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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Italian Humanism"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 10 de marzo de 2023

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1

Robichaud, Denis J. J. "Competing Claims on the Legacies of Renaissance Humanism in Histories of Philology". Erudition and the Republic of Letters 3, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2018): 177–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00302003.

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This paper examines a facet in the long history of Italian Renaissance humanism: how later historians of philology understood Renaissance humanists. These later reconsiderations framed the legacies of Italian Renaissance humanism, at times by asking whether the primary contribution of humanism was philosophical or philological. Philologists–especially from nineteenth-century Germany in the generations before Voigt and Burckhardt–wrote about Renaissance humanists by employing prosopography and bio-bibliographic models. Rather than studying humanists and their works for their own merits, the authors of these histories sought to legitimize their own disciplinary identities by recognizing them as intellectual ancestors. Their writings, in turn, helped lay the foundation for later scholarship on Italian Renaissance humanism and defined, in particular, how later twentieth-century historians of philology and scholarship understood the Italian Renaissance.

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2

Delph, Ronald K. "From Venetian Visitor to Curial Humanist: The Development of Agostino Steuco's “Counter“-Reformation Thought*". Renaissance Quarterly 47, n.º 1 (1994): 102–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863113.

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The study of Italian humanism in the age of the Reformation has focused almost exclusively on the relationship between humanism and the Italian Spirituali. This emphasis can be traced back to the many works of Delio Cantimori. Cantimori persistently argued that humanism, with its emphasis on scriptural studies, philology, and spiritual and ecclesiastical renewal promoted evangelical spirituality and church reform among Italians. He saw the Spirituali—many of whom were humanists—as pious, devout individuals caught between their own evangelical convictions and the traditions of a spiritually unsatisfying and morally corrupt ecclesiastical system. It was the dynamics of this spiritual crisis, fueled by the clash between evangelism and the doctrines of the church, that formed the basis of many of Cantimori's works on humanism and reform in Italy.

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3

Mori, Giuliano. "Competing Humanisms". Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 50, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2020): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8219578.

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Leonardo Bruni’s Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum has long been studied as a manifesto of the humanist divergence from medieval culture. This article reconsiders the role of Bruni’s Dialogi in the development of Italian humanism and especially in the development of the humanists’ awareness of their cultural identity as a group. The essay argues that Bruni’s principal aim was not to distance himself from previous traditions, but rather to mark a distinction between two concurrent conceptions of humanism that prevailed in his own time. Through the Dialogi, Bruni criticizes Niccolò Niccoli’s cultural extremism and advances a moderate ideal of humanism that seeks to revise and incorporate nonhumanist traditions instead of rejecting them outright. In doing so, Bruni also intends to shield his ideal of humanism from the attack of the traditionalist sector of Renaissance culture.

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4

Wang, Emily. "Viacheslav Ivanov in the 1930s: The Russian Poet as Italian Humanist". Slavic Review 75, n.º 4 (2016): 896–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.4.0896.

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In the 1930s, Viacheslav Ivanov – erstwhile leader of Russian symbolism – found himself suspended between two totalitarian regimes, Stalin's Soviet Union and Mussolini's Italy. A Soviet citizen living in Italy, he adapted to his new circumstances, converting to Catholicism and embracing Italian cultural traditions, including Petrarch's legacy of transnational humanism. In this period, however, fascist and Nazi thinkers were also claiming humanism for their own nationalist purposes. In his Italian-language writings, Ivanov navigates these dangerous waters by attempting to represent himself as simultaneously national and transnational, and as both a Russian poet and a latter-day Italian humanist.

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5

Nelson, Eric. "Utopia through Italian Eyes: Thomas More and the Critics of Civic Humanism*". Renaissance Quarterly 59, n.º 4 (2006): 1029–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0532.

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Thomas More'sUtopiahas long been regarded as the great Northern European expression of Italian civic humanist ideals. This article argues, in contrast, that More's treatise constitutes an emphatic rejection of those values. In support of this claim, the article chronicles the reception ofUtopiain Italy; it demonstrates that More's text was taken up, not by the civic humanists, but by their fiercest critics. These early Italian readers recognized inUtopiaa repudiation of active citizenship, an assault on private property, a rejection of the Roman cult of glory, and a polemic against Ciceronian humanism. As a result, the reception ofUtopiais shown to have opened up a fissure in the republican tradition which would have profound consequences for the subsequent development of European political discourse.

