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1
Bergman, Zandra. "“Holy” War on Human Rights : A hermeneutic study of the complex situation of human rights activists in Afghanistan". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446122.
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Title: “Holy” War on Human Rights - A hermeneutic study of the complex situation of human rights activists in Afghanistan Author: Zandra Bergman Supervisor: Maud Eriksen Examiner: Johanna Romare Department of TheologyMaster program of Religion in Peace and ConflictMaster’s thesis, 15 credits In September 2020, the latest attempt to bring peace to Afghanistan, the intra-Afghan peace talks formally began. The opening of the peace negotiations failed to produce the long-desired ceasefire. Instead, it marked an increase of violence: a sharp number of deliberate killings of human rights defenders. The purpose of this study is to examine lived experiences of human rights activists in Afghanistan and the complex situation in which they are operating and to gain a deeper understanding of why they have increasingly been subject to violence. Furthermore, it is an attempt to explore the meaning of violence against Afghan human rights activists promoting women's rights. This is a hermeneutic study primarily based on data collected through interviews with two Afghan human rights activists. Rather than touch every topic and present data about an objective reality or truth, the aim is to shed light on the shared experiences of the respondents, providing snapshots of the current situation of Afghan human rights defenders, and to discuss their stories in the light of selected theories. The following research questions have been used to guide the study: (1) How can we understand the complex situation of human rights activists in Afghanistan, and (2) What are the underlying reasons they are being targeted? By adopting mainly, the concepts of hegemony: to decode underlying dimensions of power struggles, and a critical feminist approach: to grasp the gender dimensions of the conflict, I have exposed how my respondents in their positions of human rights defenders bring new life to a historical conflict of interests impinging on the future nature of Afghanistan. Moreover, they expose a recurrent clash between opposing hegemonic aspirations: a struggle over the maintenance of social order in the Afghan society, in which they are being placed at the center.
2
Wafeq, Nabila. "Shifting Perspectives: Changing Policies Promoting Women’s Empowerment in Afghanistan". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20503.
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THESIS ABSTRACT
In this thesis, I attempt to identify major obstacles that are challenging the implementation of international human rights treaties in Afghanistan. With a focus on the treaties that promote women’s rights and prevent violence against women in a post-conflict situation. There are several obstacles including lack of rule of law and the existence of customary practices in Afghanistan. Despite these challenges, there are national legislations and policies that promote women’s rights and empowerment in Afghanistan. However, for women’s empowerment, it is not sufficient to have supportive laws and policies, but there is need for a systematic transformation of patriarchal structures by conducting a thorough gender analysis and ensuring gender mainstreaming. The Afghan government, as part of its commitment to the international community, has to take measures for removing obstacles and ensuring the implementation of human rights treaties in order to pave the way for women’s empowerment in Afghanistan.
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Lind, Amanda. "The Power of the Human Rights Council : A comparative case-study of Afghanistan and Russia". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100660.
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The purpose of this thesis is to study the power and capacity of the UN Human Rights Council to promote and protect human rights through the recommendations by the Special Procedures and the Universal Periodic Review. The aim is then to analyse the recommendations and their effect by using the Concept of power by Robert Dahl (2007). The essay aims to answer the question if the Human Rights Council has power over the countries Russia and Afghanistan together with the questions about the effect of the recommendations. The method chosen for this thesis is qualitative one as it is a comparative case-study. As a theory is used as a lens to analyse the findings it is an abductive study. The conclusion of this study is that the recommendations have not succeeded to promote or protect human rights in Afghanistan or Russia and thus the Human rights Council has no power.
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Ali, Ramoz Hossain. "Who Holds the Steering Wheel in Afghanistan? The Governor-Governed (Mis)Communication for Power, Human Rights, and Prosperity". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28823.
