оно могло принадлежать венецианскому художнику. Стиль мозаик в целом ориентирован на византийское искусство третьей четверти XII века. В ансамбле очевидны различия в фигуративной и в аниконической иконографии, а также в стиле разных зон декорации. В нем проявились элементы сиро-палестинского и западноевропейского искусства. Самый факт упоминания имен художников в надписях не типичен для Византии. Детальный стилистический анализ памятника еще предстоит. Пока очевидно, что в декорации принимала участие составная артель из нескольких художников разного происхождения и разной выучки. При этом все мастера преимущественно пользовались византийскими образцами. Вифлеемские мозаики плодотворно рассмотреть и в контексте монументальной живописи Святой Земли и Сицилии XII века. The article is dedicated to the examination of the mosaics in the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem. Built in the 4th century during the era of Emperor Constantine the Great, the church remains one of the most important sanctuaries in the Christian world. A unique ensemble of mosaics created in the 12th century during the rule of the Latin Kingdom in Jerusalem has been preserved on its walls and in the crypt. In the period between 2015 and 2019, Italian specialists undertook a large-scale restoration of the basilica's decoration. The mosaics on the walls of the church and the paintings on the columns were cleared for the first time in almost a thousand years. This opens up new possibilities for an analysis of such an outstanding monument. The article uses various methods: stylistic, iconographic and historical-cultural. G. Künel has convincingly shown that the mosaics were created during a short period, probably from the mid-1150s. until 1169. Based on the surviving inscriptions, one can believe that two masters participated in the mosaic decoration of the basilica: monk Ephraim, presumably a Greek, and deacon Vasily, a Syrian. The third inscription, now lost, mentioned the name Zan, which may have belonged to a Venetian artist. The style of the mosaics is generally oriented towards Byzantine art of the third quarter of the 12th century. Dissimilarities in figurative and aniconic iconography, as well as in the style of different areas of decoration, are evident in the ensemble. It showed elements of Syro-Palestinian and Western European art. The very fact of mentioning the names of artists in inscriptions is not typical for Byzantium. A detailed stylistic analysis of the monument is yet to be carried out. It is clear that a composite team of several artists of different origins and different training took part in the decoration. Moreover, all masters predominantly used Byzantine models. It is also fruitful to consider the Bethlehem mosaics in the context of monumental painting of the Holy Land and Sicily of the 12th century.

The article is devoted to the work of the Russian painter Dobrolyubov Vladimir Petrovich, who in 2020 marks the centenary of his birth. Special attention is paid to the presentation of his ideals, which inspired the artist to create wonderful paintings depicting the world around him, landscapes and landscapes, urban environment, monuments of ancient Russian architecture, decoration and interiors of the oldest churches from Moscow to Yaroslavl, Pereslavl Zalessky, Staraya Ladoga. From the Russian North to the Crimean mountains and Tsemeskiy Bay. Vladimir Petrovich Dobrolyubov (05.07.1920-24.02.1975) - a student of I.I. Mashkov, N.P. Krymov, G.G. Ryazhskiy, K.F. Yuon, V.V. Krainev, P.I. Kotov, V.I. Finogeev, K.G. Dorokchov. Dobrolyubov V.P., was the veteran of the Great Patriotic war (1941-1945), - the 75th anniversary of the Victory which we celebrate this 2020 year. The author analyzes the paintings of V.P. Dobrolyubov - a natural colorist, nugget, artist, philosopher and citizen of his country. His thoughts on the art of painting based on the beauty and traditions of the Russian school of iconography were the Foundation, the spiritual platform, for all of his painting, created in a short period of life. The author's paintings Dobrolyubov V.P. is of well-deserved interest for art studies and make a worthy, significant contribution to it not only by their high appreciation of color, color spot, and lyrical appearance, but also as works of the history of Russian painting and in particular, the Moscow school of painting, 30-60-ies of XX century, of which he was a representative. Also noteworthy is his understanding of art, his creative pictorial, original, author's handwriting, and also an amazing vision of color and color spot, his own, individual. As well as the interpretation of personal perception, the attitude and understanding of the fundamental foundations of realism in the domestic and world fine arts, expressed and approved in their own, no one repeats, coloristic pictorial language. Dobrolyubov V.P. considered icons, the Russian icon, as a work of art, which following the tradition of Byzantine masters of iconography, undoubtedly constitutes the core of the soul of the artistic creative process, and especially the work of iconographers such as Andrei Rublev, Theophanes the Greek, Vladimir-Suzdal, Moscow, Yaroslavl school of icon-painting as an objective reality of the world of spiritual images in their own work. Artistic creativity, in his opinion, as a representative of the Moscow school of painting, is not an abstract search and self-expression of the artist's beliefs and ideas, but the result of a deep, divine transformation of the soul, its path to truth and to the foundations of realistic art, through the perception of artistic images. Russian iconography of the XIV-XVII centuries, brought to Russia from Byzantium, Dobrolyubov V. P. considered the Russian school of iconography the main, unsurpassed, imperishable Foundation and a masterpiece of Russian fine art. Everywhere in his memories, in his understanding of the basics of art, the artist renounces the concept of copying the image and the icon for him is like a conditional historical symbol, indicating the spiritual image of past centuries. An artistic image is born in the soul of the painter and of course exists outside of iconography, but then it can appear in the minds of other people who contemplate the master's canvases, in which the image of the universal universe and the beauty of the universe is encoded, if you want, encrypted in the very deep images of Russian iconography. Therefore, the icon itself, its image and composition, as a work of art created once in the depths of past centuries, is personified in the mind of the author, as grace and inspiration sent from heaven. Dobrolyubov V.P. confirms the aesthetic and spiritual platform created for any person. Therefore, Russian icons created as spiritually and artistically perfect, self-sufficient works of Russian culture are inextricably linked to the General process for Russian art history, its ability to testify to its highest level in the hierarchy of world art. For the artist Dobrolyubov, Russian iconography is an inseparable part of his spiritual platform, and his works of painting – and, temple art, in conjunction with ancient Russian architecture, with the interiors of churches and their decoration, as well as the sacrament of divine services, baptisms, weddings and funerals, and are the most essential foundation, being, as the very artistic image of all his art work and now, in 2020. Today, 45 years after his death in 1975, his artistic paintings are just as beautiful and heartfelt.

The Greek-Swedish excavations on the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea have brought to light a large amount of fine decorated pottery, which includes numerous fragmentary vases and sherds with pictorial decoration. This material has firmly established Midea as an important find-spot of figure-style pottery, like other great Mycenaean Argive centres, such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Berbati. This paper presents a remarkable pictorial vase recently found at Midea. It is a ring-based krater, almost completely restored from fragments, decorated with a row of six birds. The bird is a common motif in Mycenaean pictorial vase painting and also well attested on many other ceramic pieces at Midea, particularly the type of the folded-wing marsh bird. This type of bird is also popular at Tiryns, providing evidence that this category of pictorial pottery from the two citadels, dated to the LH IIIB2 period, was produced in the same workshop, which must have been situated at or near Tiryns. The abundant pictorial pottery from Midea and other significant discoveries at the site, such as monumental architectural remains and important finds, confirm the position of Midea as a great centre, alongside the other two Argive major citadels, Mycenae and Tiryns.

The article examines the main features and specificity of the formation of the Hellenistic culture in ancient Sudan. To assess the nature of the Hellenistic influence on the culture of Meroe, the author analyzes the characteristic features of the region's architecture, reliefs of temple complexes, painting and decoration of walls, items of minor art, jewelry, which had been obtained during archaeological excavations. The author explores the ways of penetration of Greek culture directly and through Egypt, as a result of which the Hellenistic culture of Meroe becomes the result of the syncretisation of Hellenistic Egypt and local forms. The borrowing had a specific nature, most of the Hellenistic elements were re-interpreted, transplanted into the Meroe and adapted to the local culture. The processes of transformation of images created through the syncretization of Egyptian Hellenistic images with local culture gave rise to a special form of Sudanese Hellenism, in which the Meroitic reading is traced in the concept, form and style. Such processes of combining local features with images that came from Egypt were typical for the entire history of contacts between these two Nile civilizations, the nature of the interaction as a whole was subjected to uniform laws, giving rise to a unique form of Hellenism in Meroe.

The article focuses on the origin of the image of a dragon with a serpentine body known in the early medieval antiquities of Eastern European nomads. Researchers have long been discussing such images found on the sites of the Volga region and the Urals. According to the most recent hypothesis proposed by N.A. Lifanov, these dragon figures generally match the image of ancient κyτος which was adopted as a result of the acquaintance of the steppe inhabitants with works of late antique or early Byzantine art. The present study addresses a wide range of sources allowing us to construct an alternative version of the genesis of the dragon image. The group of images of fantastic creatures associated with early Buddhist art can be found in East Turkestan. They show immediate morphological and stylistic conformity with Eastern European images. They are also similar to the figures of Sogdian mural and plastic arts. East Turkestan’s images reproduce the well-known patterns of the Buddhist art of Gandhara. Gandhara figures originate from the images of κÞτεα and other widespread in Hellenistic art of Bactria sea monsters. KÞτεα which were companions of sea deities in classical mythology were seamlessly included in the decoration of headwear of Buddha sculptures, worship or relic veneration scenes. They are often found on the architectural details of stūpas. Some believe that κÞτεα evolved from the creation of sea into the creation of sea, air, and earth in the Indo-Greek tradition. They became mediators between worlds. Finally, they could exercise some sort of soteriological function. Apparently, Turkic peoples who were actively involved in all processes that took place in Central Asia and East Turkestan could comprehend these properties. So, the κÞτεα images could be reinterpreted and integrated into their imagery.

This article aims to re-examine the frescoes in the Selvascura hermitage in Bassiano, one of the medieval pictorial contexts created in caves in Lower Lazio, both from an iconographic and stylistic point of view. In the past, the paintings aroused some attention from local connoisseurs, but they collected a barely timid interest in critical publications. The carried out research revealed the existence of a link between the iconographic choices made in the cave paintings and the Greek theological literature, especially the Heavenly Ladder of St. John Climacus, known by the Franciscan Spirituals thanks to the translations by Angelo Clareno. Therefore, it is possible to suggest a new iconological interpretation of the frescoes on the right side of the cave and to overcome the traditional approach that considered the decoration of this hermitage as a mere juxtaposition of votive panels. Furthermore, an unpublished painting inspired by one of the apologues told by Barlaam to the Indian prince Josaphat has been identified and it can be added to the small list of monumental works with this theme related to the Italian Middle Age. This paper explains also all the documents from the current archives of the Soprintendenza concerning these frescoes and their preservative history from the 70s to the 90s of the XX century. Finally, an accurate analysis of the stylistic features and the comparison with other pictorial and mosaic works from Rome and the rest of Lazio allow to date back the paintings to the period between the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century and to recognize the style of unknown artists trained in the school of Cavallini, very close to the Magister Conxolus’s lesson.