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6

Bellusci, David. "Gasparo Contarini: From Scholasticism to Renaissance Humanism". Études maritainiennes / Maritain Studies 26 (2010): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/maritain2010263.

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This paper examines the shift from Scholasticism to Renaissance humanism by focussing on the Italian humanist, Gasparo Contarini (1483-1542). The politico-religious climate of 15th-16th century Italy represents the arena in which Contarini developed his philosophy. His studies at the University of Padova where Padovan Aristotelianism dominated reflected the basis of his intellectual formation. The Platonic revival of Renaissance Italy also made its way into Contarini’s humanist philosophy.

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7

Müller, Jan-Dirk. "‘Wandering’ Scholars in the Beginning of Printing". Daphnis 45, n.º 3-4 (18 de julio de 2017): 412–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04503004.

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The dissemination of humanism depends on personal contacts between individuals. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries there was an intense exchange between Germany and the Italian universities. German princes recruited administrators, counselors, and diplomats among Italian humanists. Italian teachers of rhetoric or art tried to make their fortunes north of the Alps. Apollon himself and with him the studia humanitatis are imagined as crossing the mountains.

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8

EVERSON, J. E. y M. L. McLAUGHLIN. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 49, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1988): 471–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90002888.

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9

Thomson, Ian. "The Scholar as Hero in Ianus Pannonius' Panegyric on Guarinus Veronensis". Renaissance Quarterly 44, n.º 2 (1991): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862708.

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Specialists in the Italian Renaissance know the importance of the great humanist Guarinus Veronensis (1374-1460) and are familiar with the salient points of his life. Still lacking is a series of up-to-date monographs on his more important students and the part they played in the spread of humanism in Europe. Recently, however, there have appeared in English several studies of Ianus Pannonius (1434-72), once described by Guarinus as "a studentboarder of mine, Pannonian by race but Italian in manners, an admirable, indeed a stupendous scholar.

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10

Syros, Vasileios. "Magnificence as a Royal Virtue in Ottoman Jewish Political Thought". Renaissance Quarterly 74, n.º 4 (2021): 1071–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.197.

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Recent years have seen a growing body of literature on relations between Renaissance Italy and the Ottoman Empire. One of the major lacunae in this research concerns the role of the Jews in the transmission of Italian humanist ideas. In order to address this topic, this article will focus on the “Crónica de los reyes otomanos” by the Sephardi polymath Moses ben Baruch Almosnino (ca. 1515–ca. 1580). My goal is to identify a shared set of themes present in Almosnino's thought and key fifteenth-century Italian sources on the correlation between magnificence and good government, and also to shed new light on the influence of Italian humanism in the Ottoman world.

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11

McClure (book author), George W. y Olga Zorzi Pugliese (review author). "Sorrow and Consolation in Italian Humanism". Quaderni d'italianistica 13, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 1992): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v13i2.10125.

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12

Banker, James y George W. McClure. "Sorrow and Consolation in Italian Humanism." American Historical Review 98, n.º 1 (febrero de 1993): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166474.

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13

Lockwood, Lewis y Claude V. Palisca. "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought". American Historical Review 91, n.º 5 (diciembre de 1986): 1232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864482.

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14

Howard, John B. y Claude V. Palisca. "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought". Notes 43, n.º 3 (marzo de 1987): 554. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/898200.

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15

Stipčević, Ennio, Claude V. Palisca y Ennio Stipcevic. "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought". International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 19, n.º 1 (junio de 1988): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/836453.

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16

Petrovich, Michael Boro. "Croatian Humanism and the Italian Connection". Journal of Croatian Studies 27 (1986): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcroatstud1986276.

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17

Seaver, James E. "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought". History: Reviews of New Books 19, n.º 4 (abril de 1991): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1991.9949374.

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18

Haywood, E. y P. L. Rossi. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 57, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 1995): 483–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2222-4297-90000759.

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19

Haywood, E. y P. L. Rossi. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 58, n.º 1 (22 de diciembre de 1996): 508–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90000123.