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This thesis examines the interrelation of the government of Afghanistan's quality and communication against a theoretical framework that draws on Bertrand Russell's (1961) Authority and the Individual and Niklas Luhmann's (1990) The Political Theory in the Welfare State. Theories of governance, communication, and participatory democracy are investigated to explore the role of media, people's political participation, citizenry, and civic activism, in good governance. The objective of this thesis is to investigate how communication influences good governance. A qualitative research design is employed, utilizing content analysis of government and non-government documents and in-depth interviews with national and international field experts. The thesis finds that effective communication can enhance the degree of responsiveness, accountability, and transparency in Afghanistan's governance system. It is argued here that effective communication between the government, external players, and the people, can improve governance quality. This thesis provides a formulation of the communication activities of the government of Afghanistan, the Afghani people, and the international community that can playa critical role in changing Afghanistan's current status as a failed state.
5
Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Čílová, Zuzana. "Zranitelné skupiny v Afghánistánu a lidská práva". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77401.
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My graduation thesis is engaged in vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan. I defined women, children, handicapped and migrants as vulnerable groups. First of all I tried to describe contemporary situation and status of these vulnerable groups in Afghanistan. I tried to refer to all aspects of their vulnerability. In the next part I analyzed the roots of their vulnerability in detail. I concerned on environmental conditions, historic evolution, cultural background, economic development and development and stability of the state. In conclusion I tried to put forward a concept of solution, which should improve the situation of vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan. The main actor of my analysis is a state, which from my point of view is the most important element of the development in Afghanistan. The important part of these questions is a collision of Western and Muslim culture or Afghan culture. This fact means a new very complicated dimension of vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan.
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Sanchez, Laura. "A comparative study of refugees and idps". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/506.
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There is a grave concern for the life, liberty and security of individuals who have been forced to leave their homes and have become dispersed within their native countries and throughout the Asian continent. These internally displaced persons and refugees are the subject of this study. Some of the themes that will be discussed include: civil war, human rights violations and the economy, since these are the problems affecting the populations of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Myanmar. These case studies are of particular interest because Afghanistan is where most refugees come from, Myanmar has the longest-running military regime and Pakistan hosts the most refugees in the world. All three case studies are currently in a state of civil war, are breeding grounds for violations of human rights and have corrupt economies. Thus, the goal is to end armed conflict, to put an end to the human rights violations that come with it and to restructure the economies in each of these nation states so that the internally displaced persons and refugees can be repatriated, since displacement has become too much of a burden for Afghanistan, Pakistan and Myanmar's neighboring countries, who have been taking in all of the refugees from said countries. Theoretically, if the issues causing displacement were to be solved, then the countries that host refugees would be able to concentrate on their own populations. This study can potentially address the gap between knowledge, policy formation, and policy implementation to realize the goals of the international community in dealing with the displacement crisis.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Tonkin, Hannah Jane. "States' international obligations to control private military & security companies in armed conflict". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1658758a-481a-4f1c-83c0-2ef269a78778.
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Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.
9
Nemar, Khadidja. "Le cadre juridique des opérations militaires de stabilisation et de reconstruction : vers un code de conduite des opérations militaires en situation postconflictuelle fondé sur les droits de l’homme ?" Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0690/document.