The article explains the role of extra-musical factors in the creation of the compositions, caused by the action of the art synthesis as a cross-cutting theme of the composer’s creativity in the European tradition. In the academic art, this phenomenon has acquired the status of the program method, which to some extent has directed the listeners’ perceptions. The actualization of the present topic and its predetermined task is to determine the degree of the correlation of the semantics of a new composition to its artistic original, since it is precisely on the “artistic type translation” that both the programmability and the ways of its implementation by means of the performing interpretation depend. The object of the article is the programmability as a condition of the composer’s idea; the subject is the author’s concept of “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky for the accordion, implemented in the genre-stylistic system of the individual and national-musical thinking. The purpose of the article is to identify the genre-stylistic factors of the author’s conception of the selected composition, which reflects the sound-poetic ideas about the ancient history of the native land, while forming the national memory of the modern Ukrainian. Analysis of the recent publications on the research topic. Among the fundamental works devoted to programmability, we should point out the works by V. Konen, which trace the tendency to expand the limits of programmability in music at the expense of non-musical influences, as well as those by M. Lobanova, who characterizes the synthetic genres (opera, theatre music, ballet, program symphony) in the historical dimension. G. Khutorskaya owing to the introduction of the category “interspecific translation” into the scientific circulation explains the means of the synthesis of arts in vocal compositions [5]. The interspecific interaction of the theatre, painting, dance, poetry and literature contributes to the reproduction of the complete picture of the world in music. The material for the development of the problem is the composition for the accordion called “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky, one of the bright representatives of the modern accordion school of Ukraine. Observing the author’s premieres (in particular, the accordion compositions) in the quality of a professional listener, one can state that his creativity has become an important part of the musical culture of the Slobozhanska Ukraine. As a multifaceted personality – an accordion performer, teacher, composer, and scientist – he embodies new ideas, genre-style models and corresponding techniques of the performing skills in his activities. A comprehensive analysis of the genre stylistics and a personal view of the performance dramaturgy of the interpretation of the program cycle have been given. “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky (2005), besides the program name, have a genre refinement of the “suite-notebook”, which contains the key to understanding the essence of the stated program. First, the notebook (the album) is holistic, and contains information about interrelated events of a certain era, arranged in a timeline (the linear sequence). Secondly, the pages of the notebook can be represented as the planes where the images are located – the frescoes of St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev. The most valuable decoration of the cathedral is the mural, which has been preserved for centuries and is an example of the skill and artistic taste of ancient Ukrainians. In general, St. Sophia Cathedral embodies the philosophical credo of the era with its national idea, the expression of the spirituality of the Christian worldview. There are nine parts in the suite-notebook, each with a program title. The author’s idea is realized, on the one hand, through the programmability of the picture type, when the parts of the suite cycle constitute a single composition that is associated with a multi-figured mural (with its mosaic, stained glass). It is impossible to capture it at one glance, so getting acquainted with it implies a consistent arrangement of the fragments of the whole in time. On the other hand, there is a pervasive narrative throughout the cycle: all the parts sound attacca. The pages of the chronicle seem to be expanded in the temporal axis; there is also a general logic of changing the various musical murals that is subordinate to the latent programmability: from “Intrada” to the climax in Part 8 and Part 9 an associate connection (a story line) is established. Programmability-driven musical stylistic contains repetitive segments of the author’s language focused on archaic styling. Because of the singing type of thematism, the ostinato nature and variability of the means of its development, the expanded fret and tonal nature, the mosaic principle of the stringing of the motives, and their combining. In the conclusions it is emphasized that in the program composition for the accordion A. Stashevsky skillfully realized his plan as a projection on historical, musical-performing and picture-everyday images-echo. The incarnation of the ancient history of Kievan Rus by means of the fret-harmonious, texture-timbre and compositional-dramatic means fully presents the author’s conception of the composition – the harmony of a man and history, the updating of the Past, in order to understand one’s own mental foundations, self-awareness in the national cosmos and logo.

Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gracanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory?s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateic, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint?s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ?????), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson?s xenon?s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson?s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson?s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr?s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovic (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint?s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter?s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson?s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes?s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson?s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings.

The Hellenistic tradition of funerary monuments in Early Imperial Asia Minor was based equally on both, the form and decoration of tomb monument. Figural decoration on panel reliefs or sarcophagi embodied political allegory and civic ideology together with the depiction of the deceased. Unfortunately, various free standing statues and mural paintings are nowadays consider lost, despite numerous references of ancient authors and epigraphic evidence. How much of funerary decoration should be understood in terms of traditional civic ideas of the Hellenistic world and how much in terms of Roman concept, is one of the most important issues related to the Roman sepulchral landscape in Anatolia. Early Imperial architectural forms followed hellenistic tradition while communicating Roman ideas through orientation and organization of space. Similar system of public honours that Greek cities bestowed upon their citizens and foreign benefactors in previous period (praise, crown, statue, prohedria, tafé demosia) was maintained. Architectural changes in western Asia Minor came about in the Augustan Age, reflecting the major political transformation of the empire.

This paper introduces 17th and 18th century distemper decorative paintings in Indian, and it discusses the painting technique and the painting materials used. Distemper decorative paintings from these periods are found in many countries, but seem to be less valued than oil based decorative paintings. The object of this paper is to raise awareness of the importance of these paintings and the fact that what we are looking at today differs from what the artist originally painted. The distemper paintings in Mugal periods Building as life Red fort, Taj Mahal India Gate etc. illustrate the importance of understanding altered paintings. A disappeared blue colour was detected in some of the decorative components in the wall paintings. This is believed to originally have been a green colour which would totally change the appearance of the paintings in Mugal period buildings

The purpose of the article is to discover the mural paintings of the Great Pechersk Church as the version of theology and academic sacred mural painting of the late 19th century. The research methodology is based on complex using historical and cultural analysis, art study analysis, and biographical method. Scientific novelty. It is determined that the process of creating the Old Russian image in the Great Pechersk Church (the Dormition Cathedral) began in 1880. The photo of the drawing of the ancient part of the Church made by the order of A. Prakhov in 1893, has been introduced into scientific circulation. The author studied the painting decoration as a synthesis of the academic theological thought and academic sacred mural painting, discovered its implementation in choosing topics, plots, and placement of compositions. The author gave a characteristic of the source corps on the paintings from the collection of the National Preserve “Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra”. The author researched the transformation of painting preliminary design and Byzantine Canon of the 11–12th centuries on behalf of the Holy Mother of God theme and observed the connection of the composition “Ascension of Panagia” on the tradition of monastic life in the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra. The topical and plotlines have been improved namely Christianize Old Russian is determined by one more leading topic. Conclusions. The process of creating a new mural painting in the Great Pechersk Church began still yet 1880. The detection of the ancient part of the Church contributed to the change in its painting decoration. This change was the result of the academic theological program implemented by means of academic sacred mural painting. The tradition of previous painting decoration preserved in the preliminary design end reflected one of the traditions of monastic life in the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra. The witness in Pechersk Paterikon of the compositions in the Great Church has been implemented in mural paintings. However, the academic theological opinion of the late 19th century was subordinated to the canon of 11–12th centuries not complete. The theme of the introduction of Christianity was presented in mural painting as one of the leading topics.

The purpose of the article is to investigate the theological programme, continuity and originality of the mural paintings of the Exaltation of the Precious Cross Church of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra in 1894. The research methodology is based on historical and cultural analysis, as well as art historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the study. The theological programme of the mural painting of the Cross Exaltation Church of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra in 1894 has been studied: its genesis, ideological basis, main theme, thematic plot lines, and thematic hierarchy have been determined. The continuity principle is defined as the basis of the connection between the original (the 18th century) and renewed (1894; Daniil Davydov) decoration of the Cross Exaltation Church. The pictorial compositions analogies to the paintings of the compartments of Lavra Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) according to the programme of the 1720s are observed. Secondary analogies with some compositions in the Lavra Trinity Gate Church are also indicated. Along with analogies, the differences in the thematic, compositional, and stylistic interpretation of the paintings have been investigated. The academicism features in the mural painting of 1894 have been analysed. The originality of themes and plots addition in the mural paintings with icons in the iconostasis and the altar has been revealed. Conclusions. The mural painting programme’s primary source of the Cross Exaltation Church of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra has been the programme of painting the interior of Lavra Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) in the 1720s. The renewed mural paintings of 1894 inherited the original decoration of the Cross Exaltation Church. Analogies with the paintings of the Great Church can be traced to the theme and general compositional schemes. A partial analogy to the mural painting of the Trinity Church narthex has been used as a component for another theme. Innovations in the paintings of the Cross Exaltation Church have been manifested in the formation of a peculiar thematic hierarchy, a change in compositional elements, and a transition from the baroque style to the traditions of academic sacred painting. The originality is manifested in the presentation of emotionally saturated subjects in the altar icons and paintings, due to which a calm and sublime rhythm of the wall compositions are created. Some icons are a plot addition to the murals. Several thematic lines are revealed in the mural painting, namely the sacrifice of the Saviour on the cross, the sacrifice of a man to God, the meeting of a man with God, the Divine Liturgy and Church of Christ. The main theme of the church painting decoration is the glorification of Christ’s atoning sacrifice and the Precious and Life-giving Cross of the Lord as the instrument of His victory and our salvation. The ideological basis of the mural paintings theological programme is a line from the Epistle of the Apostle Paul to the Hebrews [Hebrews 19:39–40, 20:1–2]. Keywords: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, academic painting, baroque painting, mural painting, sacral painting, Ukrainian painting, Great Church, Dormition Cathedral, Cross Exaltation Church, Holy Trinity Gate Church, Daniil Davydov.

The purpose of the article is to study the features of the classicism style in mural paintings of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra churches. The research methodology based on the complex using of historical and cultural analysis, art study one, biographical method. The scientific novelty of the study. The implementation of the classicism style in the mural painting of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra is discovered. The archival descriptions of murals, photos, cartograms have been put into scientific circulation. On the basis of records, the stylistic signs of classicism in the mural paintings of the side-altar of the St. apostle and evangelist John the Theologian of the Great Church and the interior of the Church of Nativity of the Most Holy Theotokos have been researched. It has been revealed, thanks to which principles of the construction of composition and colour, as well as specific decorative elements classicist mural paintings have been created in the compartments of these churches. On the basis of stylistic analysis and analysis of archival documents, the working hypothesis for the improvement of the attribution of mural painting of the Church of Nativity of the Most Holy Theotokos has been proposed. Its connection with the painting baroque decoration of the Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) has been observed. Conclusions. The classicism style was represented in the mural painting of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra churches in the 19th century. The murals of the side-altar of the St. Apostle and evangelist John the Theologian of the Great Church and the interior of the Church of Nativity of the Most Holy Theotokos were created in the classicism style. The painting decorations of the side-altar and the church were formed on the general principles of classicist composition, such as strict symmetry, a calm and clear rhythm, an ordered structure, and emotional restraint. The artist painted a number of elements of the classicist architecture such as caissons, elements of the Corinthian order, rust, etc. He created the illusion of bas-reliefs and stucco moulding thanks to the use of the grisaille technique. He painted illusory gilt frames of various shapes that bordered the compositions, stylized monochrome ornaments. He chose blue (the symbolic colour of the Theotokos) and shades of gray as dominants for colour. The analysis of the artistic style and records made it possible to propose the working hypothesis regarding the authorship and time of creation the murals of the Church of Nativity of the Most Holy Theotokos. They were painted, as well as murals of the side-altar of the St. Apostle John the Theologian by Kornilii Voloshynov during 1837–1838. In the mural painting of the church, in the plots and locations of the compositions there were borrowings from the baroque decoration of the Church (Dormition Cathedral).

