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Añaños Bedriñana, Karen Giovanna, Bernardo Alfredo Hernández Umaña y José Antonio Rodríguez Martín. "“Living Well” in the Constitution of Bolivia and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Reflections on Well-Being and the Right to Development". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, n.º 8 (21 de abril de 2020): 2870. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17082870.
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The article analyzes how approaches to “Living Well” as reflected in the Constitution of the State of Bolivia, the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth, and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the Organization of American States (OAS) contribute to understanding the Andean cosmovision of indigenous peoples of the American continent. To do so, it first studied the most immediate precedents that led to incorporation of the notion of Living Well into Bolivian law. Second, it approached the right to development from the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which has as its source the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The paper thus proposes reflections on the Bolivian State and the American Declaration that advance understanding of Living Well, a notion comparable in the West to the right to development (political, social, economic, environmental, and cultural) that enables the individual and collective realization of the individual. Fullness, understood in terms of well-being, is related to the protection of health and of the environment. Finally, the paper employs a qualitative methodology with a well-documented hermeneutic focus, as well as the tool of a semi-structured interview with a Bolivian scholar familiar on the topic.
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Delgado-Pugley, Deborah. "Contesting the Limits of Consultation in the Amazon Region: On Indigenous Peoples’ Demands for Free, Prior and Informed Consent in Bolivia and Peru". Revue générale de droit 43 (13 de enero de 2014): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021213ar.
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While states have legal rights over more than 60% of the world’s forests, around one billion people inhabit and “manage” them often without proper legal recognition. Many countries are moving towards conferring legal rights over forested land to a broad range of private actors such as individuals or communities. However, and perhaps not surprisingly, two thirds of on-going violent conflicts involving rural communities are driven by contested claims over land and resources. In many Latin American countries, statutes and regulations on consultation have recently become strategic issues, even though these laws are suppose to comply with treaties and declarations signed by states some years or even decades before. Is it reasonable to claim that international approaches to indigenous rights, such as the ILO Convention 169 (1989) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) have actually begun to influence domestic regulations in a comprehensive manner? In that sense, what is the concrete impact of these approaches in policy-making processes? Is the recognition of the right to consultation bringing improvement to environmental conditions in the jurisdictions concerned? These questions are hereby addressed by means of two case studies where laws on consultation had parliamentary approval and were promoted by State’s agencies, but were contested by indigenous peoples’ movements: the framing of the Peruvian National Law on Consultation (Law No. 29785) and the ad hoc Law on Consultation (Law No. 222) over a planned road through the Indigenous Territory and Isiboro-Sécure National Park, regarded as the basis for the Bolivian Law on Consultation.
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Crabtree, John. "Indigenous Empowerment in Evo Morales's Bolivia". Current History 116, n.º 787 (1 de febrero de 2017): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.787.55.
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Bebbington, Denise Humphreys. "Extraction, inequality and indigenous peoples: Insights from Bolivia". Environmental Science & Policy 33 (noviembre de 2013): 438–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2012.07.027.
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Nina, Dante Ayaviri, Gabith Quispe Fernandez y Patricio Sánchez Cuesta. "Describing Local Development in Indigenous Peoples". Journal of Sustainable Development 12, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2019): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v12n1p148.
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Practices and modes of development planning have focused on researchers, because the development of communities and states depends on them, and it has its importance in all territories, as well as the practices and processes of construction of development. The article aims to identify the practices that rural communities have in relation to local development, specifically addresses the |Aymara communities of Bolivia. To do this, a survey of leaders of the region was carried out; on the other hand, development plans and specialized literature in the field of development have been reviewed. The results establish that local development approaches the theory of endogenous development, given the practices and the role played by actors in the development processes, which involved solid and inclusive participative community organizations, a leading role in the consolidation of productive, organizational and planning systems, based on values, ancestral and cultural customs of territory with a focus on sustainability.
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Hesselroth, Alba. "The Decolonization of Bolivia's Antinarcotics Policy?" Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 21 (17 de marzo de 2016): 59–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2015.134.
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This paper argues that a peculiar form of colonization developed during the 20th century in Bolivia's antinarcotics policy, comprised of features that resemble both external and internal colonialism. On the one hand, international institutions and the United States were able to impose a system of control and prohibition on the growing and consumption of coca leaf in the country. On the other hand, the governing elite supported by the US imposed their power and domination over coca farmers, introducing US-sponsored prohibition of the growing of coca leaf and promoting forced coca eradication, severely jeopardizing coca farmers’ rights. In contrast to previous administrations that passively accepted decisions taken in international forums regarding coca leaf classification as an illegal drug, and rigorously followed instructions issued by the US with respect to eradication of coca, the government of Evo Morales is acting to change this situation in a twofold effort in both international and national arenas. Through the analysis of policies issued by this government between 2006-2014, this paper argues that in its management of antinarcotics policy is pursuing a particular process of decolonization to defend traditional uses of coca leaf, protect social, economic and cultural rights of Andean indigenous peoples involved in its production and/or consumption, and promote economic development of areas where coca is grown.Este artículo sostiene que, en el siglo XX, se desarrolló una forma peculiar de colonización en la política antinarcótica de Bolivia, compuesta por rasgos parecidos a los del colonialismo externo e interno. Por una parte, las instituciones internacionales y los Estados Unidos lograron imponer en el país un sistema de control y prohibición del cultivo y consumo de la hoja de coca. Por otra parte, la élite gobernante apoyada por los EE.UU. impuso su poder y dominio sobre los cocaleros al introducir esta prohibición y promover la erradicación forzosa de la coca con el auspicio de EE.UU., poniendo en severo peligro los derechos de los cocaleros. A diferencia de anteriores gobiernos que aceptaron pasivamente las decisiones tomadas en foros internacionales acerca de la clasificación de la hoja de coca como droga ilegal y siguieron con rigor las instrucciones de los EE.UU. acerca de la erradicación de la coca, el gobierno de Evo Morales está actuando para cambiar la situación en un doble esfuerzo internacional y nacional. Analizando las políticas de este gobierno entre 2006-2014, este artículo sostiene que en el manejo de la política antinarcótica está siguiendo un proceso particular de descolonización para defender los usos tradicionales de la hoja de coca y proteger los derechos sociales, económicos y culturales de las poblaciones andinas involucradas en su producción y/o consumo, y promover el desarrollo económico de las áreas donde se cultiva.
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Rice, Roberta. "How to Decolonize Democracy: Indigenous Governance Innovation in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 22 (27 de marzo de 2017): 220–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2016.169.
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This paper analyzes the successes, failures, and lessons learned from the innovative experiments in decolonization that are currently underway in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada. Bolivia and Nunavut are the first large-scale tests of Indigenous governance in the Americas. In both cases, Indigenous peoples are a marginalized majority who have recently assumed power by way of democratic mechanisms. In Bolivia, the inclusion of direct, participatory, and communitarian elements into the democratic system, has dramatically improved representation for Indigenous peoples. In Nunavut, the Inuit have also opted to pursue self-determination through a public government system rather than through an Inuit-specific self-government arrangement. The Nunavut government seeks to incorporate Inuit values, beliefs, and worldviews into a Canadian system of government. In both cases, the conditions for success are far from ideal. Significant social, economic, and institutional problems continue to plague the new governments of Bolivia and Nunavut. Based on original research in Bolivia and Nunavut, the paper finds that important democratic gains have been made. I argue that the emergence of new mechanisms for Indigenous and popular participation has the potential to strengthen democracy by enhancing or stretching liberal democratic conceptions and expectations.Este artículo analiza los éxitos, fracasos y lecciones aprendidas de los innovadores experimentos de descolonización que se están llevando a cabo actualmente en Bolivia y Nunavut, Canadá. Bolivia y Nunavut son los primeros experimentos de gobernanza indígena a gran escala en las Américas. En ambos casos, los pueblos indígenas son mayorías marginadas que recientemente han asumido el poder por medio de mecanismos democráticos. En Bolivia, la inclusión de elementos directos, participativos y comunitarios en el sistema democrático ha mejorado dramáticamente la representación de los pueblos indígenas. En Nunavut, los inuit también han optado por gestionar la autodeterminación a través de un sistema de gobierno público en lugar de un acuerdo de autogobierno específicamente inuit. El gobierno de Nunavut intenta incorporar valores, creencias y visiones del mundo inuit en el sistema de gobierno canadiense. En ambos casos, las condiciones para el éxito están lejos de ser ideales. Considerables problemas sociales, económicos e institucionales siguen afectando a los nuevos gobiernos de Bolivia y Nunavut. Pese a ello, y en base a investigaciones realizadas en Bolivia y Nunavut, el artículo da cuenta de importantes ganancias democráticas y propone que el surgimiento de nuevos mecanismos para la participación indígena y popular tiene el potencial de fortalecer la democracia al ampliar las concepciones y expectativas democráticas liberales.