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Plus de vingt-six ans après la publication de l’Agenda pour la paix par les Nations-unies, les opérations de stabilisation et de reconstruction menées en Afghanistan et en Iraq marquent une plus grande implication des forces armées dans les opérations de consolidation de la paix. De la conduite des hostilités au maintien de l’ordre dans le cadre de la stabilisation, à la fourniture de projets d’assistance et de développement à la population et de reconstruction de l’État, le rôle des armées s’est avéré central. Dans des situations, où l’État souverain connaît une transformation et une reconstruction de ses institutions, les forces intervenantes endossent un double rôle de « belligérant » face à des insurrections contestant la légitimité du nouvel ordre politique établit après les interventions, et de « souverain » prenant en charge les prérogatives souveraines tant sécuritaires que providentielles des États hôtes. À travers une étude des doctrines et pratiques américaine, britannique et française de ces opérations en Afghanistan et en Iraq, cette thèse a pour objet de définir les défis au droit international créé par ce double rôle des armées lors de situations transitionnelles entre guerre et paix. Face au constat d'’incertitude tant opérationnelle que juridique caractérisant ces opérations, la thèse propose de construire un cadre juridique régulant les activités des forces armées sur ces terrains, fondé sur le droit des droits de l’homme comme lex favorabilis. A partir de cette proposition, des lignes de conduite sont déduites pour traduire les obligations juridiques découlant de l’application des droits de l’homme en règles opérationnellesMore than twenty-six years after the United Nations' released the "Agenda for peace", stabilisation and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq have been marked by a greater involvement of armed forces in peace enforcement and peace building operations. From the conduct of hostilities to law enforcement operations to stabilise the country, to the provision of assistance and development to the population as well as State reconstruction, the role of the military became central. In situations where the sovereign state is undergoing a transformation and a reconstruction of its institutions, the intervening forces assume a dual role of “belligerent” in the face of insurrections challenging the legitimacy of the new political order established by the interventions on one hand, and of “sovereign” role taking over the host States' responsibilities in both its security and welfare functions. Based on a study of “post-conflict stabilisation and reconstruction” doctrines as interpreted and implemented by the armies of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France in Afghanistan and Iraq, this thesis aims to define the challenges to international law created by this dual role of the military in transitional situations between war and peace. Faced with the operational and legal uncertainty characterising these operations, this thesis proposes a human-rights based legal framework to regulate armed forces activities, using human rights law as a lex favorabilis. On the basis of this proposal, guidelines are drawn to translate into operational rules the legal obligations arising from the application of human rights
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Fulda, Christian B. "Demokratie und pacta sunt servanda". Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=966406508.
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Armstrong, Sally. "Missing in access, a feminist critique of international documents that pertain to the human right of adolescent girls to access to health services and their impact on young women in Afghanistan and in Canada". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ63042.pdf.
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Aghaie, Joobani Hossein. "Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia : A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation Organization". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-100397.
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Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.
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Handl, Vladimír. "Tony Blair a morální argumenty v zahraniční politice". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393158.
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For ten years he spent as the Prime Minister, Tony Blair led Great Britain in no less five then military operations, more than any other Prime Minister in the modern history. Neither of these operations was strictly speaking in British national interest and thus Tony Blair had to use other than the usual arguments to legitimize Britain's participation. He therefore started using moral arguments. Usage of these became much more acceptable during the nineties due to the changes in the international arena, this thesis looks at which moral arguments Tony Blair used during his tenure as the Prime Minister and how he used them. It analyses his arguments used to legitimize operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and Kosovo.
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CHU, Wen-yi y 朱文意. "The Human Rights Diplomacy of Germany under Angela Merkel—A Case Study based on Afghanistan, Iraq, and China". Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/63187275751531098636.
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碩士東吳大學
德國文化學系
97
Germany’s perception of its role in the international community is characterized by its pursuit of EU integration and non-militarization. The missions and objectives of Germany are reflective of its national interests, seeking directions of Germany’s survival and development. Today, Germany has successfully abandoned the Cold War mentality of forced responsibility and bipolarity of international system, replacing it with a good-neighbor policy which prioritizes its national goals. The paper is aimed at studying the roles Germany has played internationally since its reunification in October 1990, particularly the making of the human rights diplomacy and the continuity of its foreign policy. By applying the role theory and defining states as the main actors in international relations, this paper examines how the changing roles of Germany influences its human rights diplomacy and how human rights issues defined Berlin’s foreign policy between 2005 and 2009. In addition to the remarks by Chancellor Dr. Angela Merkel and Foreign Minister Dr. Franz-Walter Steinmeier, the paper seeks to explore the principles and directions of Germany’s human rights diplomacy through cases about Afghanistan, Iraq, and China.