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20

Rossi, Paolo L. y Geraldine Muirhead. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 59, n.º 1 (20 de diciembre de 1997): 507–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90000190.

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21

Rossi, Paolo L. y Geraldine Muirhead. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 60, n.º 1 (20 de diciembre de 1998): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90000249.

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22

Rossi, Paolo L. y Geraldine Muirhead. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 61, n.º 1 (20 de diciembre de 1999): 423–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90000310.

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23

Gross, Hanns. "Sorrow and consolation in Italian humanism". History of European Ideas 17, n.º 2-3 (marzo de 1993): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90329-o.

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24

Selfridge-Field, Eleanor y Claude V. Palisca. "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought." Sixteenth Century Journal 18, n.º 1 (1987): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2540641.

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25

Palisca (book author), Claude V. y Maria Rika Maniates (review author). "Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought". Renaissance and Reformation 27, n.º 1 (30 de enero de 2009): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v27i1.11736.

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26

BRYCE, J. H. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 46, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1985): 475–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90002657.

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27

EVERSON, J. E. y M. MCLAUGHLIN. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 47, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1986): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90002735.

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28

EVERSON, J. E. y M. McLAUGHLIN. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 48, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1987): 524–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90002813.

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29

EVERSON, J. E. y M. L. McLAUGHLIN. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 50, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1989): 505–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90002964.

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30

McLAUGHLIN, M. L. y P. ROSSI. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 51, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1990): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90003038.

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31

HAYWOOD, E. y P. L. ROSSI. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 53, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1992): 453–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90003188.

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32

HAYWOOD, E. y P. L. ROSSI. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 54, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1993): 454–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90003261.

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33

HAYWOOD, E. y P. L. ROSSI. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 55, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1994): 533–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90003335.

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34

HAYWOOD, E. y P. L. ROSSI. "ITALIAN STUDIES: HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE". Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 56, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 1995): 530–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-90003412.

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35

Mehl, James V. "Hermann von dem Busche's Vallum humanitatis (1518): A German Defense of the Renaissance Studia Humanitatis*". Renaissance Quarterly 42, n.º 3 (1989): 480–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862080.

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Hermann von dem Busche typifies the younger, more aggressive generation of humanists who became embroiled in the literary feuds and controversies of pre-Reformation Germany.' While Peter Luder and Conrad Celtis had preceded him as "apostles of humanism" in Germany, Busche carried the tradition of the "wandering poet" into the early sixteenth century. His major prose work, the Vallum humanitatis, exemplifies an important literary genre of the humanists, the "defense of poetry," usually approached as a defense of humanistic learning against scholastic opponents. Several recent studies need to be taken into account when assessing the literary and historical significance of Busche's Vallum humanitatis. Concetta Greenfield's analysis of Italian "defenses of poetry" between 1250 and 1500 lends further credence to Kristeller's wellknown thesis regarding the simultaneous development of scholasticism and humanism in Renaissance Italy.

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36

Zerba, Michelle. "The Frauds of Humanism: Cicero, Machiavelli, and the Rhetoric of Imposture". Rhetorica 22, n.º 3 (1 de enero de 2004): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2004.22.3.215.

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Abstract Machiavelli's advocacy of force and fraud in the conduct of politics is the key teaching that has secured his reputation as “Machiavellian” and that has led to the conception of The Prince as the first document in the Western tradition to lay bare the dark, demonic underside of civic humanism. But this interpretation overlooks the degree to which a politics of intense competition and personal rivalry inhabits the humanist vision from antiquity, producing an ethics of expediency and a rhetoric of imposture that seeks to mask its alertness to advantage behind the guise of integrity and service. This vision is nowhere more apparent than in Cicero's De Oratore, which exerted a powerful influence on the Italian humanists of the quattrocentro in whose direct descent Machiavelli stands. Deception, to put it simply, is an acknowledged and vital element in civic humanism long before The Prince. The difference is that Cicero typically couches it in a sacrificial rhetoric that is euphemistically inflected while Machiavelli opts for a hard-edged rhetoric of administrative efficiency to make his case. But the stylistic differences, important as they are, should not mask the essential affinity between the Machiavellian doctrine of princely fraud and the Ciceronian ethics of gentlemanly dissimulation

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37

Mohd, Siti Hadija. "Secular Humanism and Islamic Humanism – Is there a Common Ground?" JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 3, n.º 1 (1 de julio de 2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v3i1.4025.