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Eichler, Jessika. "Neo-extractivist controversies in Bolivia: indigenous perspectives on global norms". International Journal of Law in Context 15, n.º 1 (11 de julio de 2018): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552318000150.
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AbstractEver since Evo Morales Ayma became Bolivia's first indigenous president in 2006 and the promulgation of a human-rights-enhancing Constitution (2009) thereafter, indigenous peoples’ rights were gradually recognised. Yet, with the increasing demand for natural resources, indigenous communities have been adversely affected by the state's neo-extractivist policies. While global indigenous rights norms protect their fundamental rights, legal-implementation processes in the country's lowlands reveal dilemmas in terms of the value of laws in practice as well as its reinterpretation on the ground. Namely, in the communities, different positions and camps have emerged in terms of the role and functions of participatory rights. Despite the potential of the latter in strengthening collective-rights regimes and self-determination, community leaders, advisers and other members report how such processes fracture and weaken decision-making mechanisms and human rights claims.
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Kretov, S. M. "“Ethnic Revival” in Globalizing World: The Example of Indigenous Political Movements in Latin America". MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, n.º 5 (18 de noviembre de 2019): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-5-68-44-63.
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The article offers an inquiry into the problem of “ethnic revival” in politics against the background of the accelerated globalization processes through the example of the indigenous movements in Latin America. In particular, it explains how such global trends as the democratization and liberalization of social and political spheres, intensified activities of international institutions on the empowerment of disadvantaged social groups, the inclusion of ecological problems in national and international agendas, growing interest of international society to the social and political problems of developing countries have contributed to the intensification of political activities of the indigenous peoples in Latin America in the last 25 years.The indigenous political activism has taken radically different institutional forms and has led to diverse outcomes. For instance, in Mexico the indigenous peoples did not manage to create a viable sociopolitical force capable of advocating for their rights. In some other Latin America states, there are indigenous organizations that successfully promote the interests of native peoples. Moreover, in various countries the indigenous representatives are elected to national and local governments. In Colombia, Ecuador and Nicaragua the indigenous political parties were found, which, as long as other political forces, are participating in electoral processes and are delegating their representatives to public institutions. Whereas in case of Bolivia, the indigenous movement in alliance with left and progressive social organizations, has become the leading political force.The author gives an explanation why the political activism of the indigenous peoples in different Latin American countries has taken such forms and has contributed to such results. On the basis of the analysis of these political activities the conclusion is made about common features of political culture, self-identification and perception of social and political processes by the indigenous peoples of Latin America.
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Rice, Roberta. "From the ground up: The challenge of indigenous party consolidation in Latin America". Party Politics 17, n.º 2 (24 de febrero de 2011): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391159.
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To predict the electoral fate of the new cohort of indigenous-based political parties in Latin America, and the impacts on their respective party systems, we need to understand their prospects for consolidation. The central task of this article is to determine whether indigenous peoples’ parties are developing solid party roots in society or if they are merely benefiting from a protest vote against the system. The study of political party consolidation requires an examination of local level successes and failures. Based on a quantitative analysis of municipal election results in Ecuador (1996—2004) and Bolivia (1999—2004), the author finds mixed support for indigenous party consolidation. Clearly, the governing indigenous-based Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in Bolivia has solidified its base of support. Ecuador’s indigenous-based Pachakutik (MUPP) party, however, has lost its support at the national level, though it continues to make impressive gains at the local level. As such, it represents a case of incomplete consolidation.
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de Carvalho, Soraia. "The End of the Oppression of Indigenous Peoples under Capitalism? Bolivia under the Morales Government". Latin American Perspectives 47, n.º 4 (8 de junio de 2020): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20920271.
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Examination of the indigenous issue under the Evo Morales government in the framework of class struggle points to the weakening of the labor movement with the implantation of neoliberal measures in the late 1980s and the rise of the indigenous movement. The constituent assembly restored the democratic illusions weakened by the upheavals of 2000 and 2003. Its predominantly indigenous and peasant composition brought the agrarian question and the recognition of indigenous nationalities to the center of the debate. This experience did not and could not change the class nature of the state. The maintenance and defense of large private capitalist property is incompatible with a practice of national sovereignty and self-determination of indigenous nationalities. Um exame a questão indígena sob o governo Evo Morales nos marcos da luta de classes aponta o enfraquecimento do movimento operário com a implantação de medidas neoliberais nos fins dos anos 1980 e a ascensão o movimento indígena. A constituinte recompôs as ilusões democráticas enfraquecidas com os levantes de 2000 e 2003. A composição predominantemente indígena e camponesa da assembleia constituinte e a presença das suas organizações no processo traziam para o centro do debate a solução da questão agrária e do reconhecimento das nacionalidades indígenas. Esta experiência não modificou e nem poderia modificar a natureza de classe do Estado. A manutenção e defesa da grande propriedade privada capitalista são incompatíveis com uma prática de soberania nacional e autodeterminação das nacionalidades indígenas.
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Fontana, Lorenza Belinda. "Indigenous peoples vs peasant unions: land conflicts and rural movements in plurinational Bolivia". Journal of Peasant Studies 41, n.º 3 (23 de abril de 2014): 297–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2014.906404.
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Lowrey, Kathleen. "Incommensurability and new economic strategies among indigenous and traditional peoples". Journal of Political Ecology 15, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2008): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v15i1.21688.
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This article takes as a central problem why both a tiny laboratory and an enormous national park were almost simultaneously established in a remote tropical Bolivian indigenous community (Isoso) in the mid-1990s. Both projects – laboratory and the park – were oriented to non-economic values: the laboratory to those of traditional medicine and culture and the park to those of unspoiled nature. However, Isoseño people were particularly attentive to the projects' economic value, exploring the ways these might act as wellsprings of money revenue. The analysis presented here suggests that the tension among divergent orders of value that characterizes the contemporary global situation can present special opportunities, and not just challenges, to indigenous and traditional peoples living in places like Isoso. The essay brings together discussions of "incommensurability" made separately in recent cultural anthropological and ecological economic literature in order to show how and why this is so.Key words: indigenous peoples, economic strategies, traditional medicine, incommensurability, Bolivia, national park
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Englert, Franziska y Jonathan Schaub-Englert. "A fruitless attempt towards plurinationality and decolonization? Perplexities in the creation of indigenous territorial autonomies in Bolivia". Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 52, n.º 1 (2019): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2019-1-67.
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The new Andean constitutionalism centred around the concepts of plurinationality and decolonization tackles centuries of indigenous subordination and strives for the revaluation of indigenous culture. Territorial autonomy is currently considered a pivotal aspect of materializing these concepts and constitutes one of the most pressing demands of indigenous peoples in Latin America. The revolutionary Bolivian Constitution of 2009 is among the first to offer ways of establishing indigenous territorial autonomies as a form of sub-state territorial authority. Given the legal framework and the fact that three indigenous territorial autonomies (AIOCs) were officially created, Bolivia can be seen as the country with the most advanced conceptualization of indigenous territorial autonomies in Latin America. A closer look at the legal, cultural and administrative realities in Bolivia, however, reveals a different picture. By analyzing national and international law, indigenous cosmovisión and policies for implementation, this article points out six multi-layered perplexities regarding indigenous territorial autonomy, namely (1) the AOICs’ inherent subordination to the State, (2) the irreconcilability of the AIOC-system with indigenous ancestral practices, (3) the hierarchization within demodiversity, (4) the sacrifice of indigenous interests for neo-extractivism, (5) the obstruction of the implementation process by the State and (6) the possible trade-off between de jure and de facto autonomy. We argue that the Bolivian States’ self-imposed objective of overcoming colonialism and establishing plurinationality through AIOCs is not fulfilled. While some of the perplexities identified in Bolivia are clearly related to the MAS’ political-party interests, others have a conceptual and more abstract nature rooted in the contradiction of overcoming colonialism through the State. These findings might also be of importance for decolonization processes in other countries, such as Ecuador.
