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1

MUNGELLO, D. E. "REINTERPRETING THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (2012): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000574.

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ABSTRACTIn the last thirty-five years there has been a fundamental reinterpretation of the history of Christianity in China. This reinterpretation has resulted from a changing atmosphere in China that has greatly reduced anti-Christian feelings and allowed for more extensive study of Chinese historical documents. In addition, there has been a remarkable growth among Chinese Christian churches. These changes have led to a reconceptualization of the role Christianity played in China's long-term history. As a result, there has been a transformation from viewing Christianity as a failed foreign gr
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2

Tse-Hei Lee, Joseph. "Teaching The History Of Chinese Christianity." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 2 (2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.75-84.

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Beginning in the sixteenth century, European Catholic orders, including Jesuits, Franciscans, and Dominicans, introduced Christianity and established mission outposts in China. Protestant missionary societies arrived in the middle of the nineteenth century. Despite the Eurocentric view of Christianity conveyed by Western missionaries, many Chinese believers successfully recruited converts, built churches, and integrated Christianity with traditional values, customs, and social structure. This pattern of Chinese church growth represents a large-scale religious development comparable in importan
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3

Wang, Dong. "Introduction: Christianity in the History of U.S.-China Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645178.

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AbstractThis special volume comprises six original articles, each of which locates Christianity as an international and local issue reaching beyond an American-, or Chinese-, or missionary-centered history. By bringing lesser-known aspects of Christianity to bear on the story, the contributing scholars from the humanities and social sciences in North America, Asia, and Oceania address three major sets of questions.
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4

Liu, Linhai. "The past and present of the Christianity in China." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.88.

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Christianity is on the list of the legitimate religions in modern China. Thepast several decades have witnessed a wide spread and rapid developmentof the Christianity across the country. As an important world religion whichhad first emerged in the West Asia and which has to a certain extent beenidealized as the symbol of the Western culture, or the democracy in specific,Chinese Christianity has been attracting attentions both from within andwithout, especially the scholars. Unlike other religions such as Buddhismand Taoism, the existence and development of Christianity in China areoften attach
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5

Mathiesen, Gaylan. "Book Review: A New History of Christianity in China." Missiology: An International Review 40, no. 4 (2012): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182961204000409.

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6

Doyle, G. Wright. "Book Review: A New History of Christianity in China." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 38, no. 1 (2014): 47–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931403800118.

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7

Huang, Yuqin. "Western-Educated Chinese Christian Returnees, Nationalism, and Modernity: Comparison Between the Pre-1949 Era and the Post-1978 Era." SAGE Open 11, no. 1 (2021): 215824402199481. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244021994816.

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For more than 100 years, China has seen waves of students and scholars heading overseas and studying in the West as well as the concomitant returning waves. This study draws on information obtained from secondhand documents and firsthand field studies to analyze and compare two returning waves involving the complex dynamics of globalization/indigenization of Christianity in China. The first returning wave began in the early 1900s and lasted until 1950, in which many went overseas because of their connections with Western missionaries. The second returning wave is currently occurring following
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8

White, Chris. "History Lessons." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 6, no. 1 (2019): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00601007.

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This article contends that Chinese Protestant history is increasingly produced and consumed by various interest groups in China today. Protestant families, church congregations, and local state actors are all involved in reassessing and promoting local Protestant history. These processes reveal vibrant, organic forms of acculturation of Christianity into Chinese society. This article further argues that it would be prudent for scholars of contemporary Chinese Protestantism to focus greater analytical attention on Chinese Protestant history.
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9

Raymond, Alex. "A window on China. An introduction." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.85.

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In May-June 2015, I was invited by the Confucius Institute and the BeijingNormal University to conduct research on the spread of Nestorian Christianityin China, and I was asked by the Beijing Normal University to give a lectureon the subject. That invitation was the earliest stage of links woven betweenthe Faculty of History at Beijing Normal University (now one of the top fiveuniversities in China) and the History department of the Faculty of Arts andSocial Sciences at the University of Balamand. Close cooperation betweenthe two universities is underway with the enthusiastic support of the De
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10

Ireland, Daryl R. "Book review: How Christianity Came to China: A Brief History." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 1 (2017): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317739810.