The purpose of the article is to introduce into scientific circulation, to attribute modern compositions of the academic mural painting in the Dormition Cathedral of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, to study their genesis. The research methodology consists in the complex application of historical and cultural analysis, art study, diachronic ones, as well as empirical observation. The scientific novelty of the study. The materials of the survey and proposals for restoration (1998) the compositions of academic mural painting in the Dormition Cathedral of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra of the late 19th – early 20th centuries have been introduced into scientific circulation. The academic mural painting in the Dormition Cathedral, the 21st century, has been introduced into scientific circulation. Its attribution has been performed. The names of the artists have been introduced into scientific circulation and it has been detailed who among them is the author of the project, who painted the holy images and who painted the ornaments. The dating of the compositions in different compartments of the Cathedral and the technique of their performance have been determined. The main thematic and plot lines have been revealed. The thematic, plot, iconographic, decorative, coloristic connections of the modern academic mural painting with the murals of the late 19th – early 20th centuries and with visual records have been studied. The similarities and differences of the academic compositions of 1897–1901 and 2018–2022 have been analysed. The principle of forming the colouring of modern academic murals has been revealed. Conclusions. In the modern decoration of the Dormition Cathedral of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, the Academicism painting (1897–1901) is presented in the apse of the southern nave (diaconicon). In this compartment, authentic fragments of academic compositions have been restored, the painting system has been revived based on archival photos, and some new academic compositions have been introduced to it. Mural paintings have been performed by artists under the supervision of Oleksandr Pashkovskyi in 2018–2019. They also performed new murals in the academic tradition in the altar part of side-altar of the Saint Apostle Andrew the First Called in the southern part of choirs in 2020–2021. In the northern part of the choirs, paintings have been started and then suspended in 2022. In the new murals complex the artists cite in extenso or in part the compositions of the late 19th – early 20th centuries using archival photos. The murals have been performed in mixed techniques: holy images in oil, ornaments in acrylic paints. The composition ‘Glorification of Theotokos’ differs in the techniques; it is painted with oil on canvas. In the modern interpretation, the cited compositions can keep or change the primary location. The colouring of the new murals is formed on the basis of fragments of authentic compositions. A considerable part of the decoration is occupied by stylised ornaments as well as in murals of 1897–1901. The new and primary mural painting combine same academic principles of visual language, iconographic and colour principles, thematic and plot lines. Same general thematic lines are such as Theotokos theme, the theme of the Last Judgment, the Christianization of Ancient Rus, images of the saints of Ancient Rus and saints associated with the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra. Keywords: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, academic painting, mural painting, sacral painting, Ukrainian painting, Dormition Cathedral.

The purpose of the article is to discover the issue of creating the Byzantine iconostasis in the artistic decoration of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra in the 19th – early 20th centuries a case study of the Great Pechersk Church (the Dormition Cathedral). The methodology is based on complex using historical and cultural analysis, and art study analysis. Scientific novelty. Milestones of creating the Byzantine style iconostasis in the Dormition Cathedral during the 19th – Early 20th centuries have been discovered. The cultural and artistic basis for implementing the idea of Byzantine iconostasis in 1845–1847, 1890–1900s has been revealed according to the text and visual records introduced into scientific circulation. The dominant role of the main iconostasis for the image of side-altars’ new iconostasis has been determined. The conservatism of religious personages who wanted to preserve the features of the previous iconostasis (height, number of tiers, the old icons, etc.) has been proved. It is determined that the sacred value of some icons was more important as a stylistic priority and it barely led to the replacement of the material of the iconostasis (silver instead of marble that traditional for Byzantine iconostases). Published photos of the Big iconostasis and the approved draft of the main iconostasis with the author of autographs (photos from the collection of the National Reserve “Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra”). It has been found out distinguished Ukrainian art historian H. Pavlutskyi in one of them. The autonomy of the iconostases style of the mural paintings style in the Great Pechersk Church decoration has been proved. Conclusions. The attempt to realize the idea of the Byzantine iconostasis in the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Great Church in 1845–1847 created a precedent of the inconsistency of the artistic style of iconostasis and mural painting. The Byzantine style iconostasis hypothetically could exist in the spacious Baroque plastic art. Conversely, the complex of Baroque iconostases existed independently of the wall form performed in accordance with the Byzantine tradition at the turn of the 19th and the 20th century. The polemic pointed around the main iconostasis, a new іmage of other iconostases designed in a complex with it. The baroque tradition was implemented in the new iconostasis projects. The monks perceived a change in mural paintings but they considered some icons by sacral constants in the Great Church. The Big iconostasis without upper tiers with the Byzantine cross was the victory of the Baroque tradition. The preservation of Baroque iconostases was a testimony of their stylistic autonomy from the mural painting decorated in Byzantine style. Key words: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, Byzantine art, Baroque art, iconostasis, sacral mural painting, KyivPechersk Lavra, Dormition Cathedral.

The purpose of the article is to introduce into scientific circulation documents presenting the factual system of sacred compositions 1897 – 1901 in the interior of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Dormition Cathedral (Great Church). The research methodology is synthesis of historical and cultural analysis, as well as art study analysis. Scientific novelty. The author has introduced the album of drawings by the artist Andrii Lakov into scientific circulation: “V. І. Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine. Lakov A. A. The album of plans and detailed drawings the inside of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Great Church showing the locations of sacred images. 1905. Paper, mixed technique. 19 sheets”. Based on this document, the author has performed three research tasks using examples. First, she reconstructed the system of sacral murals of the Church’s compartment. Second, she revealed the difference between the project and the actual mural. Third, she improved and determined the location of a number of compositions. The author has revealed the important theoretical and practical significance of the album as a presentation of the factual system of sacred compositions of 1897 – 1901 in the interior of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Great Church (Dormition Cathedral). Conclusions. The album of drawings by the artist Andriі Lakov (1905) presents the factual system of sacral mural painting of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) of the late 19th – early 20th century. The album permits the determination of the compositions’ location on architectural surface. It is the evidence that artists partially changed the project in terms of the location of some compositions. This album provides an opportunity for the authentic historical reconstruction of the Cathedral’s painting decoration. Keywords: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, sacral mural painting, Ukrainian painting, Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, Great Church, Dormition Cathedral, Andrii Lakov.

The purpose of the article is to present the visual sources of the original Baroque mural paintings of the Dormition Cathedral, as well as to discover the reason for the absence of murals in some compartments of the upper tier before 1843. The research methodology is based on historical, cultural analysis, and art study analysis. Scientific novelty. The author specifies which compartments of the upper tier in the Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) remained without paintings until the 1840s. The reason (the confidentiality of preservation of the Lavra treasury) for which these compartments were not painted in the late 1720s-1730, in 1772-1777 is established. The author reveals and attributes the compositions of the original Baroque decoration of the Church painted in the late 1720s-1730, and conducted the art historical analysis. Conclusions. According to archival documents, the upper side-altars of the Saint Apostle Andrew the First Called (altar part), of the Transfiguration of the Lord (altar part), of the Venerable Anthony of Pechersk and of the Venerable Theodosius of Pechersk were not painted in the 18th century. The absence of murals in these compartments was due to the will to have secret places to keep the Lavra treasures. Fragments of the compositions in the photos (1898; the collection at the National Preserve “Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra”) are murals of the Great Church of the late 1720s – 1730. Key words: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, sacral mural painting, Ukrainian Baroque painting, Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, Dormition Cathedral.

The purpose of the article is to study the factor of traditionalism in the development of the complex of murals of the Great Church (the Dormition Cathedral) in the 18th – 21st centuries. The research methodology is based on historical, cultural and art historical analysis. Scientific novelty of the study. Traditionalism is defined as a factor in the development of mural painting of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra’s Great Church (the Dormition Cathedral) in the 1720s–2020s. The author reveals that traditionality was implemented in the principle of continuity in the formation of new murals. The imitation of a number of thematic and narrative lines of the seventeenth-century murals in the decorations of the 1720s, as well as the murals of the 1720s and 1770s in the compositions of 1811 and the decorations of the late nineteenth century is studied. The author proves that the main visual source of the reconstruction of the twenty-first century painting was not the painting of the 1720s but of 1840-1843 and some compositions of the 1770s and 1811. The change in the location of traditional subjects is identified as one of the means of innovation in the programmes of new paintings. The continuity of a wide range of compositions, including the themes of the Baptism of Rus and the Pechersk Monastery, is traced. Conclusions. Traditionalism had a significant impact on the development of the monumental painting of the Great Assumption Church in the 18th-21st century. The programmes of the new paintings of the 1720s and especially of 1894 show the imitation of thematic and narrative lines from the previous paintings. During the renovation of the entire church interior (1772–1777, 1840–1843) and exterior (1809), as well as the renovation of certain compositions (for example, in 1811), he imitation of paintings was almost unchanged (this was a requirement of the Kyiv metropolitans). According to the principle of continuity in the XXI century, artists created a baroque image of the Great Church, using archival sources of paintings from 1840-1843, 1811, and 1772-1777. The continuity provided a historical connection between the murals of different centuries in the Dormition Cathedral. Key words: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, sacred monumental painting, Ukrainian painting, Kyiv‑Pechersk Lavra, Dormition Cathedral.

AbstractAegae, the first capital of the Macedonians, in Northern Greece, is being excavated since 1938. The most impressive finds come from the unlooted tombs of the Great Tumulus, where the grave of Philip II, father of Alexander the Great, was discovered. Not far from the Great Tumulus, in the “Tumuli cemetery”, the most ancient part of the graveyard (1000-700 B.C.), recent excavations brought to light three looted graves dated in the mid-fourth century B.C., with very interesting finds such as weapons, gilded wreaths, pieces of jewelry, remains of decoration of wooden furniture, ceramic vases broken in small pieces and wall paintings. This paper describes studies carried out on the binding and the painting materials used for the decoration of the above wall paintings and ceramic vases. The characterization was performed through Optical Microscopy, Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy (FTIR) and Scanning Microscopy (SEM-EDS). It was found that the fresco technique was used, while all the pigments were identified. The results are discussed and related with other findings in that period in the Greek area

AbstractPrevious studies have established the use of various blue pigments, including both local and imported varieties, in the decoration of architecture in ancient China. However, the application of these pigments in local religious architecture has been understudied. In this study, the chemical analysis of ultramarine blue pigments was conducted on a mural painting retrieved from Yongle Taoist Temple in ancient China. The results showed that both imported and local pigments were used individually in the initial drawing period of the Yuan Dynasty (AD 1271‐1368), while they were mixed in a later restoration in the Qing Dynasty (AD 1636‐1912). Of particular significance, the analysis revealed the presence of lapis lazuli in a local religious relic of the Yuan Dynasty for the first time. Further analysis of the elemental proportions and associated minerals led to speculation about the origin of the lapis lazuli, which is believed to have come from Badakhshan, the north‐eastern region of Afghanistan, and been transported to Central China through the Silk Road. This finding shed light on the trade routes and usage of these pigments in the construction of religious architecture from the Yuan to the Qing dynasties.