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Sarson, Leah. "National Interests and International Consensus: The Case for a Human Rights Approach to Canadian Foreign Policy". Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/4679.
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The inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy is typically rationalized as corresponding to the fundamental Canadian value of respect for human rights; however, Canada’s limited appeals to human rights, couched in the rhetoric of values, altruism, and morality, have not produced a substantive policy that adequately considers or sufficiently protects human rights. Although human rights are generally considered subordinate to security, economic, and other national interests, this thesis will argue that these are mutually inclusive concepts that serve to support each other. By examining Canadian engagement in Afghanistan through the theoretical perspective of the English School solidarists, this thesis contends that Canada national interest can be realized through a commitment to a human rights foreign policy, thereby providing concrete justification for the inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. The objective of such an approach is to improve Canada’s ability to protect and promote international human rights, leaving little doubt in the minds of Canadian foreign policy-makers that there is undeniable value in a human rights foreign policy and that such a policy will produce national interest ends.
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Motta, Francesco Pietro Alessandro. "The legal protection of civilians in armed conflict and military occupation : international humanitarian, human rights, and criminal laws, and the protection of civilians in the Israeli occupied Palestinian Territory, Afghanistan and Iraq". Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156329.
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This thesis examines the international legal framework for the protection of civilians in military occupation and armed conflict, and whether it sufficiently provides for appropriate legal (and factual) protection to civilians. The situations of Palestinians living in the Israeli occupied Palestinian territory (oPt - Palestine) and civilians subject to the armed conflicts and military occupations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the legal protections offered to them by International Humanitarian Law (IHL), international human rights law (IHRL), and accountability mechanisms under international criminal law (ICL) are specifically examined. IHL and IHRL apply concurrently in military occupation and armed conflict, although IHL serves as the lex specialis. However, IHL and IHRL have largely failed to provide Palestinians minimum safeguards because of Israel's view that, except for principles of IHL embodied in customary international law, no IHL or human rights treaties apply to Palestinians living in the oPt. On Afghanistan and Iraq, the factual application of principles of IHL and IHRL to protect civilians and non-combatants remains problematic owing to factors, including: arguments about when international armed conflict, military occupation, and non-international armed conflict commenced and ended, and the content of applicable rules; the existence of weak central governments which cannot ensure application of the rules by their security forces in conflict areas; the non-application of human rights standards by the International Military Forces (IMF) in military operations; and non-State actors participating in hostilities who do not view themselves as bound by the relevant rules. The lack of consistent adherence to applicable norms or narrow interpretations of obligations by responsible actors, and lack of consistent enforcement or accountability at the national and international levels through the UN Security Council, the International Court of Justice or the International Criminal Court, or the lack of diplomatic, political, economic or legal action by the international community, means that application of the rules protecting civilians are largely left to the will of the parties (both State and non-State). International criminal law, as an accountability mechanism, is also problematic. Not all States are signatories to the ICC Statute, and its jurisdiction only becomes active if the relevant State is unwilling or unable to deal effectively with alleged breaches. Furthermore, very few States are willing to accept universal jurisdiction in relation to non-nationals accused of committing breaches or violations without a sufficient connection to their jurisdiction. To address the gap between the legal and factual protection of civilians, greater coherence and effective action by the international community is required to ensure respect and implementation of the rules and effectiveness of mechanisms of accountability and redress. Until such seriousness of intent is exhibited, legal protections offered to civilians living under military occupation or armed conflict will remain deficient- leaving civilians to continue to suffer disproportionately, such as in Afghanistan and Iraq, and particularly the Palestinian people, many of who have endured 60 years of displacement and 45 years of occupation, with little respect for their protection or their legal rights and with little prospect of redress in sight.
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Vasko, Timothy. "Human, not too human: a critical semiotic of drones and drone warfare". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4417.
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Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics.Graduate