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Schilling-Vacaflor, Almut y Riccarda Flemmer. "Mobilising Free, Prior and Informed Consent (fpic) from Below: A Typology of Indigenous Peoples’ Agency". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, n.º 2 (17 de marzo de 2020): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02702008.
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Based on rich empirical data from Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru – the three Latin American countries where the implementation of prior consultation processes is most advanced – we present a typology of indigenous peoples’ agency surrounding prior consultation processes and the principle of free, prior and informed consent (fpic). The typology distinguishes between indigenous actors (1) mobilising for a strong legal interpretation of fpic, (2) mobilising for meaningful and influential fpic processes, (3) mobilising against prior consultation processes, and (4) blockading prior consultation processes for discussing broader grievances. We identify the most prominent indigenous strategies related to those four types, based on emblematic cases. Finally, we critically discuss the inherent shortcomings of the consultation approach as a model for indigenous participation in public decision-making and discuss the broader implications of our findings with regard to indigenous rights and natural resource governance.
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Perreault, Thomas. "State Restructuring and the Scale Politics of Rural Water Governance in Bolivia". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, n.º 2 (febrero de 2005): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a36188.
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Recent attempts to grant private concessions to water in Bolivia raise questions regarding the effects of the state's neoliberal restructuring on environmental governance. Like other Latin American states, Bolivia has enacted sweeping neoliberal reforms during the past two decades, including privatization of public sector industries, reduction of state services, and administrative decentralization. These reforms have been accompanied by constitutional reforms that recognized certain resource and political rights on the part of Bolivia's indigenous and campesino peoples. This paper examines the reregulation and rescaling of rural water management in Bolivia, and associated processes of mobilization on the part of peasant irrigators aimed at countering state reforms. Although traditional resource rights of peasant irrigators are strengthened by cultural aspects of constitutional reforms, rural livelihoods are undermined by economic liberalization. The paper examines the implications and contradictions of neoliberal reforms for rural water management in highland Bolivia. These processes are illustrated through a brief analysis of current organizational efforts on the part of peasant irrigators.
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Postero, Nancy y Nicole Fabricant. "Indigenous sovereignty and the new developmentalism in plurinational Bolivia". Anthropological Theory 19, n.º 1 (27 de febrero de 2019): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618779735.
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Across Latin America indigenous groups are asserting an alternative form of sovereignty they are calling indigenous autonomy. They have found support in international documents such as the 2007 United Nations Declaration of Indigenous Rights, as well as some Left-leaning governments such as those in Bolivia and Ecuador. Yet, there is a fundamental paradox at play in these demands: indigenous actors must negotiate their self-determination with the states whose essential characteristic is exerting territorial sovereignty. In this paper, we consider the politics entailed in managing these difficult political struggles. We examine one lowland indigenous community, the Guaraní of Charagua, Bolivia, which has articulated a vision of indigenous self-determination based in ñandereku, or ‘our way of being’ in the world. Rather than a liberal notion of territorial administration, this understanding of autonomy implies reciprocal relations between people and the land. We show how the Guaraní must negotiate the ‘spaces in-between’ competing notions of state and local sovereignty to approach their vision of self-determination. We argue that their efforts to assert indigenous autonomy can act as a form of emancipatory ‘politics,’ but that they are entangled with the ‘policing’ of the state, requiring skillful negotiations. Thus, their alternative notions of sovereignty must, at times, be smuggled in under the cover of other seemingly shared agendas such as economic development or liberalism. Here, we dispute Rancière’s notion of politics as the result of radical disagreement. We show instead how political actors negotiate ambiguities inherent in the multiple meanings of sovereignty to promote their own indigenous visions of self-governance. Thus, we posit that politics does not always require radical ruptures, but instead can emerge from productive entanglements in the ‘third spaces’ between neighbors, government entities, and worldviews. We conclude that this sort of balancing act might best be understood through the indigenous idea of ch’ixi, the holding in tension of competing but complementary elements.
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Martin, Pamela y Franke Wilmer. "Transnational Normative Struggles and Globalization: The Case of Indigenous Peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador". Globalizations 5, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2008): 583–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747730802500257.
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Alderman, Jonathan. "The Houses That Evo Built: Autonomy, Vivir bien, and Viviendas in Bolivia". Latin American Perspectives 48, n.º 3 (15 de abril de 2021): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211004897.
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The concept of vivir bien (living well) has become ubiquitous in Bolivian state discourse and policy since the election of Evo Morales as Bolivia’s president in 2005. While Bolivia’s constitutional refounding as plurinational is supposed to facilitate indigenous peoples’ living according to their conception of living well, the state still appears to be attempting to implement its own conception through rural social programs promoted as enabling rural indigenous peoples to live well. The implementation of one such social program, a housing donation program in the municipality of Charazani (Department of La Paz), demonstrates differing notions of vivir bien between neighboring communities and suggests that a program designed to facilitate vivir bien may actually provide obstacles to the realization of an indigenous conception of living well. El concepto de vivir bien se ha vuelto omnipresente en el discurso y la política del estado boliviano desde la elección de Evo Morales como presidente en 2005. Si bien se supone que la refundación constitucional de Bolivia como estado plurinacional debe facilitar la vida de los pueblos indígenas de acuerdo a su concepción de vivir bien, el Estado aún parece estar tratando de implementar su propia concepción a través de programas sociales rurales promovidos como proyectos que permiten que los pueblos indígenas rurales vivan bien. La implementación de uno de estos programas sociales, un programa de donación de vivienda en el municipio de Charazani (Departamento de La Paz), muestra diferentes nociones de lo que implica vivir bien entre las comunidades vecinas y sugiere que un programa diseñado para facilitarlo puede, de hecho, generar obstáculos a la realización de una concepción indígena de vivir bien.
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He, Yifan, Juan Pablo Baldiviezo, Arun Agrawal, Vicente Candaguira y Ivette Perfecto. "Guardians of the Forests: How Should an Indigenous Community in Eastern Bolivia Defend Their Land and Forests under Increasing Political and Economic Pressures?" Case Studies in the Environment 3, n.º 1 (31 de diciembre de 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cse.2019.sc.946307.
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Many indigenous communities across Latin America depend on forests for livelihood. In eastern Bolivia, indigenous communities face increasing challenges in forest management due to insecure land tenure, lack of capacity, and state policies that favor extractivism and export-oriented agriculture. This case study examines the dilemma of forest management in the Guarayos Indigenous Territory, with a particular focus on the influence of conflictive policies under Evo Morales administration. Using a combination of literature reviews, semi-structured interviews, and land use/land cover analysis, we investigated the drivers behind the challenges that the Guarayos indigenous community is facing in the forest and land governance and explore potential solutions. We found that deforestation within the Guarayos Indigenous Territory from 2000 to 2017 was primarily driven by agricultural commodity production. Despite its promises on protecting nature and the indigenous peoples, the government weakened the Guarayos indigenous people’s governance capacity through failure of forest law enforcement, prioritization of extractivism and export-oriented agriculture, and support for land titling of external entities. We presented these findings through a case narrative featuring the president of Guarayos indigenous government as the decision-maker. This case study provides an illustrative example of the challenges and management strategies in indigenous land and forest governance in the Latin American context. A Spanish version of this case study is available at https://www.learngala.com/cases/bolivia-forests-esp.
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Tockman, Jason. "Eliding consent in extractivist states: Bolivia, Canada, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples". International Journal of Human Rights 22, n.º 3 (6 de octubre de 2017): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2017.1383241.
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Williams, Meaghan y Robert Schertzer. "Is Indigeneity like Ethnicity? Theorizing and Assessing Models of Indigenous Political Representation". Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, n.º 4 (27 de agosto de 2019): 677–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000192.