Introduction Explorations of the multimedia game format within cultural studies have been broadly approached from two perspectives: one -- the impact of technologies on user interaction particularly with regard to social implications, and the other -- human computer interactions within the framework of cybercultures. Another approach to understanding or speaking about games within cultural studies is to focus on the game experience as cultural practice -- as an activity or an event. In this article I wish to initiate an exploration of the aesthetics of player space as a distinctive element of the gameplay experience. In doing so I propose that an understanding of aesthetic spatial issues as an element of player interactivity and engagement is important for understanding the cultural practice of adventure gameplay. In approaching these questions, I am focussing on the single-player exploration adventure game in particular Myst and The Crystal Key. In describing these games as adventures I am drawing on Chris Crawford's The Art of Computer Game Design, which although a little dated, focusses on game design as a distinct activity. He brings together a theoretical approach with extensive experience as a game designer himself (Excalibur, Legionnaire, Gossip). Whilst at Atari he also worked with Brenda Laurel, a key theorist in the area of computer design and dramatic structure. Adventure games such as Myst and The Crystal Key might form a sub-genre in Chris Crawford's taxonomy of computer game design. Although they use the main conventions of the adventure game -- essentially a puzzle to be solved with characters within a story context -- the main focus and source of pleasure for the player is exploration, particularly the exploration of worlds or cosmologies. The main gameplay of both games is to travel through worlds solving clues, picking up objects, and interacting with other characters. In Myst the player has to solve the riddle of the world they have entered -- as the CD-ROM insert states "Now you're here, wherever here is, with no option but to explore." The goal, as the player must work out, is to release the father Atrus from prison by bringing magic pages of a book to different locations in the worlds. Hints are offered by broken-up, disrupted video clips shown throughout the game. In The Crystal Key, the player as test pilot has to save a civilisation by finding clues, picking up objects, mending ships and defeating an opponent. The questions foregrounded by a focus on the aesthetics of navigation are: What types of representational context are being set up? What choices have designers made about representational context? How are the players positioned within these spaces? What are the implications for the player's sense of orientation and navigation? Architectural Fabrication For the ancient Greeks, painting was divided into two categories: magalography (the painting of great things) and rhyparography (the painting of small things). Magalography covered mythological and historical scenes, which emphasised architectural settings, the human figure and grand landscapes. Rhyparography referred to still lifes and objects. In adventure games, particularly those that attempt to construct a cosmology such as Myst and The Crystal Key, magalography and rhyparography collide in a mix of architectural monumentality and obsessive detailing of objects. For the ancient Greeks, painting was divided into two categories: magalography (the painting of great things) and rhyparography (the painting of small things). Magalography covered mythological and historical scenes, which emphasised architectural settings, the human figure and grand landscapes. Rhyparography referred to still lifes and objects. In adventure games, particularly those that attempt to construct a cosmology such as Myst and The Crystal Key, magalography and rhyparography collide in a mix of architectural monumentality and obsessive detailing of objects. The creation of a digital architecture in adventure games mimics the Pompeii wall paintings with their interplay of extruded and painted features. In visualising the space of a cosmology, the environment starts to be coded like the urban or built environment with underlying geometry and textured surface or dressing. In The Making of Myst (packaged with the CD-ROM) Chuck Carter, the artist on Myst, outlines the process of creating Myst Island through painting the terrain in grey scale then extruding the features and adding textural render -- a methodology that lends itself to a hybrid of architectural and painted geometry. Examples of external architecture and of internal room design can be viewed online. In the spatial organisation of the murals of Pompeii and later Rome, orthogonals converged towards several vertical axes showing multiple points of view simultaneously. During the high Renaissance, notions of perspective developed into a more formal system known as the construzione legittima or legitimate construction. This assumed a singular position of the on-looker standing in the same place as that occupied by the artist when the painting was constructed. In Myst there is an exaggeration of the underlying structuring technique of the construzione legittima with its emphasis on geometry and mathematics. The player looks down at a slight angle onto the screen from a fixed vantage point and is signified as being within the cosmological expanse, either in off-screen space or as the cursor. Within the cosmology, the island as built environment appears as though viewed through an enlarging lens, creating the precision and coldness of a Piero della Francesca painting. Myst mixes flat and three-dimensional forms of imagery on the same screen -- the flat, sketchy portrayal of the trees of Myst Island exists side-by-side with the monumental architectural buildings and landscape design structures created in Macromodel. This image shows the flat, almost expressionistic trees of Myst Island juxtaposed with a fountain rendered in high detail. This recalls the work of Giotto in the Arena chapel. In Joachim's Dream, objects and buildings have depth, but trees, plants and sky -- the space in-between objects -- is flat. Myst Island conjures up the realm of a magic, realist space with obsolete artefacts, classic architectural styles (the Albert Hall as the domed launch pad, the British Museum as the library, the vernacular cottage in the wood), mechanical wonders, miniature ships, fountains, wells, macabre torture instruments, ziggurat-like towers, symbols and odd numerological codes. Adam Mates describes it as "that beautiful piece of brain-deadening sticky-sweet eye-candy" but more than mere eye-candy or graphic verisimilitude, it is the mix of cultural ingredients and signs that makes Myst an intriguing place to play. The buildings in The Crystal Key, an exploratory adventure game in a similar genre to Myst, celebrate the machine aesthetic and modernism with Buckminster Fuller style geodesic structures, the bombe shape, exposed ducting, glass and steel, interiors with movable room partitions and abstract expressionist decorations. An image of one of these modernist structures is available online. The Crystal Key uses QuickTime VR panoramas to construct the exterior and interior spaces. Different from the sharp detail of Myst's structures, the focus changes from sharp in wide shot to soft focus in close up, with hot-spot objects rendered in trompe l'oeil detail. The Tactility of Objects "The aim of trompe l'oeil -- using the term in its widest sense and applying it to both painting and objects -- is primarily to puzzle and to mystify" (Battersby 19). In the 15th century, Brunelleschi invented a screen with central apparatus in order to obtain exact perspective -- the monocular vision of the camera obscura. During the 17th century, there was a renewed interest in optics by the Dutch artists of the Rembrandt school (inspired by instruments developed for Dutch seafaring ventures), in particular Vermeer, Hoogstraten, de Hooch and Dou. Gerard Dou's painting of a woman chopping onions shows this. These artists were experimenting with interior perspective and trompe l'oeil in order to depict the minutia of the middle-class, domestic interior. Within these luminous interiors, with their receding tiles and domestic furniture, is an elevation of the significance of rhyparography. In the Girl Chopping Onions of 1646 by Gerard Dou the small things are emphasised -- the group of onions, candlestick holder, dead fowl, metal pitcher, and bird cage. Trompe l'oeil as an illusionist strategy is taken up in the worlds of Myst, The Crystal Key and others in the adventure game genre. Traditionally, the fascination of trompe l'oeil rests upon the tension between the actual painting and the scam; the physical structures and the faux painted structures call for the viewer to step closer to wave at a fly or test if the glass had actually broken in the frame. Mirian Milman describes trompe l'oeil painting in the following manner: "the repertory of trompe-l'oeil painting is made up of obsessive elements, it represents a reality immobilised by nails, held in the grip of death, corroded by time, glimpsed through half-open doors or curtains, containing messages that are sometimes unreadable, allusions that are often misunderstood, and a disorder of seemingly familiar and yet remote objects" (105). Her description could be a scene from Myst with in its suggestion of theatricality, rich texture and illusionistic play of riddle or puzzle. In the trompe l'oeil painterly device known as cartellino, niches and recesses in the wall are represented with projecting elements and mock bas-relief. This architectural trickery is simulated in the digital imaging of extruded and painting elements to give depth to an interior or an object. Other techniques common to trompe l'oeil -- doors, shadowy depths and staircases, half opened cupboard, and paintings often with drapes and curtains to suggest a layering of planes -- are used throughout Myst as transition points. In the trompe l'oeil paintings, these transition points were often framed with curtains or drapes that appeared to be from the spectator space -- creating a painting of a painting effect. Myst is rich in this suggestion of worlds within worlds through the framing gesture afforded by windows, doors, picture frames, bookcases and fireplaces. Views from a window -- a distant landscape or a domestic view, a common device for trompe l'oeil -- are used in Myst to represent passageways and transitions onto different levels. Vertical space is critical for extending navigation beyond the horizontal through the terraced landscape -- the tower, antechamber, dungeon, cellars and lifts of the fictional world. Screen shots show the use of the curve, light diffusion and terracing to invite the player. In The Crystal Key vertical space is limited to the extent of the QTVR tilt making navigation more of a horizontal experience. Out-Stilling the Still Dutch and Flemish miniatures of the 17th century give the