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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Human rights – Somalia"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 13 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Human rights – Somalia"

Regilme, Salvador Santino Jr Fulo, and Elisabetta Spoldi. "Children in Armed Conflict: A Human Rights Crisis in Somalia." Global Jurist 21, no. 2 (2021): 365–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2020-0083.

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Abstract Despite the consolidated body of public international law on children’s rights and armed conflict, why do armed rebel groups and state forces deploy children in armed conflict, particularly in Somalia? First, due to the lack of alternative sources of income and livelihood beyond armed conflict, children join the army due to coercive recruitment by commanders of armed groups. Their participation in armed conflict generates a fleeting and false sense of material security and belongingness in a group. Second, many Somali children were born in an environment of existential violence and material insecurity that normalized and routinized violence, thereby motivating them to view enlistment in armed conflict as morally permissible and necessary for existential survival.

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Khayre, Ahmed Ali M. "Somalia: Making Human Rights Central to the State Rebuilding." Conflict Studies Quarterly 21 (October 3, 2017): 22–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.21.2.

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ʿAwad, Muhsin. "Human rights in the Arab World (2009–10): the impact of wasted chances and the consecration of human rights violations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 1 (2011): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.549765.

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This article is based on the Arab Organization for Human Rights (AOHR) report on the situation of human rights in the Arab World (ʿAwad et al. 2010), which was issued in July 2010 and is comprehensive for the period extending from mid-2009 to mid-2010. This connotes a pivotal and decisive period when the Arab nation was obliged to confront critical decisions that will influence the future and the fate of the nation (ummah) for a long time to come. Across a wide range of pivotal issues central to the Arab nation there have been decisive gains at the level of the right of self-determination in Palestine and Iraq, and at the level of civil peace and territorial integrity in the Sudan, Somalia and Yemen, as well as on reform and democratic transition in many Arab countries. For a very long time there has not ceased to be a choice between development, social policies and Arab economic cooperation in the period between two global crises, the first of which depleted Arab sovereign funds by half and the second of which is brewing ominously on the horizon of the global economy. This paper tackles the most prominent features of the human rights condition through four main sections: the development of national legislation; political and civil rights; public freedoms; and developmental and environmental challenges and their impact on the implementation of social and economic rights.

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Khayre, Ahmed Ali M. "Politics of Justice, Human Rights and Reconciliation in the Collapsed State of Somalia." Amsterdam Law Forum 8, no. 1 (2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.37974/alf.279.

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Barber, Rebecca. "Facilitating humanitarian assistance in international humanitarian and human rights law." International Review of the Red Cross 91, no. 874 (2009): 371–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383109990154.

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AbstractIn 2008, 260 humanitarian aid workers were killed or injured in violent attacks. Such attacks and other restrictions substantially limit the ability of humanitarian aid agencies to provide assistance to those in need, meaning that millions of people around the world are denied the basic food, water, shelter and sanitation necessary for survival. Using the humanitarian crises in Darfur and Somalia as examples, this paper considers the legal obligation of state and non-state actors to consent to and facilitate humanitarian assistance. It is shown that the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, as well as customary international law, require that states consent to and facilitate humanitarian assistance which is impartial in character and conducted without adverse distinction, where failure to do so may lead to starvation or otherwise threaten the survival of a civilian population. This paper considers whether this obligation has been further expanded by the development of customary international law in recent years, as well as by international human rights law, to the point that states now have an obligation to accept and to facilitate humanitarian assistance in both international and non-international armed conflicts, even where the denial of such assistance does not necessarily threaten the survival of a civilian population.

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Forsythe, David P. "Choices More Ethical Than Legal: The International Committee of the Red Cross and Human Rights." Ethics & International Affairs 7 (March 1993): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00147.x.

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It may come as a surprise to many that the ICRC was the first agency established representing the International Red Cross and Red Crescent network to protect and assist victims of war and victims of politics. This article explores the ineffective consequences of international laws overseeing such victims and argues that proper implementation of these laws requires policy, without which laws can never be executed. ICRC has often coordinated relief for victims in such places as Somalia and Bosnia, in fact more than all the UN agencies combined, when the rest of the world was still ignoring them. When law is silent, and often during war time it is, human rights policies must be built on ethical choice.