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<p><em>In the modern and post-modern world, we have loosely used the term humanism to describe many subjects and the use has been too broad for its specificity and objectivity to be precisely comprehended. In fact, at many points, it has lost positivity in light of discussion within the current century. The term humanism or humanist came from the 15th-century Italian academic world to describe the process of teaching and learning of art and literature between teachers and students. It is very interesting to find out that both the ancient Greeks-Romans and the early modern European use of the concept of humanism was very much in order to detach from the rising of scientific and empirical processes, as well as the rise of modern knowledge. Either way, the point attempted to be broken here is the fact that the early history and use of the concept of modernism had completely nothing to do with the detachment of religion or a divine influence from human life and choice. Humanism in both ancient Roman and middle-age European had little or no correlation with trying to steer clear neither from any religious influence nor from trying to be modernized with new knowledge from the scientific world. Humanity and humanism in Islam shall be limited to the recognition of human rights, effort, kindness, generosity, being productive and giving benefits to others in the society, instead of having the limitless and boundless definition, which has become meaningless.</em></p><p><em>Keywords: Secular humanism, Islamic humanism, ideology.</em></p>

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38

Kuleshova, E. V. y D. N. Starostin. "Claude de Seyssel and Society Concept of George Gemistus Plethon". Nauchnyi dialog 11, n.º 10 (7 de enero de 2023): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-10-410-428.

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The article deals with the ideas of Claude de Seyssel (1450—1520). Attention is paid to the fact that these ideas were based on an analysis, based on the model proposed by Plato, of the oligarchic form of government as a real form of existence of the republic in contemporary Venice and a study of the applicability of this model to France. The relevance of the work is due to the appearance of a number of works in which one can see that the views of Claude de Seyssel were similar not only to the views of the Italian humanists, but also to the utopian ideas of the reorganization of Byzantium by George Gemistus Plethon (1355/1360—1452/1454). The authors of the article argue that the ideas of Claude de Seyssel should be considered in a broader context than was previously accepted in historical science. It is shown in the article that it was Claude de Seyssel who drew attention to the importance of the military class and its rights as the most important principle for the formation of European monarchies in the context of problems common to Italian and Byzantine humanists. It is proved that he became a kind of transmission link between Italian and Byzantine humanism, on the one hand, and French humanism, on the other, and significantly influenced the development of socio-political and historical concepts of French thinkers of the 16th-17th centuries.

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39

Petruk, Natalia. "Ideas on Moral and Civil Upbringing of Personality in Italian and Ukrainian Pedagogy During the Renaissance". Comparative Professional Pedagogy 5, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2015): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2015-0060.

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Abstract Important aspects of moral and civic upbringing of personality based on studying the experience of humanist pedagogy establishment in the Italian Renaissance in XIV-XV centuries and the Ukrainian Renaissance in XVI-XVII centuries have been reviewed in the article. It has been found out that under the influence of Renaissance in XVI-XVII centuries Ukrainian pedagogy progressed not only in the Orthodox Christian paradigm of thinking, but was greatly enriched by the humanistic ideas of European origin as well and the matter of a person, a bright personality, endowed with unique personality traits, high ethical and Christian virtues, active and dynamic, was crucial for the forming of humanistic pedagogy. This resulted in increasing interest of Ukrainian philosophers to human problems, establishment of the value of personality, awareness of the importance of education and science in life. Intellect, education, moral virtues and work became the greatest personal qualities in works of Italian and Ukrainian humanists. Pedagogical culture during the Renaissance was also determined by ideas of civil humanism, need for patriotic education and personal action for the common good. Formation of civic sense and responsibility for own actions were of great importance.

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40

Joost-Gaugier, Christiane L. y James Hankins. "Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance". Sixteenth Century Journal 37, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2006): 1142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478173.

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41

Mazour-Matusevich, Yelena. "Gerson et Pétrarque: humanisme et l’idée nationale". Renaissance and Reformation 37, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2001): 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i1.8671.

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Gerson never met Petrarch in person. However, a comparative study of these authors allows us to evaluate the crucial role of national pride in revealing the initial difference between early French and Italian forms of humanism. While the Italians, oppressed by Parisian intellectual prestige, were interested in breaking away from the medieval past, the French were interested in continuity with the medieval tradition, wherein they perceived the glory and the legitimacy of the French nation.