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AbstractWithin the broader literature on political representation, studies exploring Indigenous forms of representation are rather limited. Where they exist, they tend to explore how Western models of political representation include Indigenous peoples, conflating Indigenous groups with ethnic minorities. This article asks whether and how Indigenous political representation might be distinguished from the representation of ethnic minorities. Our argument is that Indigenous groups’ identities tend to be based on different claims and relationships to the state than ethnic groups, which leads to political mobilization seeking a means to respond to the colonial nation-state project. We develop a theoretical framework that identifies three principles that ought to inform an effective and legitimate model of Indigenous political representation: recognition, protection and decolonization. We then apply this theoretical framework to assess the extent to which existing models of Indigenous representation in Bolivia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway correspond with these three principles.
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Pacino, Nicole. "Five Hundred Years of Political Struggle: New Research on Indigenous Peoples in Bolivia and Mexico". Latin American Perspectives 47, n.º 6 (8 de octubre de 2020): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20952329.
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Canessa, Andrew. "Indigenous Conflict in Bolivia Explored through an African Lens: Towards a Comparative Analysis of Indigeneity". Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, n.º 2 (27 de marzo de 2018): 308–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000063.
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AbstractSince Evo Morales was first elected President of Bolivia in 2005, indigeneity has moved from being a language of protest to a language of governance with concomitant profound changes in how indigeneity is imagined and mobilized. However, one of the striking features of Morales's presidency is his administration's open conflict with various indigenous groups. Although a number of scholars have addressed these issues, they have largely focused on the peculiarities of the Bolivian example in a Latin American context; this has obscured the advantage of significant comparative analysis with other areas of the world. I argue that indigeneity as it is currently practiced and understood is a recent global phenomenon and that there are more similarities between African countries and Bolivia than is generally appreciated. In particular, scholarly debates surrounding the difference between autochthony and indigeneity, and the case of Cameroon in particular, have much to offer in our understanding of the Bolivian case. To date, the primary frame for understanding indigeneity is an ethnic/cultural one and this can obscure important similarities and differences between groups. The comparative framework presented here allows for the development of analytical tools to distinguish fundamental differences and conflicts in indigenous discourses. I distinguish between five related conceptual pairs: majoritarian and minoritarian discourses; claims on the state and claims against the state; de-territorialized peoples versus territorialized peoples; hegemonic and counterhegemonic indigeneity; and substantive versus symbolic indigeneity. These nested pairs allow for analytic distinctions between indigenous rights discourses without recourse to discussions of culture and authenticity.
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Fabricant, Nicole y Bret Gustafson. "The Political Economy of Gas, Soy and Lithium in Morales’s Bolivia". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 25 (11 de mayo de 2020): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2019.220.
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Bolivia has accomplished some of its goals since Evo Morales was elected president in 2006. It has made advances in expanding inclusion for indigenous peoples and reducing levels of poverty. They have expanded services and infrastructure for the poor and prioritized long-abandoned rural areas. Middle class has grown by more than 10% and both government and the economy have tripled in size. Yet Bolivia remains deeply embedded in extractivist economics. This piece looks at the relationship to global trade and the political paradoxes that gas drilling, soy production and mineral extraction create for the country. Export-oriented dependency have had predictable effects on labor relations, policy planning, and most significantly the lives of people on the ground.
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Drange, Live Danbolt. "What Does Decolonisation Mean in Bolivia in Relation to the Position of Religion in the Country’s New Legislation and the New Curriculum?" Mission Studies 32, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2015): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341382.
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The article discusses challenges and obstacles in creating intercultural dialogue and coexistence across religious and cultural boundaries in a society that is ethnically and culturally multi-dimensional. Bolivian society has always been multicultural and multi-ethnic with a majority of indigenous peoples. The Roman Catholic Church has since colonization officially been dominating religious life and political power while evangelical churches have been growing considerably during the last decades. The majority of indigenous peoples have historically been oppressed by an elite of Spanish descent. In the last few decades there has been an ethnic revitalizing and indigenous representatives have for the first time in history gained positions in the government. They have taken an active part in the rewriting of the Constitution and an education act intending to create a more just and equal society under the slogan “decolonize the state”. A new Constitution and Education Act are establishing that the state is secular and that it guarantees freedom of religion and belief at the same time as it is marked by Andean spirituality. This spirituality and the position of religion in society and in education have been topics of controversy in the process of constructing new legislation. In the discussion the Catholic Church, evangelical Christians and indigenous participants advocating traditional Andean spirituality have been participating. I will look in to possible consequences of this Andeanization especially concerning the children’s religious upbringing.
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Kuenzli, E. Gabrielle. "Acting Inca: The Parameters of National Belonging in Early Twentieth-Century Bolivia". Hispanic American Historical Review 90, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2010): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-134.
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Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.
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Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui. "The Notion of “Rights” and the Paradoxes of Postcolonial Modernity: Indigenous Peoples and Women in Bolivia". Qui Parle 18, n.º 2 (2010): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5250/quiparle.18.2.29.
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Kania, Marta. "Qhapaq Ñan: Indigenous Peoples’ Heritage as an Instrument of Inter-American Integration Policy". Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales 7 (27 de diciembre de 2019): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/al.2019.7.231-255.
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<p>El objetivo del artículo es presentar las relaciones entre los países de América del Sur en cuanto a la política de la protección y salvaguarda de uno de los elementos más excepcionales del patrimonio cultural de los pueblos indígenas de la región, representado por el Sistema Vial Andino – Qhapaq Ñan. La primera parte describe el sistema de las rutas precolombinas y su significado para los habitantes de la región andina desde tiempos prehispánicos hasta los tiempos modernos. Las partes siguientes presentan el proceso de la nominación y la declaración de Qhapaq Ñan como el símbolo del Patrimonio Cultural Mundial por la UNESCO (2001–2014). La nominación fue posible gracias al esfuerzo de los representantes de los seis países vinculados actualmente por el Sistema Vial: Colombia, Ecuador, Perú, Bolivia, Chile y Argentina, y se presentó en términos de la integración y la cooperación interregional (a través de las estructuras de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones, OEA o CONSUR). La última parte del artículo presenta algunas reflexiones sobre el estado actual de la política cultural y el proceso de implementación de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas en relación con el derecho a la participación y la gestión de su patrimonio cultural.</p>
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Correia, Joel E., Cheryl McEwan, Joe Bryan y Penelope Anthias. "Book Review: Limits to Decolonization: Indigeneity, Territory, and Hydrocarbon Politics in the Bolivian Chaco". Human Geography 12, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2019): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861901200301.
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This book review symposium critically evaluates Penelope Anthias’ recent text Limits to Decolonization: Indigeneity, Territory, and Hydrocarbon Politics in the Bolivian Chaco (Cornell University Press 2018). Through deep ethnographic attention, Anthias’ text evaluates Indigenous struggles for territory in the context of “post-neoliberal” Bolivia under the Evo Morales administration, showing the variegated and nuanced politics of autonomy in an era of hydrocarbon extraction and increasingly contradictory state-Indigenous relations. The text examines the “limits” of rights and state-led territorial titling processes to radically challenge the racialized extractive geographies that shape the Bolivian Chaco region. In so doing, Anthias’ ethnography provides a rich analysis of how Guaraní Indigenous peoples are reshaping their relations with non-Indigenous landowners and the hydrocarbon industry to advance new forms of territorial autonomy and self-determination with significant ramifications on Indigenous studies in Latin America. This book review symposium draws from a session at the 2019 American Association of Geographers Conference, featuring two leading geographers who share their critical readings of Limits to Decolonization with a conclusion by Anthias that responds to the written reviews.
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Horn, Philipp. "Indigenous peoples, the city and inclusive urban development policies in Latin America: Lessons from Bolivia and Ecuador". Development Policy Review 36, n.º 4 (9 de marzo de 2018): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12234.
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Premo, Daniel L. "The Friendly Liquidation of the Past: The Politics of Diversity in Latin America. By Donna Lee Van Cott. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. 328p. $50.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, n.º 2 (junio de 2001): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401712026.
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This ambitious new book is a valuable contribution to a growing literature that assumes political democracy cannot be fully achieved in Latin America without recognizing and acting on the region's ethnic and cultural diversity. Van Cott explores the link between ethnic politics, particularly the demands of indigenous peoples, and the constitutional re- forms that have occurred in various countries in Latin America over the past decade. Relying primarily on compre- hensive analyses of constitutional reforms in Colombia (1991) and Bolivia (1994), she develops the case for what she terms a new "multicultural" model for the region.