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11

Woo, Franklin J. "History of Protestantism in China: The Indigenization of Christianity (review)." China Review International 9, no. 2 (2002): 584–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2003.0124.

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12

Brockey, Liam Matthew. "Daniel H. Bays. A New History of Christianity in China." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (2014): 493–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.493.

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13

Standaert, Nicolas. "Christianity as a Religion in China. Insights from the Handbook of Christianity in China: Volume One (635-1800)." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 12, no. 1 (2001): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.2001.1163.

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14

Jia Chyi Hwang, Jackie. "Longing for Belonging: Forwarding Andrew Walls’ Thoughts on Migration and Mission through an Ethnographic Study on Diasporic Chinese in Singapore's Christian Communities." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 2 (2023): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0431.

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This study on migration and Chinese Christianity uncovers both the potential and limitations in the late Professor Andrew Walls’ conception of how migration shapes global Christianity. Using an ethnographic approach, I examine how international students from China engaged in a quest for jia (home, family, belonging) by interacting with Singapore's Chinese Christian communities. For these students from China and the Singaporean Chinese Christians who encounter them, the personal narratives on both sides exhibit three traits: (1) a give-and-take relationship between different notions of ‘Chinese
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15

Rawlinson, John L. "Book Review: History of Protestantism in China: The Indigenization of Christianity." Missiology: An International Review 30, no. 1 (2002): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960203000139.

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16

Malek, Roman. "New and Enlarged Access to the History of Christianity in China." Journal of Chinese Religions 38, no. 1 (2010): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073776910803495362.

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17

Bays, Daniel H. "Book Review: History of Protestantism in China: The Indigenization of Christianity." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26, no. 1 (2002): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930202600116.

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18

Bernier, Lucie. "CHRISTIANITY AND THE OTHER: FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S AND F. W. J. SCHELLING'S INTERPRETATION OF CHINA." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2005): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591405000124.

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Every culture is self-centred and distinguishes itself from others which are inadvertently positioned off-centre. Thus ancient Greece called the non-Greeks barbarians, and the ancient Chinese called their own country the Celestial Empire and considered those who did not practise their culture as barbaric. In the modern age, Europe distinguished itself from the non-West principally by two features: Christianity and capitalism. Generally, it is considered that Christianity produced capitalism (Max Weber), so that the former can really be considered the foundation of Western Culture. In my paper,
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19

SHA, Lina, and Han CAO. "Christianity and the Change of Marriage Style of Lisu People in the Northern Part of the Border between China and Myanmar: Taking K Village of Nujiang as an example." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 20 (July 14, 2021): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.20.118.

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"The changes in the marriage modes of Lisu people on the northern border between China and Myanmar from marriage by capture>elopement > intcrchurch marriage to internal and external marriage is a result of the “rational“ choice of Christianity throughout history. It is a two-way fusion process between Christianity and traditional culture of Lisu people > which reflects the development track of Lisu society. "leaking the introduction and development of Christianity as an entry point, this paper examines the marriage change of Lisu people in K village of Nujiang, with the aim to provide
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20

Bays, Daniel H. "Study of the History of Christianity in U.S.-China Relations: A New Departure?" Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645141.

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AbstractForty years ago, in late December 1968, John K. Fairbank, the longtime dean of American China scholars, gave a memorable presidential address to the annual meeting of the American Historical Association (AHA) in New York City. In it, he urged his fellow historians to take up a task expressed in the title of his address, “Assignment for the 1970s: The Study of American–East Asian Relations.” Although he spoke amid academic upheaval over the Vietnam War, his address made it clear that he was mainly referring to China and Sino-American relations. He described China as .a uniquely large an
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21

Israeli, Raphael. "The Cross Battles the Crescent One Century of Missionary Work Among Chinese Muslims (1850–1950)." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (1995): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012671.