impression of being viewed from above and through a focussing lens. As Mastai notes: "trompe l'oeil, therefore is not merely a certain kind of still life painting, it should in fact 'out-still' the stillest of still lifes" (156). The intricate detailing of objects rendered in higher resolution than the background elements creates a type of hyper-reality that is used in Myst to emphasise the physicality and actuality of objects. This ultimately enlarges the sense of space between objects and codes them as elements of significance within the gameplay. The obsessive, almost fetishistic, detailed displays of material artefacts recall the curiosity cabinets of Fabritius and Hoogstraten. The mechanical world of Myst replicates the Dutch 17th century fascination with the optical devices of the telescope, the convex mirror and the prism, by coding them as key signifiers/icons in the frame. In his peepshow of 1660, Hoogstraten plays with an enigma and optical illusion of a Dutch domestic interior seen as though through the wrong end of a telescope. Using the anamorphic effect, the image only makes sense from one vantage point -- an effect which has a contemporary counterpart in the digital morphing widely used in adventure games. The use of crumbled or folded paper standing out from the plane surface of the canvas was a recurring motif of the Vanitas trompe l'oeil paintings. The highly detailed representation and organisation of objects in the Vanitas pictures contained the narrative or symbology of a religious or moral tale. (As in this example by Hoogstraten.) In the cosmology of Myst and The Crystal Key, paper contains the narrative of the back-story lovingly represented in scrolls, books and curled paper messages. The entry into Myst is through the pages of an open book, and throughout the game, books occupy a privileged position as holders of stories and secrets that are used to unlock the puzzles of the game. Myst can be read as a Dantesque, labyrinthine journey with its rich tapestry of images, its multi-level historical associations and battle of good and evil. Indeed the developers, brothers Robyn and Rand Miller, had a fertile background to draw on, from a childhood spent travelling to Bible churches with their nondenominational preacher father. The Diorama as System Event The diorama (story in the round) or mechanical exhibit invented by Daguerre in the 19th century created a mini-cosmology with player anticipation, action and narrative. It functioned as a mini-theatre (with the spectator forming the fourth wall), offering a peek into mini-episodes from foreign worlds of experience. The Musée Mechanique in San Francisco has dioramas of the Chinese opium den, party on the captain's boat, French execution scenes and ghostly graveyard episodes amongst its many offerings, including a still showing an upper class dancing party called A Message from the Sea. These function in tandem with other forbidden pleasures of the late 19th century -- public displays of the dead, waxwork museums and kinetescope flip cards with their voyeuristic "What the Butler Saw", and "What the Maid Did on Her Day Off" tropes. Myst, along with The 7th Guest, Doom and Tomb Raider show a similar taste for verisimilitude and the macabre. However, the pre-rendered scenes of Myst and The Crystal Key allow for more diorama like elaborate and embellished details compared to the emphasis on speed in the real-time-rendered graphics of the shoot-'em-ups. In the gameplay of adventure games, animated moments function as rewards or responsive system events: allowing the player to navigate through the seemingly solid wall; enabling curtains to be swung back, passageways to appear, doors to open, bookcases to disappear. These short sequences resemble the techniques used in mechanical dioramas where a coin placed in the slot enables a curtain or doorway to open revealing a miniature narrative or tableau -- the closure of the narrative resulting in the doorway shutting or the curtain being pulled over again. These repeating cycles of contemplation-action-closure offer the player one of the rewards of the puzzle solution. The sense of verisimilitude and immersion in these scenes is underscored by the addition of sound effects (doors slamming, lifts creaking, room atmosphere) and music. Geographic Locomotion Static imagery is the standard backdrop of the navigable space of the cosmology game landscape. Myst used a virtual camera around a virtual set to create a sequence of still camera shots for each point of view. The use of the still image lends itself to a sense of the tableauesque -- the moment frozen in time. These tableauesque moments tend towards the clean and anaesthetic, lacking any evidence of the player's visceral presence or of other human habitation. The player's navigation from one tableau screen to the next takes the form of a 'cyber-leap' or visual jump cut. These jumps -- forward, backwards, up, down, west, east -- follow on from the geographic orientation of the early text-based adventure games. In their graphic form, they reveal a new framing angle or point of view on the scene whilst ignoring the rules of classical continuity editing. Games such as The Crystal Key show the player's movement through space (from one QTVR node to another) by employing a disorientating fast zoom, as though from the perspective of a supercharged wheelchair. Rather than reconciling the player to the state of movement, this technique tends to draw attention to the technologies of the programming apparatus. The Crystal Key sets up a meticulous screen language similar to filmic dramatic conventions then breaks its own conventions by allowing the player to jump out of the crashed spaceship through the still intact window. The landscape in adventure games is always partial, cropped and fragmented. The player has to try and map the geographical relationship of the environment in order to understand where they are and how to proceed (or go back). Examples include selecting the number of marker switches on the island to receive Atrus's message and the orientation of Myst's tower in the library map to obtain key clues. A screenshot shows the arrival point in Myst from the dock. In comprehending the landscape, which has no centre, the player has to create a mental map of the environment by sorting significant connecting elements into chunks of spatial elements similar to a Guy Debord Situationist map. Playing the Flaneur The player in Myst can afford to saunter through the landscape, meandering at a more leisurely pace that would be possible in a competitive shoot-'em-up, behaving as a type of flaneur. The image of the flaneur as described by Baudelaire motions towards fin de siècle decadence, the image of the socially marginal, the dispossessed aristocrat wandering the urban landscape ready for adventure and unusual exploits. This develops into the idea of the artist as observer meandering through city spaces and using the power of memory in evoking what is observed for translation into paintings, writing or poetry. In Myst, the player as flaneur, rather than creating paintings or writing, is scanning the landscape for clues, witnessing objects, possible hints and pick-ups. The numbers in the keypad in the antechamber, the notes from Atrus, the handles on the island marker, the tower in the forest and the miniature ship in the fountain all form part of a mnemomic trompe l'oeil. A screenshot shows the path to the library with one of the island markers and the note from Atrus. In the world of Myst, the player has no avatar presence and wanders around a seemingly unpeopled landscape -- strolling as a tourist venturing into the unknown -- creating and storing a mental map of objects and places. In places these become items for collection -- cultural icons with an emphasised materiality. In The Crystal Key iconography they appear at the bottom of the screen pulsing with relevance when active. A screenshot shows a view to a distant forest with the "pick-ups" at the bottom of the screen. This process of accumulation and synthesis suggests a Surrealist version of Joseph Cornell's strolls around Manhattan -- collecting, shifting and organising objects into significance. In his 1982 taxonomy of game design, Chris Crawford argues that without competition these worlds are not really games at all. That was before the existence of the Myst adventure sub-genre where the pleasures of the flaneur are a particular aspect of the gameplay pleasures outside of the rules of win/loose, combat and dominance. By turning the landscape itself into a pathway of significance signs and symbols, Myst, The Crystal Key and other games in the sub-genre offer different types of pleasures from combat or sport -- the pleasures of the stroll -- the player as observer and cultural explorer. References Battersby, M. Trompe L'Oeil: The Eye Deceived. New York: St. Martin's, 1974. Crawford, C. The Art of Computer Game Design. Original publication 1982, book out of print. 15 Oct. 2000 <http://members.nbci.com/kalid/art/art.php>. Darley Andrew. Visual Digital Culture: Surface Play and Spectacle in New Media Genres. London: Routledge, 2000. Lunenfeld, P. Digital Dialectic: New Essays on New Media. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P 1999. Mates, A. Effective Illusory Worlds: A Comparative Analysis of Interfaces in Contemporary Interactive Fiction. 1998. 15 Oct. 2000 <http://www.wwa.com/~mathes/stuff/writings>. Mastai, M. L. d'Orange. Illusion in Art, Trompe L'Oeil: A History of Pictorial Illusion. New York: Abaris, 1975. Miller, Robyn and Rand. "The Making of Myst." Myst. Cyan and Broderbund, 1993. Milman, M. Trompe-L'Oeil: The Illusion of Reality. New York: Skira Rizzoli, 1982. Murray, J. Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997. Wertheim, M. The Pearly Gates of Cyberspace: A History of Cyberspace from Dante to the Internet. Sydney: Doubleday, 1999. Game References 7th Guest. Trilobyte, Inc., distributed by Virgin Games, 1993. Doom. Id Software, 1992. Excalibur. Chris Crawford, 1982. Myst. Cyan and Broderbund, 1993. Tomb Raider. Core Design and Eidos Interactive, 1996. The Crystal Key. Dreamcatcher Interactive, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Bernadette Flynn. "Towards an Aesthetics of Navigation -- Spatial Organisation in the Cosmology of the Adventure Game." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.5 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/navigation.php>. Chicago style: Bernadette Flynn, "Towards an Aesthetics of Navigation -- Spatial Organisation in the Cosmology of the Adventure Game," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 5 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/navigation.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Bernadette Flynn. (2000) Towards an aesthetics of navigation -- spatial organisation in the cosmology of the adventure game. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(5). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/navigation.php> ([your date of access]).