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Lupien, Pascal. "Indigenous Movements, Collective Action, and Social Media: New Opportunities or New Threats?" Social Media + Society 6, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 205630512092648. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120926487.
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Indigenous peoples remain among the most marginalized population groups in the Americas. The decline of the Indigenous protest cycle in Latin America by the mid-2000s meant that research on collective action turned elsewhere just as the use of social media was becoming more prominent in the tactical repertoire of collective action, and we know little about how Indigenous groups have adapted new technologies for the purpose of civic engagement. If social media has begun to take the place of disruptive action (the most effective tactics in the 1990s according to Indigenous leaders), if personalized action is replacing collective identity (a strength of the Indigenous movements in the 1980s–1990s) and if their access to technology is limited, what does this mean for the ability of Indigenous communities to pursue their claims? Based on 2 years of fieldwork, this article addresses this question from the perspective of Indigenous organizations in three Latin American countries, Bolivia, Chile, and Ecuador. We find that some Indigenous organizations have benefited from the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in terms of enhanced communication, access to information, visibility, interest promotion, and commercialization of products and services. At this point in time, however, it appears that the disadvantages outweigh the benefits.
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MERINO, ROGER. "Reimagining the Nation-State: Indigenous Peoples and the Making of Plurinationalism in Latin America". Leiden Journal of International Law 31, n.º 4 (19 de septiembre de 2018): 773–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156518000389.
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AbstractIn the last two decades, the concept of plurinationalism has appeared in discussions about nationalism, statehood and multilevel governance, being formulated as a new state model that accommodates cultural diversity within the liberal state with the aim of solving nationalistic conflicts in countries marked by profound ethnic grievances, mainly in Europe. However, these discussions have paid less attention to the meaning of plurinationalism in ex-colonial contexts, particularly in recent experiences of state transformation in Bolivia and Ecuador, where the role of indigenous peoples in the plurinational project has been crucial. To fill this gap, this article explores the legal and political foundations, challenges and local and international dynamics in the building of the plurinational model in both countries. Under a critical engagement with Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), this article argues that plurinationality from indigenous perspectives departs from multicultural liberal models associated with current European plurinational views, and addresses two challenges: a global political economy of resource extraction, and a racialized state structure working as a barrier to actual plurinational implementation. These limitations explain an intrinsic tension in the Bolivian and Ecuadorian experience: on the one hand, plurinational governments try to unify the people around the ‘national interest’ of developing extractive industries; and on the other hand, they attempt to recognize ethno-political differences that often challenge the transnational exploitation of local resources.
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Medinaceli, Armando. "Taking an Early Step in Ethnobiological Research: A Proposal for Obtaining Prior and Informed Consent from Indigenous Peoples". Ethnobiology Letters 9, n.º 1 (11 de julio de 2018): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14237/ebl.9.1.2018.1054.
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Based on my own experiences from the field, in this paper I reflect on my work in Bolivia and Guatemala, collaborating with the Tsimane’ and Q’eqchi’ peoples, respectively. The aim of this reflection is to propose a set of guidelines for an early step in ethnobiological research. I understand an early step of research to be obtaining prior, informed consent of the peoples with whom we collaborate; a step I argue should be formalized and included as part of research proposals and documents (publications) resulting from the research. This guideline is offered simply as a reference for encouraging researchers to engage with the collaborating communities in a proper, ethical, and respectful way as a first step in our fieldwork. This proposed guideline, while motivating researchers to engage in this process, also encourages them to adapt and modify the guideline to the particular local situation where the planned research will take place. The proposal responds to local customs and traditions, while also following critical ethical guidelines for ethnobiological research, as well as national and international policy relevant to our field of research. It is therefore relevant to any region and community of collaborators where research takes place.
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Carrasco, Morita y Silvina Ramírez. "«SOMOS UN PUEBLO, PRECISAMOS UN TERRITORIO PORQUE ALLÍ ES DONDE SE DA LA VIDA INDÍGENA; SIN TERRITORIO NO HAY IDENTIDAD COMO PUEBLO». BUEN VIVIR EN ARGENTINA". Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital 10, n.º 19 (1 de junio de 2015): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cimsur.18704115e.2015.19.44.
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El artículo aborda una perspectiva respecto del surgimiento de la noción del buen vivir, asociado a dos modelos de desarrollo en los países de Latinoamérica. Analiza las posibles consecuencias legales emanadas de la incorporación del respeto a la naturaleza en las constituciones de Bolivia y Ecuador. Desde una mirada interdisciplinaria que articula finalmente posiciones del derecho y la antropología, el artículo propone un análisis de algunos pronunciamientos y documentos de pueblos indígenas en la Argentina para comprender el sentido que estos dan al buen vivir, sin nombrarlo de este modo.
«WE ARE A PEOPLE. WE NEED A TERRITORY BECAUSE THAT IS WHERE INDIGENOUS LIFE TAKES PLACE. WITHOUT A TERRITORY, THERE IS NO IDENTITY AS A PEOPLE». BUEN VIVIR IN ARGENTINA
This article views the emergence of the notion of good living (buen vivir), associated to development models in Latin American countries. It analyzes the possible legal consequences derived from the inclusion of the notion of respect for nature within the constitutions of Bolivia and Ecuador. From an interdisciplinary perspective that ultimately articulates positions drawn from law and anthropology, the article proposes an analysis of some statements and documents the indigenous peoples from Argentina have made in order to understand the meaning they place on the notion of good living, without naming it as such.
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Langer, Erick D. "The Eastern Andean Frontier (Bolivia and Argentina) and Latin American Frontiers: Comparative Contexts (19th and 20th Centuries)". Americas 59, n.º 1 (julio de 2002): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0077.
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The epic struggles between Mexicans and the Apaches and Comanches in the far northern reaches of the Spanish empire and the conflict between gauchos and Araucanians in the pampas in the far south are the images the mind conjures up when thinking of Latin American frontiers. We must now add for the twentieth century the dense Amazon jungle as one of the last frontiers in popular (and scholarly) minds. However, these images ignore the eastern Andean and Chaco frontier area, one of the most vital and important frontier regions in Latin America since colonial times, today divided up into three different countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay) in the heart of the South American continent. This frontier region has not received sufficient attention from scholars despite its importance in at least three different aspects: First, the indigenous peoples were able to remain independent of the Creole states much longer than elsewhere other than the Amazon. Secondly, indigenous labor proved to be vitally important to the economic development along the fringes, and thirdly, a disastrous war was fought over the region in the 1930s by Bolivia and Paraguay. This essay provides an overview based on primary and secondary sources of the history of the eastern Andean frontier and compares it to other frontiers in Latin America. It thus endeavors to contribute to frontier studies by creating categories of analysis that make possible the comparisons between different frontiers in Latin America and placing within the scholarly discussion the eastern Andean region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Albó, Xavier. "Suma qamaña = convivir bien. ¿Cómo medirlo?" Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 25 (11 de mayo de 2020): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2019.225.
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In the Political Constitution of the State, in force in Bolivia since 2009, the concept of “living well” is reiterated already in its Preamble and in its Title I by pointing out the great “ethical-moral principles of plural society” (art. 8). We also find it again in other subjects such as education (art. 80) and economics (art. 306, 313). What is behind such a concept? I will explore it in a gradual and increasingly expansive manner, first in purely linguistic terms and then in a broader scope, as the logic common to many indigenous and native peoples, as opposed to that of dominant societies and powers. In the end I will outline some strategies to translate this concept into more measurable indicators.
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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, n.º 1-2 (14 de enero de 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.
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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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Ripa, Valentina. "Marginacions d’ahir i d’avui: drets humans i discursos discriminatoris a la pel·lícula También la lluvia". SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 15 (10 de junio de 2020): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.15.17559.
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Resum: Al present article s’analitza la pel·lícula También la lluvia, una bona mostra de com també el cine «pel gran públic» pot contribuir, a través de les seves representacions, a conscienciar els espectadors; en aquest cas, sobre temes com el genocidi indígena a l’edat moderna, la històrica marginació dels pobles indígenes d’Amèrica Llatina i el dret a l’aigua que hom posa en discussió arreu del món. S’hi destaca, especialment, el racisme inherent als discursos de les elits que estan reproduïts a la pel·lícula i que són una bona mostra –dins del codi realista de También la lluvia– d’idees i d’un llenguatge prou difós.