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Much has been written and published about Christianity in China, less has been known about the particular interest that the Mission had evinced toward the Muslims of China, much less has been recorded about the Muslim reactions to this activity, and almost nothing has been concluded in terms of the dialectical interaction between Christianity and Islam in that part of the world.
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22

Rowe, William T. "The Soul in Eighteenth-Century China: Depei's Confucian Christianity." Late Imperial China 41, no. 1 (2020): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.2020.0000.

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23

Truong, Anh. "The Conflicts Among Religious Orders of Christianity in China During the 17th and 18th Centuries." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.5.

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Introduction. The article studies the conflicts between the Spanish Mendicant Orders (Dominican Order, Franciscan Order, etc.) as well as the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris with Portuguese Society of Jesus, which took place during the 17th and 18th centuries in China. Methods and materials. To study this issue, the author used the original historical materials recorded by Western missionaries working in China during the 17th and 18th centuries and research works by Chinese and international scholars related to the Chinese Rites Controversy as well as the process of introduction and devel
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24

Ping Guo, Sheng. "From ‘Sacrificing to Ancestors’ (jizu) to ‘Reverencing Ancestors’ (jingzu): Bread of Life Christianity's Cultural Negotiation between Christianity and Confucianism for a Hybrid Identity." Studies in World Christianity 28, no. 2 (2022): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2022.0389.

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Among many issues associated with religious negotiation and intercultural ministry and mission in the history of Christianity in China, the most important issue involves the Chinese rite of offering sacrifice to ancestors. This issue has been closely connected to the process of the Sinicisation of Christianity in all Pan-Chinese societies, including the Greater China and Chinese diasporic communities worldwide. This paper first reviews key historical elements of the Chinese Rites Controversy (1645–1941) on ‘Sacrificing to Ancestors’ ( jizu), and then considers some details of the ‘Three Rites’
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25

Ken-pa, Chin. "Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology." Religions 10, no. 10 (2019): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10100551.

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Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role
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26

Yi, Liu. "From Christian Aliens to Chinese Citizens: The National Identity of Chinese Christians in the Twentieth Century." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 2 (2010): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0003.

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Christianity used to be an alien affair in China, both culturally and politically. Since the Boxer Movement in 1900, Chinese Christians began to reflect on their own national identity. The Anti-Christian Movement in the 1920s accelerated this process, with the indigenisation movement as a key programme. It was due to the Three-Self Patriotic Movement in the 1950s that Chinese Christians finally became part of the Chinese People. This achievement was consolidated with the accommodation and reform in the 1980s: the greatest change in Christianity in twentieth-century China. In the global context
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27

Xie, Dingjian. "“Jingjiao”: Naming “Christianity” in the Realm of the Tang Empire (618–907)." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (2023): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.255-278.

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One of the first things we learn about Christianity in Tang China is the naming of the religion. Naming matters because the name capsulates some basic ideas and conveys metaphorical implications intended by the name-giver in the Chinese context. This paper attempts to trace the origin of identifying and naming Christianity in the Tang dynasty and investigates the meanings and implications of the names as reflected in Chinese Christian texts in Tang. The naming issue of Tang Christianity involves the process of being identified and self-identification. Jingjiao 景教 is a neologism invented around
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28

Pelevina, Olga V., and Yang Yunhao. "Bei Cun's works as a manifestation of the cultural Christianity phenomenon in contemporary China." World of Russian-speaking countries 2, no. 12 (2022): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2022-2-12-128-141.

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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of cultural Christianity in modern China. This phenomenon suggests the desire to explain the norms and values of Christianity to the Chinese audience through the prism of the traditional foundations of Chinese culture. Examples of cultural Christianity include Chinese intelligentsia's fascination with the history and philosophy of Christianity; Chinese masters' creating Christian images and scenes of the Virgin Mary, the Nativity, etc. in the traditional Chinese guohua style; Chinese deltiology with pictures of famous temples in Harbin; the folklore her
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29

Chou, Chuan Chiang, and Shu-Yi Wang. "Christian Ethical Foundations of Modern Nursing in China." Journal of Christian Nursing 41, no. 2 (2024): E32—E37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/cnj.0000000000001165.