The question of colour in architecture offers many potential points of entry. Taking an historical standpoint, one could discuss the use of bright colour in ancient Greek and Roman architecture, the importance of brilliantly coloured mosaic and stained glass to sacred architecture in the Byzantine and medieval periods, and the primacy of colour in non-Western architectural traditions both ancient and modern. It would be possible to trace prohibitions against the use of applied colour, derived from late 18th century notions of architectural morality—ideals demanding authenticity, honesty and directness in the expression of structure, function and materials. This puritan strand could be pursued into the modern movement, to its quasi-pathological attachment to whiteness.1 It would also be possible to note a trend which ran counter to dominant modernist attitudes to colour, in the eclectic 'neon historicism' of so-called 'post-modernist' architecture. But while it would be remiss of me not to acknowledge the history of colour in architecture in passing, it has been well addressed elsewhere, and is in any case outside the scope of this paper.2 What is significant is that this history is marked throughout by many of the same, largely unspoken, prohibitions against colour that can be traced across other cultural realms—that which David Batchelor has described as a history of 'chromophobia'. As Batchelor writes; 'Chromophobia manifests itself in the many and varied attempts to purge colour from culture, to diminish its significance, to deny its complexity…. [T]his purging of colour is usually accomplished in one of two ways. In the first, colour is made out to be the property of some 'foreign' body—usually the feminine, the oriental, the primitive, the infantile, the vulgar, the queer or the pathological. In the second, colour is relegated to the realm of the superficial, the supplementary, the inessential or the cosmetic. In one, colour is regarded as alien and therefore dangerous; in the other it is perceived merely as a secondary quantity of experience, and thus unworthy or serious consideration.'3 Numerous examples of the attempt to 'purge' colour can be identified throughout the history of architecture in the modern period. The mode of chromophobia particular to architecture may be summarised thus: colour in architecture has been associated with illusion and frivolity, and thus with decoration—it has been seen as being excess or supplementary to 'real' architecture.4 Discussions of colour in architecture can never be completely distinguished from discussions of ornament, or of materials and materiality. Colour is not necessarily a problem in itself—it is acceptable, for instance, when it is inherent to the material or to its weathering process, as in the bright green of copper verdigris. It is the application of colour, in the form of paint or stain, that raises questions of authenticity. The importance of surface and colour have been consistently made subordinate to architectural form; and the idea that colour is acceptable in interiors but not exteriors is merely the expression of another hierarchy, linking and demoting the trivial, contingent, feminised interior in favour of universal, masculinized, heroic external form. In the modern period, a work of 'serious' Architecture (as opposed to vernacular, commercial, or 'popular' architecture) has most often either been white, or coloured in the subdued palette afforded by the inherent characteristics of 'natural' materials.5 This is nowhere more true than in institutional architecture generally, and museum architecture in particular. Museums and their stake in the neutral monochrome The museum as an institution has traditionally functioned as a symbol of the establishment and its authority, a symbolic role often expressed in conventionally monumental architecture. This monumentality has, in turn, been reinforced by prestigious materials: much of the dignity and status of institutional architecture is taken from materials valued for their expense, rarity, or durability.6 Museum buildings are required to last, and thus they must not only use enduring materials, but materials which demonstrate their durability by being self-finishing in their natural, apparently neutral, state. The very idea that 'natural' materials are also somehow 'neutral' opens onto another, more ideological investment that the museum has in avoiding colour. Museums have long held a stake in the idea of an objective stance, and maintained the pretence of an unmediated presentation of historical fact. The notion of the museum as 'white cube' embodies all of this—the idea of the white cube, with its aformal form and achromatic colour, signifies purity and transcendence. Just as the whiteness of modern architecture was a continuation of the hygienic whiteness of doctor's coat, bathroom tiles, and hospital walls, the whiteness of the museum signifies clinical objectivity.7 It also, perhaps more significantly, stands for the ideal of the tabula rasa, the clean slate upon which the documentary evidence of art, history, or any other metanarrative could be methodically examined and arranged. For the museum, abandoning the neutrality of its public presentation may also mean a symbolic abandonment of objectivity. It would mean, if not a surrender to partiality, at least the admission of partiality—and the renunciation of universal whiteness for the specificities of colour. In the modern period, applied colour can never be neutral, but is read as mask, disguise, or stain. In the postmodern period, the discourse of the 'new museology' has challenged and discredited many of the ideological complicities of the idea of the museum as 'white box', linked as they are with a suspiciously absolutist rhetoric of abstract purity. Museums have increasingly begun to render explicit their role in the re-presentation of history, and to work at recontextualising ideas and artefacts. But even if a critical and self-reflexive stance is now more common in museological practice, it has taken much longer to begin to inform museum architecture. It would be a very courageous museum indeed that was willing to cash in all of the chips of its cultural authority, of which prestigious monumental architecture is a particularly powerful source. Most museums are still, if not white, at least respectably neutral, inside and out. But not so the National Museum of Australia (NMA). This museum, in its polychromatic formal complexity, could hardly be further from a 'white cube' museum. The National Museum of Australia: flirting with the flippant The NMA is housed in a loud and gregarious building. From its controversial strategy of literally appropriating elements from other canonical modernist works, through the coded messages of the Braille patterns on its surface, to the device of the extruded string and red 'knot' which passes through and around the building's form, it is relentless in its challenge to conventional institutional architecture. This is nowhere more true than in its colouration—there is hardly a neutral tone in sight. For that matter, there is hardly a 'natural' material in sight either—the majority of the building is constructed from pre-formed aluminium panelling in grey, yellow, red and khaki, crossed in places by sweeping calligraphic symbols.8 The dramatic aerial loop at the museum's entry is white and bright orange. There are walls of black dimpled pre-formed concrete, blue painted poles (get it?), a 'Mexican wave' of multicoloured steel sheets, and of course the richly cacophonous Garden of Australia Dreams. There are also some deliberate plays on colour symbolism—Le Corbusier's gleaming white modernist classic, the Villa Savoye, is reversed and reconstituted in black, corrugated steel. The fact that this forms part of the Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies is a hint of the building's clear, even dangerously frank, employment of colour symbolism. Given the architects previous work, we can safely assume that in this case, as elsewhere in the building, the choice of colours is calculated for maximum rhetorical effect. But I am less concerned here with the specific ploys of the architects than with the ways in which the building's reception has been conditioned by its employment of colour, specifically the ways in which it has been construed as populist. The NMA has polarised the architectural community in Australia. While much of the comment directed at the building has centred around its contravention of standards of taste and propriety in civic architecture, I would argue that this is only the symptom of a deeper reaction against its apparent frivolity, as signified most strongly by its colour. This is exemplified in a critique of the building by Stephen Frith, a respected Canberra academic. Concluding a polemical review in the Canberra Times, Frith asks: But why such tongue-lashings and breast-beatings over what has quickly established itself as a happy theme park to mediocrity? Surely its condoning of the ruthless kitsch of petty capitalism in its imagery and finishes provides for some spectre of merit? The problem becomes one of the civic domain in which architecture and its rhetoric is interpreted. For a supposedly public work, the museum is an intensely private building, privately encoded with in-jokes, and in the end hugely un-funny... The confection of cheap cladding and plasterboard is a spurious sideshow of magpie borrowings passing themselves off as cultural reference...9 Everything in this passage decries what Frith reads as the NMA's verisimilitude of popularity - the reference to theme-parks, sideshows, commercialism - a confection constructed with poor quality materials and finishes, which nevertheless flirts 'pretentiously' with the canon of modern architecture. To Frith the building reads not as a cheap and cheerful reflection of the Australian vernacular, but as a demeaning attempt to raise a laugh from the elite at the expense of the uncomprehending masses. His complaint is thus two-fold—that the building has insufficient gravitas, and that this is compounded rather than redeemed by the fact that it is not truly popular at all, but rather 'intensely private'. There is an important distinction to be made here, then, between 'populism' and 'popularity'. Populism has the negative connotation of deliberately seeking popular acceptance at the cost of quality, intellectual rigour, or formal aesthetic value. 'Popularity' still retains its more neutral modern sense, either of actual public involvement, or of things that are socially recognised as popular. In architecture, populism is already hedged about with prohibitions springing from the idea that a deliberately populist architecture is somehow fraudulent. A piece of serious, civic, monumental architecture should neither set out expressly to be popular, nor to look like it is, so the logic goes: if a work of high architecture happens to gain popular acclaim, then that is a happy accident. But there are significant reasons why such popularity must be seen to be incidental to other, more lofty concerns. Given that colour is seen to be 'popular', a highly coloured building is thus assumed to be 'lowering' itself in order to appeal to popular taste. Old systems of thought endure, and both museums and architecture are each subject to an unspoken hierarchy that still sees 'populism', if not actual popularity, as inferior. Conclusions: colour as the sign of a critical engagement But there is another possible reading of the NMA's apparent populism. I would argue that the building in fact presents and problematises the question of popularity in formal architectural terms. This leads to a proposition: that there is a 'look' of populism that exists independently of any intended or actual popularity, or even a connection with popular culture. I would argue that the NMA opens an elaborate play on this 'look' of the popular, and that it does so by manipulating certain key aesthetic devices: literal and figurative elements, visual jokes, non-orthogonal forms, and most significantly, bright and mixed colour. Such devices carry a weight of expectation and association, they cause a building to be read or socially recognised as being populist, largely as a result of pre-existing dichotomies between 'high' and 'low' art. In this conception the NMA, turning the modernist prohibition on its head, uses colour as the deliberately frivolous disguise of a profoundly serious intent. Rather than concealing the absence of meaning, it conceals an overabundance of meaning—a despairing accumulation of piled up allegories, codes and fragments. It is thus deeply ironic that the NMA has been read as a light, flippant, and populist confection, since I would argue that it could hardly be further from being those things. Rather than taking the usual path, of seeking cultural authority through allusion to traditional monumental architecture, the NMA makes perverse references to the seemingly trivial, commercial, and populist. The reasons why the architects might want the building to be (mis)read in this way are complex. But by renouncing the aesthetic trappings of a serious institution, the NMA reveals the very superficiality of such trappings. Furthermore, by renouncing the 'look of authority' in favour of colour, frivolity, and apparent populism, it introduces a note of doubt. Could the building, and thus the institution - a national museum, remember, charged with representing the nation and placed in the national capital - really be as flippant as it seems? Or is there some more subtle game afoot, a subversive questioning of accepted notions of Australian national history and national identity? I would argue that this is so. In the NMA, then, colour is the sign of a critical engagement. It positions the building itself as a discourse or discussion, not only of architectural colour as conferring inferiority and flippancy, but of a lack of colour as conferring authority and legitimacy. Of course, it is precisely because of architecture's history of chromophobia that colour can itself become a tool for subversiveness, provide an invitation to alternative readings, and collapse unspoken hierarchies. In this respect, the colour in and of the NMA provides an emblem of that which has long been marginalised in architecture, and in culture more generally. Notes 1. Mark Wigley writes that the primacy of whiteness in high modernist architecture (particularly the work of Le Corbusier) lies partly in the removal of decoration. '[The] erasure of decoration is portrayed [by Le Corbusier] as the necessary gesture of a civilized society. Indeed, civilization is defined as the elimination of the 'superfluous' in favour of the 'essential' and the paradigm of inessential surplus is decoration. Its removal liberates a new visual order. Echoing an argument at least as old as Western philosophy, Le Corbusier describes civilization as a gradual passage from the sensual to the intellectual, from the tactile to the visual. Decoration's 'caresses of the senses' are progressively abandoned in favour of the visual harmony of proportion.' Mark Wigley, White Walls, Designer Dresses: The Fashioning of Modern Architecture, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1995, pp. 2-3 2. See for example John Gage's superb and authoritative history of the use and meaning of colour, Colour and Meaning: Art, Science and Symbolism, Thames and Hudson, London, 1999. For a survey of the use of colour in architecture, see Tom Porter, Architectural Colour: A Design Guide to Using Colour on Buildings, Whitney Library of Design, New York, 1982, or the more recent Architectural Design Profile number 120: Colour in Architecture, AD, vol. 66, no 3/4, March/April 1996. These are only a few examples of the available literature. 3. David Batchelor, Chromophobia, Reaktion Books, London, 2000, pp. 22-23. 4. The notable exception to this - the architecture of schools is emblematic in itself: colour is appealing to children, so the logic would go, because they have undeveloped, 'primitive' tastes. 5. William Braham has perceptively examined the allure of 'natural' materials and colours in the modern period. He writes that 'the natural can only be understood as a somewhat flexible category of finishes, not by a single principle of use, manufacture, or appearance. The fact that a family of paint colours neutrals, ochres, and other earth colours fit within the definition of natural is only partly explained by their original manufacture with naturally occurring mineral compounds. Though they are opaque surface coatings, they resemble the tones produced in natural materials by weathering.' He goes on to say that the 'natural/neutral palette' is characterised by 'the difficult pursuit of authenticity', and this question goes indeed to the heart of the issue of colour in architecture. William W. Braham, 'A Wall of Books: The Gender of Natural Colours in Modern Architecture', JAE Journal of Architectural Education, vol. 53. No.1, September 1999, p. 10. 6. But perhaps more important than actual durability in institutional architecture is the appearance of durability, and this appearance is undermined by protective treatments like paint, whether coloured or not. Materials which are seen as flimsy or fragile may as well be coloured, so the logic goes, since they require constant re-painting anyway, and since it fits their low status. 7. Mark Wigley, White Walls, Designer Dresses: The Fashioning of Modern Architecture, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1995, p. 5. 8. Aluminium panelling is a new technology and a new material one that was unknown in the high modernist period but which is becoming increasingly ubiquitous today. The fact that aluminium panelling is coloured during the manufacturing process opens a new and interesting question: is this colour inherent, or is it simply applied earlier in the building process? Is it, in other words, an 'honest' or a 'dishonest' colour? Given that aluminium does have its own colour, and that it can be lacquered or anodised to retain that colour, it seems that the aluminium panelling of the NMA have been received as 'dishonest'. 9. Frith, 'A monument to lost opportunity', The Canberra Times, 20 March 2001 Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stead, Naomi. "White cubes and red knots" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php>. Chicago Style Stead, Naomi, "White cubes and red knots" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Stead, Naomi. (2002) White cubes and red knots. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php> ([your date of access]).