Paraules clau: Divulgació dels drets humans a través del cinema; anàlisi crític del discurs; pobles indígenes d’Amèrica Llatina; Bolívia entre els segles XX i XXI; Bartolomé de las Casas
Abstract: The present article analyses the film También la lluvia, a good example of how cinema «for the general public» can also contribute, through its representations, to people’s awareness; in this case, on themes such as the indigenous genocide in the modern era, the historical marginalisation of the indigenous peoples of Latin America and the right to water that is questioned all over the word. Particularly noteworthy is the inherent racism of the discourses of the elites that are reproduced in the film and that are a good example –in the realistic code of También la lluvia– of rather widespread ideas and language.
Keywords: Dissemination of human rights through the cinema; critical discourse analysis; indigenous peoples of Latin America; Bolivia in the 20th and 21st centuries; Bartolomé de las Casas
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Alva-Arévalo, Amelia. "Eichler, Jessika. 2019. Reconciling indigenous peoples’ individual and collective rights: participation, prior consultation and selfdetermination in Latin America. New York: Routledge. 196 p." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, n.º 7 (29 de junio de 2021): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2118.
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El libro de Eichler reflexiona profundamente sobre la relación entre los derechos colectivos de los pueblos indígenas y los derechos individuales de sus miembros, particularmente, de aquellos que conforman los sub-grupos minoritarios como son las mujeres, niños y ancianos, a quienes se les ha otorgado protección especial en el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Complementariamente a esta reflexión teórica, se presenta un estudio empírico de Bolivia, permitiendo a la autora a ofrecer un marco reconciliatorio de los derechos colectivos e individuales necesario para cambiar la perspectiva del ejercicio de los derechos de participación, consulta y auto determinación de los pueblos indígenas.
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Ari-Chachaki, Waskar. "Between Indian Law and Qullasuyu Nationalism. Gregorio Titiriku and the Making of AMP Indigenous Activists, 1921-1964". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (15 de enero de 2011): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.11.
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In 1921, when hard-line Liberal regimes ended in Bolivia, Gregorio Titiriku, an Uru-Aymara Indian from the shores of lake Titikaka (La Paz), started 50 years of Indian intellectual activism among the Alcaldes Mayores Particulares (AMP), a 450 cell network of indigenous intellectuals. Titiriku struggled against internal colonialism and was a crucial participant in the making of AMP subaltern nationalism. Titiriku’s ideas became a crucial part of AMP discourse, known during this time as Indian Law. This discourse promoted the worship of Pachamama (mother earth) and Achachillas (the spirit of the grandparents in the high hills of the Andes). AMP discourse sought to rename the nation of Qullas (currently known as Aymara-Quechuas). Titiriku was especially good at creating ideas for mobilization among the AMP, such as qullasuyun wawapa (the children of the Qulla tribes) in order to promote "jaqi" pride (indigenous peoples pride), and bayeta camisas (people who dress in “bayeta” in order to promote an Indian dress-code as part of a politics of identity). These ideas provide us with a privileged field for understanding of the relationship between alternative modernities and public spheres. Titiriku thus used AMP discourse to contest segregation policies and to resist mainstream civilization projects. The particularities of Indian Law and its strategic nationalism reveal the existence of alternative discourses of modernity largely forgotten in Bolivia. The analysis of AMP discourse helps us understand the longstanding presence of struggle for autonomy and hegemonic projects in Bolivia and provides us with a better comprehension of how internal colonialism and public audiences interact historically.En 1921, cuando concluyó el periodo de gobiernos liberales en Bolivia, Gregorio Titiriku, indio uru-aymara originario de las orillas del lago Titikaka (La Paz), inició cincuenta años de activismo intelectual indio entre los Alcaldes Mayores Particulares (AMP), red de intelectuales indígenas que agrupaba alrededor de 450 participantes. Titiriku luchó contra el colonialismo interno y tuvo un rol fundamental en la construcción del nacionalismo subalterno de los AMP. Sus ideas fueron cruciales para la construcción del discurso de los AMP, conocido en ese tiempo como la Ley India. Se trataba de un discurso que promovía el culto a la Pachamama y a los Achachilas y se proponía renombrar la nación de los qullas (conocidos como aymara-quechuas). Titiriku fue particularmente efectivo generando ideas para la movilización de los AMP, por ejemplo la idea de qullasuyun wawapa (los hijos de los pueblos qulla) llamados a promover el orgullo jaqi y las bayeta camisas (a fin de legitimar un código de vestuario indígena como parte de una política de identidad). Este ideario nos proporciona un campo privilegiado para la comprensión de las relaciones entre modernidades alternativas y esferas públicas. Titiriku utilizó el discurso de los AMP para desafiar políticas segregacionistas y ofrecer resistencia a los proyectos de la civilización dominante. Las particularidades de la Ley India y su nacionalismo estratégico revelan la existencia de discursos alternativos de modernidad por mucho tiempo olvidados en Bolivia. El análisis del discurso de los AMP nos ayuda a entender la larga presencia de lucha por proyectos de autonomía y hegemonía en Bolivia y proporciona una mejor comprensión de cómo el colonialismo interno y las audiencias públicas interaccionan históricamente.
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Zaremberg, Gisela y Marcela Torres Wong. "Participation on the Edge: Prior Consultation and Extractivism in Latin America". Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2018): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000302.
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Violent conflicts between indigenous groups, multinational companies, and governments over the control of lands potentially containing valuable minerals and hydrocarbons are proliferating in Latin America, as well as elsewhere around the world too. In 1989 the International Labor Organization (ILO) approved ILO Convention 169, which mandates the implementation of prior consultation (PC) with indigenous peoples about any project that could potentially affect their territory. Many interpretations regarding the aims and scopes of PC exist. Some environmental sectors see PC as a mechanism to prevent the implementation of ecologically unsustainable projects in indigenous territories. Part of the indigenous rights sector, however, sees PC as a platform via which to negotiate financial resources for indigenous communities. On the side of governments and multinational companies, PC represents a means to diminish violence and advance projects under more stable political conditions. By examining mining and hydrocarbon projects in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, the authors compare cases in which PC takes place and ones where it is not applied. A typology of the outcomes in relation to 1) the prevention of industrialized resource extraction on indigenous lands, 2) redistribution of economic benefits produced by extractive projects, and 3) diminishment of the state repression associated with extractive projects is offered. Findings show that in many cases all three of these results are not simultaneously achieved; the authors explain why some outcomes might be obtained in certain instances and not in others. Finally, the article offers an overall assessment of PC results in light of participation theories.
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Pérez y Smith. "Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Conservation of Settled Territories in the Bolivian Amazon". Sustainability 11, n.º 21 (1 de noviembre de 2019): 6099. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11216099.
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Landscapes settled by indigenous communities represent nuanced inter-relationships between culture and environment, where balance is achieved through Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS). Through IKS, native peoples worldwide live, farm, and consume resources in a manner that is responsive to natural systems and, as such, their lands present less deforestation and more sustainable production per capita than is exhibited by non-indigenous practices. In Bolivia, the Origin Farmer Indigenous Territory (TIOC) communities of Yaminahua-Machineri and Takana-Cavineño, located in the North Amazon, are facing external threats of non-indigenous anthropogenic land use change, such as road-building and industrial-scale resource extraction. In order to understand the potential environmental and cultural loss to these territories, the present work seeks to determine the present, base-line conservation state within these Bolivian communities, and forecast land use change and its consequences until the year 2030. This was undertaken using a three-stage protocol: (a) the TIOC communities’ current forest-based livelihoods, characteristics and management were determined using on-site observation techniques and extensive literature review; (b) the historical land use change (LUC) from natural vegetation to anthropogenic use was estimated using multitemporal satellite imagery; and, finally, (c) geographically explicit non-indigenous anthropogenic land-use change threat was extrapolated until 2030 using the GEOMOD modeler from the TerraSet software. Preliminary results show that both TIOCs case-sites are fairly conserved due to their forest dependence. However, deforestation and degradation could be evidenced, particularly within TIOC areas not officially recognized by the central government, due to pressures from surrounding, new non-indigenous settlements, road infrastructure, connection to markets, and the threat of the oil exploitation. Projected LUC suggest serious threats to the unrecognized TIOC areas if community governance is not reinforced, and if extractivist and non-indigenous development patterns continue to be promoted by state and central government.