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ABSTRACT: The influence of Western Christian missionary nurses has been recorded in the history and development of nursing in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of Christianity on Chinese nursing ethics. This documentary research used content analysis to investigate Christian value trends over 13 years (1920-1932) as reflected in a major bilingual Chinese nursing journal.
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30

Gui, Zheming. "A Reconciliation between Yi Nationality’s Religious Beliefs and Modern Political Identities: An Interpretation of Christianity in a Yi Village." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 20 (October 18, 2022): 499–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v20i.2365.

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In order to explore how ethnic minorities in China reshape their perception of themselves today, I conducted field research in K Village in southwest China. In this anthropological research about this village which has a majority of Yi minorities, I did in-depth interviews, discourse analysis, and participatory observance to examine the conflicts between three different identities, the tensions behind the contemporary society, the history of Christianity in this village, and the meaning of different identities to individuals. Based on the analysis of this cultural phenomena in K Village, I int
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31

Meyer, Christian. "A New History of Christianity in China by Daniel H. Bays (review)." Journal of Chinese Religions 41, no. 1 (2013): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jcr.2013.0002.

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32

Hunter, Alan, and Don Rimmington. "Survey article: Christianity in the People's Republic of China." Religion 20, no. 2 (1990): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(90)90103-d.

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33

Ng, Peter Tze Ming. "Secularisation or Modernisation: Teaching Christianity in China Since the 1920s." Studies in World Christianity 5, no. 1 (1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1999.5.1.1.

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34

Ng, Peter Tze Ming. "Secularisation or Modernisation: Teaching Christianity in China Since the 1920s." Studies in World Christianity 5, Part_1 (1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1999.5.part_1.1.

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35

Lodwick, Kathleen L., Daniel H. Bays, and Jun Xing. "Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (1998): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650908.

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36

Wu, Albert. "Ernst Faber and the Consequences of Failure: A Study of a Nineteenth-Century German Missionary in China." Central European History 47, no. 1 (2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914000600.

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In 1898, the year before his death, the German missionary Ernst Faber reflected on his forty-year career in China. The account of his early missions work was suffused with a tone of failure and disappointment. He wrote openly about his difficulties in adjusting to the climate and environment of southern China, the diminutive numbers of converts to Christianity, his frustrations with learning Mandarin and the local dialects used in Guangdong, and the overwhelming feeling of loneliness that he encountered working in rural parishes.
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37

Moore, George E., Wayne Flynt, and Gerald W. Berkley. "Taking Christianity to China: Alabama Missionaries in the Middle Kingdom, 1850-1950." Journal of Southern History 64, no. 4 (1998): 770. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587565.

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38

Xie, Dingjian. "Creation and the Great Parent: The Thought of Yang Tingyun, a Chinese Christian in Late Ming China." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 3 (2023): 268–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0445.

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The paradigm shift from missiology to the study of the Chinese indigenous context has driven scholars in the area of Christianity in late imperial China to the Chinese reactions to the Catholic missions, either positive or negative. As an influential yet controversial model, Jacques Gernet's approach to Chinese responses to Catholicism in late imperial China has been recognised as an essentialist analysis of both Christianity and China, which are treated in that approach as two confrontational and monolithic entities. This article, by contrast, explores the dynamics of Chinese Christians' rece
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39

Wang, Zhixi. "Naomi Thurston, Studying Christianity in China: Constructions of an Emerging Discourse." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 2 (2021): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0343.

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40

Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei. "Reconstructing Christianity in China: K. H. Ting and the Chinese Church." Mission Studies 26, no. 1 (2009): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338309x450192.

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41

Wu, Jiarui. "Li Ma, Christianity, Femininity and Social Change in Contemporary China." International Journal of Asian Christianity 5, no. 2 (2022): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-05020010.

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42

Paper, Jordan. "Eremitism in China." Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 1 (1999): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852199x00167.