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42

Schleiner, Winfried y Lee Piepho. "Holofernes' Mantuan: Italian Humanism in Early Modern England". Sixteenth Century Journal 35, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2004): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20476904.

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43

Ballacci, Giuseppe. "Richard Rorty's Unfulfilled Humanism and the Public/Private Divide". Review of Politics 79, n.º 3 (2017): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000249.

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AbstractRorty's separation between self-creation and political commitment is at the same time one of the pillars of his political theory and one of its most criticized elements. In this paper I offer a novel criticism of this separation, elaborating a comparison between him and the rhetorical-humanistic tradition of Cicero, Quintilian, the Italian Humanists, and Vico. If many have emphasized the deep humanism of Rorty's thought, still unnoticed is the fact that his version of humanism contradicts a basic tenet of that tradition: the idea that the mastery of communicative skills is key to the development of the person both as individual and citizen. As I will show, Rorty's conclusion about the necessity to neatly separate the two realms is in contradiction not only with that tradition but also with the general scope of his own project and the very humanistic picture he himself draws of culture, society, and the intellectuals.

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44

Johnson, Rachel. "A brutal humanism for the new millennium? The legacy of Neorealism in contemporary cinema of migration". Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 8, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2020): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00005_1.

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Abstract This article proposes that the institutional construction of Italian cinema of migration in the new millennium may be conditioned by an enduring, implicit aspect of Neorealism's legacy: a 'brutal humanism' that posits the witnessing of bodies in crisis as an ethical act. Supplementing Karl Schoonover's theory of brutal humanism with Lacanian gaze theory, I argue that the Berlin International Film Festival's synopsis of a recent cause célèbre of Italian cinema, Fuocoammare (Fire at Sea) (Rosi, 2016), instantiates a 'brutal vision' directed towards the figure of the refugee, while the film text's depiction of the 'objective gaze' of these characters challenges such relations of power and looking. The article underlines the importance of competitive European film festivals and paratexts in the international circulation and ideological construction of Italian cinema, while arguing that the film text itself can offer a site of resistance to the meanings that institutions ascribe to it.

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45

GILLEARD, CHRIS. "Renaissance treatises on ‘successful ageing’". Ageing and Society 33, n.º 2 (19 de diciembre de 2011): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x11001127.

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ABSTRACTNumerous treatises on ‘successful ageing’ were published during the late Renaissance. Zerbi'sGerontocomiaand Cornaro'sTrattato della Vita Sobria, in particular, have been considered as early precursors of modern gerontology. In this paper I revisit these two treatises, outline their content and common themes, and set them in the context of other literature written about ageing in this period. The rise of civic humanism, increased access to classical texts on health and hygiene, and the emergence of environmental and public health concerns, particularly in the Italian city states, are some of the factors that influenced this writing. The powerful yet insecure position of older men in the upper ranks of Italian society gave the topic of ‘seniority’ added relevance. While their roots in the scholastic tradition prevent them from serving as forerunners of scientific gerontology, their humanist concern with ‘lifestyle’ succeeds in making them the prototypes of the ‘do-it-yourself’ manuals for successful ageing that now proliferate in our late modernity.

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Rubini (book author), Rocco y Roberta Cauchi-Santoro (review author). "The Other Renaissance: Italian Humanism between Hegel and Heidegger". Quaderni d'italianistica 36, n.º 2 (27 de julio de 2016): 272–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v36i2.26915.

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Rubini (book author), Rocco y James Sommerville (review author). "The Other Renaissance: Italian Humanism between Hegel and Heidegger". Renaissance and Reformation 38, n.º 3 (27 de noviembre de 2015): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i3.26169.

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Ward, John. "Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism". Rhetorica 11, n.º 1 (1993): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1993.11.1.89.

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Cuppo, Luciana y Margaret L. King. "Humanism, Venice, and Women: Essays on the Italian Renaissance". Sixteenth Century Journal 38, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 2007): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478379.

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Haddock, B. A. y John M. McManamon. "Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism." American Historical Review 95, n.º 4 (octubre de 1990): 1238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163615.

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