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Da Silva, Giovani José y Bruno Rafael Machado Nascimento. ""Peripheral" Indigenous Americas: Native people and Jesuits in Oiapoque and Chiquitania". Habitus 15, n.º 1 (18 de octubre de 2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/hab.v15i1.5934.
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AMÉRICAS INDÍGENAS “PERIFÉRICAS”: NATIVOS E JESUÍTAS EM OIAPOQUE E CHIQUITANIA
Resumo: o artigo apresenta os resultados de pesquisas sobre a presença jesuítica nas Américas, em pontos geográficos considerados pouco explorados pela historiografia colonial brasileira. Tomando-se como referências as missões do Oiapoque (fronteira Brasil/ Guyane) e da Chiquitania (fronteira Brasil/ Bolívia), empreende-se uma incursão aos mundos construídos por religiosos e nativos a partir de contatos entre os que vieram da Europa e “descobriram” um Novo Mundo e os que aqui se encontravam, os povos nativos. As “periféricas” missões jesuíticas do Oiapoque e da Chiquitania revelam, por meio de uma leitura histórico-antropológica das fontes, processos de mediação e de ressignificação, verdadeiras “metamorfoses”, ocorridos nas Américas indígenas.
Palavras-chave: Missões jesuíticas. Oiapoque. Chiquitania. Metamorfoses. América do Sul
Abstract: the article presents the results of research on the Jesuit presence in the Americas, at geographical points considered to be little explored by Brazilian colonial historiography. Taking as reference the missions of Oiapoque (Brazil / Guyane border) and Chiquitania (Brazil / Bolivia border), an incursion is made to the worlds built by religious and natives from contacts between those who came from Europe and "discovered "A New World and those who were here, the native peoples. The "peripheral" Jesuit missions of Oiapoque and Chiquitania reveal, through a historical and anthropological reading of the sources, processes of mediation and resignification, true metamorphoses, in indigenous Americas.
Keywords: Jesuit missions. Oiapoque. Chiquitania. Metamorphosis. South America.
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Thornton, Jay David. ""Without Him the Indians Would Leave and Nothing Would Get Done." The Changing Relationship Between the Caciques and the Audiencia of Charcas Following Francisco de Toledo’s Reforms". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 18 (20 de noviembre de 2011): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2011.38.
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Viceroy Francisco de Toledo’s 16th century population re–concentrations of the indigenous peoples of Charcas (modern day Bolivia) have been widely recognized as the most definitive attempt to transform indigenous Andean society along Iberian lines of settlement and government. While the previously dispersed indigenous populations were resettled into a limited number of urban towns, native tribute obligations elevated, and Castilian forms of municipal government imposed, modern historiography is still debating the precise details of what Toledo’s reforms meant for the indigenous populations of this district. A review of decisions made by the Audiencia of Charcas and the contemporary correspondence of this court’s judges are examined to illustrate how the relationship between the high court and indigenous leaders ―caciques― changed through the period of Toledo’s reforms. This investigation reveals an explicit and previously underappreciated transformation in the political model from one where caciques frequently sought out and received legitimization from the Audiencia ―similar to the model used in the Inca system― to a situation where the caciques understood and utilized the Audiencia less as a partner in power and instead as a forum to be opportunistically used to obtain economic goods and privileges. Using the figure of the cacique as a proxy, this province–wide perspective on the changes engendered to native society by Toledo’s reforms is distinct from but complementary to the several more localized studies on the subject undertaken by other historians. The changes elucidated by these court records and official correspondence suggest the origins of the emergence of indigenous leaders whose skillful use of the colonial legal system would represent a hallmark of indigenous–Spanish relations throughout the remaining two centuries of the Spanish presence in the Viceroyalty of Peru.Las re–concentraciones de las poblaciones indígenas del siglo XVI en Charcas (actual Bolivia) llevadas a cabo por el Virrey Francisco de Toledo han sido ampliamente reconocidas como la tentativa definitiva de transformar la sociedad andina indígena de acuerdo a esquemas ibéricos de gobierno. Si bien es indiscutible que bajo estas medidas las previamente dispersas poblaciones indígenas fueron reorganizadas en torno a centros urbanos, elevado el tributo nativo e impuestas formas castellanas de gobierno municipal, la historiografía moderna todavía discute las repercusiones que las reformas de Toledo tuvieron para las poblaciones indígenas de este districto. Este trabajo plantea una revisión de las decisiones tomadas por la Audiencia de Charcas y la correspondencia de los jueces de esta corte con el propósito de mostrar hasta qué punto las relaciones entre el tribunal superior y los líderes indígenas ―caciques― cambiaron durante el período de las reformas de Toledo. En su desarrollo, la investigación revela una transformación explícita ―y previamente no valorada― del modelo político virreinal, que de una situación en la que los caciques frecuentemente buscaban y recibían legitimación de la Audiencia ―como en el sistema Inca― cambia a una en la que los caciques utilizaban a la Audiencia como un foro que podía ser usado oportunísticamente para obtener privilegios y beneficios económicos. Usando la figura del cacique como apoderado, esta investigación en torno a los cambios generados en la sociedad andina a raíz de las reformas de Toledo es distinta pero complementaria a estudios emprendido por otros historiadores en torno al mismo tema. Los cambios elucidados por registros judiciales y correspondencias oficiales sugieren los orígenes de la aparición de líderes indígenas cuyo hábil manejo del sistema legal colonial será representativo de las relaciones indígeno–españolas a través de los dos siglos de presencia española en el virreinato del Perú.
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Gonçalves, Harryson Júnio Lessa y Antônio Hilário Aguilera Urquiza. "CURRÍCULOS INTRA/INTERCULTURAL NA BOLÍVIA: a matemática e a perspectiva pós-colonial". Cadernos de Pesquisa 24, n.º 3 (21 de diciembre de 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2229.v24n3p41-58.
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O artigo tem como objetivo descrever, a partir de documentos curriculares, o processo de planificação dos currículos regionalizados do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia. Para tanto, tem como objetivos específicos: a) identificar a organização e estrutura o sistema educacional boliviano a partir de algumas características sociais, histórica e econômicas; b) identificar pressupostos teóricos que consubstanciam a reforma curricular boliviana; c) descrever a organização curricular de Matemática no ensino secundário (Ensino Médio) viabilizada pelos currículos bolivianos. A investigação foi desenvolvida a partir de documentos curriculares que, pressupomos, são pouco conhecidos no Brasil e, por isso, como estratégia para afirmação da identidade latino-americana no Brasil. Assim, o estudo foi produzido a partir de pesquisa bibliográfica (artigos sobre ensino de Matemática na Bolívia) e documental (análise de documentos e currículos oficiais da Bolívia). Desse modo, nos consubstanciamos em um referencial teórico pós-colonial. O currículo analisado nos revelou um compromisso com a educação centrada em aspectos antropológicos que toma o conhecimento como histórica e socialmente posicionado a partir da diversidade cultural, valorizando, assim, saberes providos de povos indígenas originários; percebemos, ainda, um currículo distanciado de bases conceituais e epistemológicas preconizadas pela comunidade internacional de educadores matemáticos.Palavras-chave: Currículo de matemática. Bolívia. Educação boliviana.INTRA/INTERCULTURAL CURRICULA IN BOLIVIA: mathematics and the post-colonial perspective Abstract: The article aims to describe, from curricular documents, the process of planning the region's curriculum, of the Sate of Plurinational of Bolivia. To do so, it has specific objectives: a) to identify the organization and structure of the Bolivian educational system based on some social, historical and economic characteristics; b) to identify theoretical assumptions that underpin Bolivian curricular reform; c) describe the curricular organization of Mathematics in secondary education (Middle School) made possible by Bolivian curriculum. For that, the research was developed from curricular documents that, we assume, are little known in Brazil and, therefore, as a strategy for affirming the Latin American identity in Brazil. Thus, the study was produced from bibliographical research (articles on teaching Mathematics in Bolivia) and documentary (analysis of official documents and curricula from Bolivia). Therefore, we are based on a post-colonial theoretical framework. The curriculum analyzed showed us a commitment to education centered on anthropological aspects that takes knowledge as historical and socially positioned from cultural diversity, thus valuing the knowledge provided by native indigenous peoples; We also notice, a curriculum distanced from the conceptual and epistemological bases advocated by the international community of mathematical educators.Keywords: Mathematics curriculum. Bolivia. Bolivian education. CURRÍCULOS INTRA/INTERCULTURAL EN BOLIVIA: la matemática y la perspectiva post-colonial Resumen: El objetivo del artículo es describir, a partir los documentos curriculares, el proceso de planificación de los currículo regionalizados del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. Para ello, tenemos como objetivos específicos: a) identificar la organización y estructura del sistema educativo boliviano a partir de algunas características sociales, históricas y económicas; b) identificar los fundamentos teóricos que aportan la reforma curricular boliviana; ci) describir la organización curricular de Matemáticas en la educación secundaria viabilizada por los currículos bolivianos. La investigación fue desarrollada a partir de documentos curricular que, presumimos, son poco conocidos en Brasil y, por eso, se presenta como estrategia para la afirmación de la identidad latinoamericana en Brasil. Así, el estudio fue producido a partir de investigación bibliográfica (artículos sobre Enseñanza de Matemáticas en Bolivia) y documental (análisis de documentos y currículos oficiales de Bolivia). De ese modo, nos basamos en un marco teórico pos-colonial. El currículo analizado nos reveló un compromiso con la educación centrada en aspectos antropológicos que parte de un conocimiento histórico y socialmente posicionado a partir de la diversidad cultural, valorando los saberes provenientes de pueblos indígenas originarios; Percibimos también un currículo distanciado de bases conceptuales y epistemológicas preconizadas por la comunidad internacional de educadores matemáticos.Palabras clave: Currículo de matemática. Bolivia. Educación boliviana.