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The ascetic-eremitic life typical of the elite spirituality of Buddhism and pre-Protestant Christianity was not a part of Chinese culture prior to the introduction of Buddhism, and it has been viewed askance from the standpoint of normative Chinese values to the present. On the other hand, an unusual non-ascetic eremitism has a history in China that precedes Buddhism. The equivalent of the eremitic life in China into the present, for the elite, of course, was to refuse to hold governmental office or to be forced into retirement. This was a lifestyle understood as a religious one often related
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43

Buchholz, Meiken. "‘Love of the Nation’ and the Church in China: An Issue of Belonging and Moral Identity." Mission Studies 40, no. 3 (2023): 366–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341928.

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Abstract This article contributes to a deeper understanding of Christian patriotism in China by reflecting on the phenomenon from a pastoral-theological perspective and by considering the sociocultural meaning of patriotism in the Chinese context. Through three examples, the author analyzes different discourses of Christian patriotic identity, which represent a large specter of contemporary Protestant Christianity in China. She demonstrates that the phenomenon of Chinese Christian patriotism primarily concerns moral identity and is only secondarily a political issue.
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44

Meynard, Thierry. "For the record: The Canton exile of the missionaries (1666-1671) by the Polish Jesuit Szpot Dunin." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 25 (December 31, 2020): 145–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2020.25.10.

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The Chinese Rites Controversy definitively shaped the history of Christianity in China. When some missionaries were exiled in Canton from 1666 to 1671, they sought to resolve their disagreement on whether certain Confucian rituals could be practiced by Chinese Christian converts but their differences ended up even more entrenched. In his unpublished history of the China mission covering the period from 1640 to 1700, the Polish Jesuit Tomasz Ignacy Szpot Dunin (1644-1713) gives an account of the discussions held in Canton. His account not only reveals previously known materials but also offers
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45

Boer, Roland. "Marxism, Religion and the Taiping Revolution." Historical Materialism 24, no. 2 (2016): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341472.

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This study offers a specific interpretation of the Taiping Revolution in China in the mid-nineteenth century. It was not only the largest revolutionary movement in the world at the time, but also one that was inspired by Christianity. Indeed, it marks the moment when the revolutionary religious tradition arrived in China. My account of the revolution stresses the role of the Bible, its radical reinterpretation by the Taiping revolutionaries, and the role it played in their revolutionary acts and reconstruction of economic and social relations. After providing this account, I raise a number of
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46

Dahlfred, Karl. "Aminta Arrington, Songs of the Lisu Hills: Practicing Christianity in Southwest China." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 2 (2021): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0344.

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47

Lars Peter Laamann. "Christianity, Magic and Politics in Qing and Republican China." Central Asiatic Journal 58, no. 1-2 (2015): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/centasiaj.58.1-2.0089.

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48

Hsu, Madeline Y. "Chinese and American Collaborations through Educational Exchange during the Era of Exclusion, 1872–1955." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (2012): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.2.314.

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Overlapping communities of American missionaries and higher education administrators and faculty laid the foundations for international education in the United States during the first half-century of that movement’s existence. Their interests and activities in China, in conjunction with Chinese efforts to develop modern educational systems in the early twentieth century, meant that Chinese students featured prominently among foreign students in the United States. Through the education and career of Meng Zhi, an American-educated convert to Christianity, staunch patriot, and long-term director
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49

Liu, Jifeng. "Reconstructing Missionary History in China Today: Cultural Heritage, Local Politics and Christianity in Xiamen." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 18, no. 1 (2017): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2016.1251962.

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50

Lienemann-Perrin, Christine. "Configurations and Prefigurations of Conversion in the History of World Christianity." Mission Studies 34, no. 1 (2017): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341481.

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Many contemporary understandings and implementations of conversion are prefigured in historical periods of world Christianity. In this paper, I consider a selection of historical moments, which together illustrate the broad variety of understandings and practices of conversion. I begin with conversion’s role in the formation of Christianity, followed by conversion in oriental Christianity under the influence of Islam from the seventh century. I then explore conversion in occidental Christianity during the early modern period. Exported to China in the seventeenth century, this conception ultima
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