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Charfi, M. "ORGANIZATION OF THE WORK OF THE SESSION: ASSISTANCE TO SOMALIA IN THE FIELD OF HUMAN RIGHTS." Refugee Survey Quarterly 15, no. 1 (1996): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/15.1.117.

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Vogelaar, Femke. "Principles Corroborated by Practice? The Use of Country of Origin Information by the European Court of Human Rights in the Assessment of a Real Risk of a Violation of the Prohibition of Torture, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment." European Journal of Migration and Law 18, no. 3 (2016): 302–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342104.

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This article studies the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) approach to country of origin information in its case law under Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights. It will first examine the standard set by the ECtHR on the use of country of origin information, followed by an assessment of the application of these principles by the ECtHR in its case law. The article specifically focusses on the use of country of origin information in expulsion cases of applicants from Somalia, Tamils applicants from Sri Lanka and applicants from Iran. The analysis of the ECtHR’s case law in this article will show that the ECtHR does not apply its own standards in a transparent and consistent manner. This raises questions as to the quality of the ECtHR’s assessment of the risk of a violation of Article 3.

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Khamala, Charles Alenga. "Oversight of Kenya’s Counterterrorism Measures on Al-Shabaab." Law and Development Review 12, no. 1 (2019): 79–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2018-0010.

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Abstract Citing comparative US, UK and European jurisprudence, this article proposes a pre-inchoate offence to punish terror suspects at the African Court of Justice and Human Rights. It traces the Kenya government’s twenty-first-century responses to distorted jihad fundamentalism culminating in the current escalating pogroms. Coercive executive counterterrorism responses make exceptions to universal human rights enshrined under liberal democratic constitutions and international instruments. Yet the legality principle constrains the use of pre-inchoate offences. Hence civil society’s resistance delayed the enactment of Kenya’s Prevention of Terrorism Act. Moreover, the Constitutional Court subsequently struck out as ‘vague and ambiguous’ the Security Law (Amendment) Act’s substantive provision which ‘presumed criminal intent for encouraging terror’. Procedurally, another dilemma arises. This concerns whether it is possible for an international terror suspect to have a fair domestic trial. Although ‘limited executive measures’ require some individuals to trade off their own liberties to safeguard the security of others, due diligence can prevent torture or targeted killings. Instead, following Kenyan ‘Operation Linda Nchi’s’ pre-emptive strikes since 2011, Al-Shabaab’s retaliation arguably spiralled into increased violations of the core human right to life. Enacting pre-inchoate offences instead deems Islamist terrorists, particularly secondary offenders, as rational actors. Using a ‘reverse harm thesis’ to justify the education of pre-inchoate offenders, I argue that regional criminal trials of terror suspects constitute better ‘effective oversight’ on human rights violations than executive, legislative or domestic judicial responses. Invoking ‘concurrent responsibility’ to prosecute Al-Shabaab suspects before the ACJHR can therefore facilitate AMISOM’s dignified ‘exit’ strategy from Somalia.

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Hashmi, Sohail H. "Is There an Islamic Ethic of Humanitarian Intervention?" Ethics & International Affairs 7 (March 1993): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00143.x.

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Recent interventions by non-Islamic states into conflicts involving Islamic nations have shifted the focus of debates within the Muslim community from the conflicts themselves to whether non-Muslim states have the moral right to intervene into Muslim matters at all. Hashmi delivers an overview of fundamental issues Western leaders ignored when evaluating their power of intervention in the Persian Gulf, Bosnia, Somalia, and Afghanistan. In Islamic law (sharia), for example, national sovereignty carries an explicitly separate and less clearly defined meaning than in Western philosophy. Lack of consensus within the international community on the definition and criteria of intervention exacerbates even further the flaw of not incorporating non-Western thought into the decision-making process of intervention. In the aftermath of the Cold War, Hashmi proposes this as a long overdue moment for reassessing the UN chapter on intervention, reappraising the value of human rights and justice, and most important, including Islamic thought into the new system.

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