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de Laforcade, Geoffroy y Steven J. Hirsch. "Introduction: Indigeneity and Latin American Anarchism". Anarchist Studies 28, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.01.
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The articles in this special issue frame the question of anarchism and indigeneity as historiography, but also as a commentary on the ways in which examining Latin American pasts can inform contemporary understandings of social movements in the region and beyond. In particular, our hope is that they will provoke further interest and research into how history reflects on the ongoing efforts by revolutionaries today, and by the diverse communities with which they engage, to imagine a future devoid of authoritarian and instrumentalist discourses and practices that continue to reproduce the inequities of state power, capitalist oppression, and colonial domination. The case can be made that while its historiography is in its early stages, anarchists in Latin America historically engaged the communities in which they immersed, in some localities more successfully than others. This issue of Anarchist Studies will show that Bolivia - largely ignored in the English-language literature on the subject - and Peru demonstrated early and ongoing efforts to approach indigeneity among Aymara and Quechua peoples in urban and rural settings (see de Laforcade and Hirsch). In Guatemala, however, which is at the heart of a vast regional geography of diverse Mayan peoples ranging from Honduras to Mexico, and in which the white and mestizo populations are a distinct minority, no such tradition emerged (see Monteflores). Raymond Craib has noted that in Chile, a country on the southern reaches of the Andes that produced a vibrant anarchist culture in the early 20th century, the anarchist archives show virtually no connection between the labour movement and the southern Mapuche peoples of Araucania. Beyond the simple question of whether anarchists acknowledged and engaged in solidarity with indigenous communities, however, there is the more sensitive question raised by Mexican sociologist Josué Sansón on the 'translatability' of anarchist ideas and practices among Peruvian rural communities, which he studied. Sansón argues that the transmission was not 'unidirectional', but rather a 'space of encounter in which some Aymara and Quechua communities received and appropriated them, reinterpreting and adapting them to them their own idioms of resistance in the creation of their own autonomous movements.'
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Gómez Núñez, Nicolás. "Tecnologías Sociales y Economía Solidaria. Una revisión desde las realidades nacionales marcadas por la presencia de pueblos originarios". Revista Temas Sociológicos, n.º 16 (8 de julio de 2014): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.16.285.
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Categoría: Ponencia Fecha de recepción: 15 de mayo de 2012 Fecha de aprobación: 27 de junio de 2012 Resumen El escrito fue hecho durante y después de la participación en el IV Festival de Tecnologías Sociales y Economía Solidaria, que se realizó en la Universidad Federal de Rio de Janeiro en octubre de 2011. En su primera parte, el escrito presenta la categoría: posesión simbólica, para fijar las relevancias de las tecnologías sociales en las sociedades que habitan el medio social urbano pobre. En la segunda parte, el escrito desenvuelve un diálogo desde las categorías de territorio, tecnología social y comunidad, con la descripción de las políticas públicas que promueven la Economía Social, las Tecnologías Sociales y la Economía Solidaria en Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú. Palabras clave: Economía Social, Economía Solidaria, Pueblos Originarios, Buen Vivir, Tecnología Social. Abstract The paper was made during and after participation in the IV Festival of Social Technologies and Supportive Economy, held at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro in October 2011. In its first part, the paper presents the category: symbolic possession, to settle the relevant aspects of social technologies in societies that inhabit the urban poor social environment. In the second part, this article unfolds from the categories of land, social and technology community, with the description of public policies that promote the Social Economy, Social Technologies and Supportive Economy in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. Keywords: Social Economy, supportive Economy, Indigenous Peoples, Good Living, Social Technology 1 Ponencia presentada en la mesa de “Economia Solidária em realidades nacionais marcadas pela presença de povos originários, en el seminario: “A ECONOMIA SOLIDÁRIA NA AMÉRICA LATINA - REALIDADES NACIONAIS E POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS”, realizado por la Secretaría Nacional de Economía Solidaria (SENAES) del Ministerio del Trabajo y el Empleo de Brasil, en asociación con el Núcleo de Solidaridad Técnica (SOLTEC) de la Universidad Federal de Río de Janeiro (UFRJ), y con la Red de Investigadores Latinoamericanos de Economía Social y Solidaria (RILESS), llevado a cabo entre el 26 y el 28 de octubre de 2011.
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Gómez Núñez, Nicolás. "Tecnologías Sociales y Economía Solidaria. Una revisión desde las realidades nacionales marcadas por la presencia de pueblos originarios". Revista Temas Sociológicos, n.º 16 (8 de julio de 2014): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.16.285.
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Categoría: Ponencia Fecha de recepción: 15 de mayo de 2012 Fecha de aprobación: 27 de junio de 2012 Resumen El escrito fue hecho durante y después de la participación en el IV Festival de Tecnologías Sociales y Economía Solidaria, que se realizó en la Universidad Federal de Rio de Janeiro en octubre de 2011. En su primera parte, el escrito presenta la categoría: posesión simbólica, para fijar las relevancias de las tecnologías sociales en las sociedades que habitan el medio social urbano pobre. En la segunda parte, el escrito desenvuelve un diálogo desde las categorías de territorio, tecnología social y comunidad, con la descripción de las políticas públicas que promueven la Economía Social, las Tecnologías Sociales y la Economía Solidaria en Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú. Palabras clave: Economía Social, Economía Solidaria, Pueblos Originarios, Buen Vivir, Tecnología Social. Abstract The paper was made during and after participation in the IV Festival of Social Technologies and Supportive Economy, held at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro in October 2011. In its first part, the paper presents the category: symbolic possession, to settle the relevant aspects of social technologies in societies that inhabit the urban poor social environment. In the second part, this article unfolds from the categories of land, social and technology community, with the description of public policies that promote the Social Economy, Social Technologies and Supportive Economy in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. Keywords: Social Economy, supportive Economy, Indigenous Peoples, Good Living, Social Technology 1 Ponencia presentada en la mesa de “Economia Solidária em realidades nacionais marcadas pela presença de povos originários, en el seminario: “A ECONOMIA SOLIDÁRIA NA AMÉRICA LATINA - REALIDADES NACIONAIS E POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS”, realizado por la Secretaría Nacional de Economía Solidaria (SENAES) del Ministerio del Trabajo y el Empleo de Brasil, en asociación con el Núcleo de Solidaridad Técnica (SOLTEC) de la Universidad Federal de Río de Janeiro (UFRJ), y con la Red de Investigadores Latinoamericanos de Economía Social y Solidaria (RILESS), llevado a cabo entre el 26 y el 28 de octubre de 2011.