IntroductionAccording to Friedrich Nietzsche, the death of Man follows the death of God. Man as a concept must be overcome. Yet Nietzsche extends humanism’s jargon of creativity that privileges Man over animal. To truly overcome the notion of Man, one must undercome Man, in other words go below Man. Once undercome, creativity devolves into a type of building and unbuilding, affording art the ability to conceive of the subject emptied of divine creation. This article will examine how Man is unbuilt in three works by three different artists: Francis Bacon’s “Study of a Baboon” (1953), Jan Švankmajer’s Darkness, Light, Darkness (1989), and Patricia Piccinini’s “The Young Family” (2002). All three artists evoke the animalistic in their depiction of what could be called the sub-subject, a diminished agent. Unbuilding the subject becomes the basis for building the sub-subject in these depictions of the human remainder. Man, from this vantage, will be examined as a cultural construct. Man largely means human, yet the Renaissance concept favoured a certain type of powerful male. Instead of rescuing Man, Bacon, Švankmajer and Piccinini, present the remnants of the human amidst the animal rather than the human subject detached from the animal. Such works challenge humanism, expressed in Giorgio Vasari’s analysis of art and creativity as indicative of Man’s closeness to the divine, which in a strange way, is extended in Nietzsche’s writings. These artists dismantle and build a subhuman form of subjectivity and thereby provide a challenge to traditional conceptions of creativity that historically favour Man as the creator beneath only God Himself. In the course of this article, I explore the violence of Bacon’s painted devolution, the deflationary animation of Švankmajer and Piccinini’s subhuman tenderness. I do not argue that we must abandon humanism altogether as there are a multiplicity of humanisms, or attempt to invalidate all the various posthumanisms, transhumanisms and antihumanisms. Rather, I attempt to show that Nietzsche’s posthumanism is a suprahumanism and that one possible way to frame the death of Man is through undercoming Man. Art, held in high esteem by Renaissance humanism, becomes a vehicle to imagine and engage with subhuman subjectivity.What Is Humanism? Humanism has numerous connotations from designating atheism to celebrating culture to privileging humans above other animals. The type of humanism I am interested in is not secular humanism, but rather humanism that celebrates and conceptualises Man’s place in the universe and does so through accentuating his (and I mean his given humanism’s often sexist, masculinist history) creativity and intellectual power. This celebration of creativity depends in part on a type of religious view, where Man is at the centre of God’s design. Such a view holds that Man’s power to shape nature’s materials resembles God. This type of humanism remains today but usually in a more humbled form, enfeebled by the scientific realisations that characterised the Enlightenment, namely the realisation that Man was not the centre of God’s universe. The Enlightenment is sometimes characterised as the birth of modern humanism, where the human subject undergoes estrangement from his surroundings through the conceptualisation of the subject–object division, and gains control over nature. A common narrative is that the subject’s autonomy and power came to extend to art itself, which in turn, became valued as possessing its own aesthetic legitimacy and yet also becoming an alienated commodity. Yet Cary Wolfe, in What Is Posthumanism?, echoes Michel Foucault’s claim that the Enlightenment could be viewed in tension to humanism (“Introduction” n.p.). Indeed, the Enlightenment’s creation of modern science would come to seriously challenge any view of humanity’s privileged status in this world. In contrast, Renaissance humanism conceived of Man as the centrepiece of God’s design and gifted with artistic creation and the ability to uncover truth. Renaissance HumanismRenaissance humanism is encapsulated by Vasari’s preface to The Lives of the Artists. In his preface, Vasari contends that God was the first artist, being both a painter and sculptor: God on High, having created the great body of the world and having decorated the heavens with its brightest lights, descended with His intellect further down into the clarity of the atmosphere and the solidity of the earth, and, shaping man, discovered in the pleasing invention of things the first form of sculpture and painting. (3)Interestingly, God discovers creation, which is a type of decoration, where the skies are decorated with bright lights—the stars. Giving colour, light and shade to the world and heavens, qualifies God as a painter. The human body, according to Vasari, is sculpted by God, which in turn inspires artists to depict the human form. Art and design—God’s design—is thereby ‘at the origin of all things’ and not merely painting and sculpture, though the reality we know is still the product of God’s painting and sculpture. According to Vasari, God privileges Man not for his intellect per se, but by bestowing him with the ability of creation and design. Indeed, creativity and design are for Vasari a part of all intellectual discovery. Intellect is the mode of discovering design, which for Vasari, is also creation. Vasari claims “that divine light infused in us by a special act of grace which has not only made us superior to other animals but even similar, if it is permitted to say so, to God Himself” (4). God is more than just a maker, he is a creator with an aesthetic sense. All intellectual human endeavours, claims Vasari, are aesthetic and creative, in their comprehension of God’s design of the world. Vasari’s emphasis on design became outmoded as Renaissance humanism was challenged by the Enlightenment’s interest in humans and other animals as machines. However, evolution challenges even some mechanistic understandings of the human subject, which sometimes presupposed that the human-machine had a maker, as with William Paley’s watchmaker theory. As Richard Dawkins put it in The Blind Watchmaker, nature “has no vision, no foresight, no sight at all. If [evolution] can be said to play the role of the watchmaker in nature, it is the blind watchmaker” (“Chapter One: Explaining the Very Improbable” n.p.). No longer was God’s universe designed for Man’s comprehension and appreciation, foretelling humanity’s own potential extinction.Man and God’s DeathThe idea that humanity was created by blind processes raises the question of what sort of depiction of the human subject is possible after the death of God and the Enlightenment’s tendency toward disenchantment? An art and self-understanding founded on atheism would be in sharp distinction to Vasari’s characterisation of the nature as an artwork coloured by the divine painter and sculptor in the heavens. Man’s creativity and design are, for the Renaissance humanist, part of discovery, the embodied realisations and iterations of the Platonic realm of divine forms. But such designs, wondrous for Vasari, can be viewed as shadows without origin in a post-God world. In Vasari, Platonism is still present where the artist’s creation becomes a way of discerning the origin of all forms, God himself. Yet, without divine origin, these forms are no longer discoveries and the possibility emerges that they are not even creations, emptied of the divine meaning that gave Man’s creative and scientific work value. Nietzsche understood that the loss of God called for the revaluation of all values. This is why Nietzsche claims that God’s death signifies the death of Man. For Nietzsche, the last Man was such an iteration, a shadow of what man had been (Thus Spoke Zarathustra 9-10). The Post-Man, the Übermensch, is one who extends the human power of creation and evaluation. In Vasari, Man is a model created by God. Nietzsche extends this logic: Man is his own creation as is God Man’s model. Man is capable of self-construction and overcoming without the hindrance of the divine. This freedom unlocked by auto-creation renders Man capable of making himself God. As such, art remains a source of sacred power for Nietzsche since it is a process of creative evaluation. The sacred is affirmed against secular profanity. For Nietzsche, God must be envisaged as Dionysus, a God that Nietzsche claims takes on a human form in Greek festivals dedicated to creation and fecundity. Mankind, in order to continue to have value after God’s death, “must become gods”, must take the place of God (The Gay Science 120). Nietzsche, All-Too HumanistNietzsche begins a project of rethinking Man as a category. Yet there is much in common with Renaissance humanism generated by Nietzsche’s Dionysian belief in a merger between God and Man. Man is overcome by a stronger and more creative figure, that of the Übermensch. By comparing Nietzsche with Vasari we can understand just how humanist Nietzsche remained. Indeed, Nietzsche fervently admired the Renaissance as a rebirth of paganism. Such an assessment of the rebirth of pagan art and values can almost be found in Vasari himself. Vasari claimed that pagan art, far from being blasphemous, brought Man closer to the divine in a tribute to the creativity of God. Vasari’s criticism of Christianity is careful but present. Indeed, Vasari—in a way that anticipates Nietzsche’s view that secular sacrilege was merely an extension of Christian sacrilege—attacks Christian iconoclasm, noting that barbarians and Christians worked together to destroy sacred forms of art: not only did [early Christianity] ruin or cast to the ground all the marvellous statues, sculptures, paintings, mosaics, and ornaments of the false pagan gods, but it also did away with the memorials and testimonials to an infinite number of illustrious people, in whose honour statues and other memorials had been constructed in public places by the genius of antiquity. (5) In this respect, Vasari embodies the values Nietzsche so praised in the Italian Renaissance. Vasari emphasises the artistic creations that enshrine distinctions of value and social hierarchy. While Vasari continues Platonic notions that ideals exist before human creation, he nevertheless holds human creation as a realisation and embodiment of the ideal, which is not dissimilar to Nietzsche’s notion of divine embodiment. For Nietzsche and Vasari, Man is exulted when he can rise, like a god, above other men. Another possibility would be to lower Man to just another animal. One way to envision such a lowering would be to subvert the mode by which Man is deemed God-like. Art that engages with the death of Man helps conceptualise subhumanism and the way that the subject ceases to be raised above the animal. What follows are studies of artworks that unbuild the subject. Francis Bacon’s “Study of a Baboon”Francis Bacon’s work challenges the human subject by depicting nonhuman subjects, where the flesh is torn open and Man’s animal flesh is exposed. Sometimes Bacon does not merely disfigure the human form but violently abandons it to focus on animals that reveal animal qualities latent in the subject. Bacon’s “Study of a Baboon”, expresses a sense of human devolution: Man devolved to monkey. In the work, we see a baboon within an enclosure, sitting above a tree that simultaneously resembles a gothic shadow, a cross, and even a smear. The dark, cross-like tree may suggest the conquering of God by a baboon, a type of monkey, recalling the old slander of Darwin’s theory, namely that Darwinism entailed that humanity descended from monkeys (which Darwin’s theory does not claim). But far from victorious, the monkey is in a state of suffering. While the baboon is not crucified on or by the tree, suffering pervades the frame. Its head resembles some sort of skull. The body is faintly painted in a melancholy blue with smudges of purple and is translucent and ghostly—at once a lump of matter and a spectral absence. We do not see the baboon through the cage. Instead we see through the baboon at the cage. Indeed, its very physiology involves the encountering of trauma as the head of the baboon does not simply connect to the body but stabs through the body as a sharp bone, perhaps opaquely evoking the violence of evolution. Similarly, the baboon’s tail seems to stab through the tree. Its eye is an enlarged void and a pupil is indicated by a bluish white triangle splitting through the void. The tree has something of the menacing and looming quality of a shadow and there is a sense of wilderness confronted by death and entrapment, evoked through the background. The yellowy ground is suggestive of dead grass. While potentially gesturing to the psychical confusion and intensity of Vincent Van Gogh or Edvard Munch, the yellowed grass more likely evokes the empty, barren and hostile planes of the desert and contrasts with the darkened colours. The baboon sitting on the cross/tree may seem to have reached some sort of pinnacle but such a status is mocked by the tree that manages to continue outside the fence: the branches nightmarishly protrude through the fence to conquer the frame, which in turn furthers the sense of inescapable entrapment and threat. The baboon is thereby precluded from reaching a higher point on the tree, unable to climb the branches, and underscores the baboon’s confines. The painting is labelled a study, which may suggest it is unfinished. However, Bacon’s completed works preserve an unfinished quality. This unfinished quality conveys a sense in which Man and evolution are unfinished and that being finished in the sense of being completed is no longer possible. The idea that there can finished work of art, a work of art that preserves an eternal meaning, has been repeatedly subject to serious doubt, including by artists themselves. Indeed, Bacon’s work erases the potential for perfection and completion, and breaks down, through devolution, what has been achieved by Man and the forces that shaped him. The subject is lowered from that of human to that of a baboon and is therefore, by Vasari’s Renaissance reasoning, not a subject at all. Bacon’s sketch and study exist to evoke a sense of incompletion, involving pain without resolution. The animal state of pain is therefore married with existential entrapment and isolation as art ceases to express the Platonic ideal and aims to show the truth of the shadow—namely that humanity is without a God, a God that previously shed light on humanity’s condition and anchored the human subject. If there is a trace or echo of human nobility left, such a trace functions through the wild and violent quality of animal indignation. A scream of painful indignity is the last act approaching (or descending from) any dignity that is afforded. Jan Švankmajer’s Darkness, Light, DarknessAn even more extreme case of the subject no longer being the subject, of being broken and muted—so much so that animal protest is annulled—can be witnessed in Jan Švankmajer’s animated short Darkness, Light, Darkness. In the animation, green clay hands mould and form a human body in order to be part of it. But when complete, the human body is trapped, grotesquely out of proportion with its environment. The film begins in a darkened house. There is a knocking of the door, and then the first green hand opens the door and turns on the light. The hand falls to the floor, blindly making its way to another door on the opposite side of the house. The hand opens the door only for eyeballs to roll out. The eyes look around. The hand pushes its clay fingers against the eyeballs, and the eyeballs become attached to the fingers. Suddenly with sight, the hand is able to lift itself up. The hand discovers that another hand is knocking at the door. The first hand helps the second hand, and then goes to the window where a pair of ears are stuck together flapping like a moth. The hands work together and break the ears apart. The first hand, the one with eyes, attaches the ears to the second hand. Then a head with a snout, but missing eyes and ears, enters through the door. The hands pull the snout until it becomes a nose, suppressing and remoulding the animal until it becomes human. As with Bacon, the violence of evolution, of auto-construction is conveyed indirectly: in Bacon’s case, through painted devolution and, in the case of the claymation, through a violent construction based on mutilation and smashing body parts together.Although I have described only three minutes of the seven-minute film, it already presents an image of human construction devoid of art or divine design. Man, or rather the hands, become the blind watchman of evolution. The hands work contingently, with what they are provided. They shape themselves based on need. The body, after all, exists as parts, and the human body is made up of other life forms, both sustaining and being sustained by them. The hands work together, and sacrifice sight and hearing for the head. They tear off the ears and remove the eyes and give them to the head. Transcendence is exchanged for subsistence. The absurdity of this contingency becomes most apparent when the hands attempt to merge with the head, to be the head’s feet. Then the feet actually arrive and are attached to the head’s neck. The human subject in such a state is thereby deformed and incomplete. It is a frightened form, cowering when it hears banging at the door. It turns out that the banging is being produced by an angry erect penis pounding at the door. However, even this symbol of masculine potency is subdued, rendered harmless by the hands that splash a bucket of cold water on it. The introduction of the penis signifies the masculinist notions implicit in the term Man, but we only ever see the penis when it is flaccid. The human subject is able to be concluded when clay pours from both doors and the window. The hands sculpt the clay and make the body, which, when complete is oversized and barely fits within the house. The male subject is then trapped, cramped in a foetal position. With its head against the ceiling next to the light, breathing heavily, all it can do is turn out the light. The head opens its mouth either in horror or a state of exertion and gasps. The eyes bulge before one of the body’s hands turns switch, perhaps suggesting terror before death or simply the effort involved in turning off the light. Once completed and built, the human subject remains in the dark. Despite the evident quirky, playful humour, Švankmajer’s film reflects an exhaustion with art itself. Human life becomes clay comically finding its own form. For Vasari, the ideal of the human form is realised first by God and then by Man through marble; for Švankmajer it is green clay. He demotes man back to the substance for a God to mould but, as there is no God to breathe life into it and give form, there is just the body to imperfectly mould itself. The film challenges both Vasari’s humanism and the suprahumanism of Nietzschean spectacle. Instead of the self-generating power and radical interdependence and agency of Übermensch, Švankmajer’s sub-subject is Man undercome—man beneath as opposed to over man, man mocked by its ambition, and with no space to stand high. Švankmajer thereby realises the anti-Nietzschean potential inherent within cinema’s anti-spectacular nature. Antonin Artaud, who extends the aesthetics advanced by Nietzsche in The Birth of Tragedy, contrasts the theatre’s sense of animal life with cinema. Artaud observes that movies “murder us with second-hand reproductions […] filtered through machines” (84). Thus, films murder creative and animal power as film flattens life to a dead realm of reproduction. Continuing Jacques Derrida’s hauntological framing of the screen, the animation theorist Alan Cholodenko has argued that the screen implies death. Motion is dead and replaced by illusion, a recording relayed back to us. What renders cinema haunting also renders it hauntological. For Cholodenko, cinema’s animation challenges ontology and metaphysics by eschewing stable ontologies through a process that entails both presence and absence. As Cholodenko points out, all film is a type of animation and reanimation, of making images move that are not in fact moving. Thus, one can argue that the animated-animation (such as Švankmajer’s claymation) becomes a refinement of death, a Frankesteinian reanimation of dead material. Indeed, Darkness, Light, Darkness accentuates the presence of death with the green clay almost resembling putrefaction. The fingerprints on the clay accentuate a lack of life, for the autonomous and dead matter that constructs and shapes a dead body from seemingly severed body parts. Even the title of the film, Darkness, Light, Darkness reflects an experience of cinema as deflation rather than joyous spectacle. One goes to a darkened space, watches light flicker on a screen and then the light goes out again. The cartoonish motions of the hands and body parts in the film look only half alive and therefore seem half-dead. Made in the decaying Communist state of Czechoslovakia, Švankmajer’s film aptly acknowledges the deflation of cinema, reflecting that illumination—the light of God, is put out, or more specifically, switched off. With the light of God switched off, creation becomes construction and construction becomes reconstruction, filtered through cinema’s machine processes as framed through Cholodenko. Still, Švankmajer’s animation is not unsympathetic to the plight of the hands. We do see the body parts work together. When a vulgar, meaty, non-claymation tongue comes out through the door, it goes straight to the other door to let the teeth in. The teeth and tongue are aided by the hands to complete the face. Indeed, what they produce is a human being, which has some sense of coherence and success—a success enmeshed with failure and entrapment. Piccinini’s “The Young Family”Patricia Piccinini’s sculptural works offer a more tender approach to the subject, especially when her works focus on the nonhuman animal with human characteristics. Piccinini is interested in the combinations of the animal and the machine, so her ideas can be seen almost as transhuman, where the human is extended beyond humanism. Her work is based on connection and connectedness, but does not emphasise the humanist values of innovation and self-creation often inherent to transhumanism. Indeed, the emphasis on connection is distinct from the entrapment of Bacon’s baboon and Švankmajer’s clay human, which half lament freedom’s negation.The way that Piccinini preserves aspects of humanism within a framework of subhumanism is evident in her work “The Young Family”. The hypperrealistic sculpture depicts a humanoid pig form, flopped, presumably exhausted, as piglet-babies suckle on her nipples. The work was inspired by a scientific proposal for pigs to be genetically modified to provide organs for humans (“Educational Resource” 5). Such a transhuman setting frames a subhuman aesthetic. Care is taken to render the scene with sentiment but without a sense of the ideal, without perfection. One baby-piglet tenderly grasps its foot with both hands and stares with love at its mother. We see two piglets enthusiastically sucking their mother’s teat, while a third baby/piglet’s bottom is visible, indicating that there is a third piglet scrambling for milk. The mother gazes at us, with her naked mammalian body visible. We see her wrinkles and veins. There is some fur on her head and some hair on her eyebrows humanising her. Indeed, her eyes are distinctly human and convey affection. Affection seems to be a motif that carries through to the materials (carefully crafted by Piccinini’s studio). The affection displayed in the artwork is trans-special, emphasising that human tenderness is in fact mammalian tenderness. Such tenderness conflates the human, the nonhuman animal and the material out of which the humanoid creature and its young are constructed. The sub-agency brings together the young and the old by displaying the closeness of the family. Something of this sub-subjectivity is theorised in Malcolm Bull’s Anti-Nietzsche, where he contrasts Nietzsche’s idea of the Übermensch with the idea of the subhuman. Bull writes that subhumanism involves giving up on “becoming more than a man and think[ing] only of becoming something less” (n.p.; Chapter 2, sec. “The Subhuman”). Piccinini depicts vulnerability and tenderness with life forms that are properly speaking subhuman, and reject the displays of strength of Nietzsche’s suprahumanism or Vasari’s emphasis on art commemorating great men. But Piccinini’s subhumanism preserves enough humanism to understand art’s ability to encourage an ethics of nurturing. In this respect, her works offer an alternative to Bull’s subhumanism that aims, so Bull argues, to devalue art altogether. Instead, Piccinini affirms imagination, but through its ability to conjure new ways to perceive animal affection. The sub-subject thereby functions to reveal states of emotion common to mammals (including humans) and other animals. ConclusionThese three artists therefore convey distinct, if related and intersecting, ways of visualising the sub-subject: Bacon through animal suffering, Švankmajer through adaptation that ultimately leads to the agent’s entrapment, and Piccinini who, instead of marrying anti-humanism with the subhumanism (the procedure of Švankmajer, and Bacon), integrates aspects of transhumanism and Renaissance humanism into her subhuman vision. As such, these works present a realisation of how we might think of the going under of the human subject after Darwin, Nietzsche and the deaths of God, Man and the diminishment of creativity. Such works remain not only antithetical to Vasari’s humanism but also to Nietzsche’s suprahumanism. These artists use art’s power to humble—not through overpowering awe but through the visible breakdown of the human agent, speaking for and to the sub-subject. Such art, by unbuilding and dismantling the subject, draws on prehuman trajectories of evolution, and in the case of Piccinini, transhuman trajectories. Art ceases to be about the grandiose evocations of power. Rather, more modestly, these works build a connection between the human with other mammals. Acknowledgements I wish to acknowledge Daniel Canaris for his valuable insights into Christianity and the Italian Renaissance, Alan Cholodenko for providing copies of his works that were central to my interpretation of Švankmajer, and Rachel Franks and Simon Dwyer for their invaluable assistance and finding very helpful reviewers. References Artaud, Antonin. The Theatre and Its Double. New York: Grove P, 1958.Art Gallery of South Australia. “Educational Resource Patricia Piccinini.” Adelaide: Art Gallery of South Australia. 11 Dec. 2016 <https://www.artgallery.sa.gov.au/agsa/home/Learning/docs/Online_Resources/Piccinini_online_resource.pdf>.Bacon, Francis. “Head I.” 1948. Oil on Canvas. 100.3 x 74.9cm. ———. “Study of a Baboon.” 1953. Oil on Canvas. 198.3 x 137.3cm. Bull, Malcolm. Anti-Nietzsche. New York: Verso, 2011. Cholodenko, Alan. “First Principles of Animation.” Animating Film Theory. Ed. Karen Beckman. Duke UP, 2014. 98-110.———. “The Crypt, the Haunted House, of Cinema.” Cultural Studies Review 10.2 (2004): 99-113. Darkness, Light, Darkness. Jan Švankmajer, 1990. 35mm. Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Birth of Tragedy and Other Writings. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. ———. The Gay Science. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. ———. Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006.Piccinini, Patricia. “The Young Family.” 2002. Silicone, Polyurethane, Leather, Plywood, Human Hair, 80 x 150 x 110cm. Vasari, Giorgio. The Lives of Artists. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998.Wolfe, Cary. What Is Posthumanism? Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2010.