Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Julia Beck"

Daniel Cohn-Bendit und Patrick Lemoine (2020): Unter den Stollen der Strand. Fußball und Politik – mein Leben. Köln: Kiepenheuer & Witsch / Jonathan Wilson (2013): Kick and Run. Memoir with Soccer Ball. London: Bloomsbury Reader / Lutz Pfannenstiel und Christian Putsch (2014): Unhaltbar – Meine Abenteuer als Welttorhüter. Reinbek bei Hamburg, Rowohlt Verlag (5. Aufl.) / Jordi Punti (2020): Messi. Eine Stilkunde. München: Verlag Antje Kunstmann / Julia Suchorski (Hrsg.) (2017): Das Spiel meines Lebens. Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag / Hans Woller (2019): Gerd Müller. Oder Wie das große Geld in den Fußball kam. Eine Biografie. München: C.H. Beck Verlag

Andreas W. Daum: Alexander von Humboldt. 6 s / w Abb. 128 S., C. H. Beck, München 2019 Ottmar Ette (Hg.): Alexander von Humboldt Handbuch. Leben-Werk-Wirkung. 52 s / w Abb. 331 S., J.B. Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 2018 Ottmar Ette: Das Buch der Begegnungen. Menschen-Kulturen-Geschichten aus den Amerikanischen Reisetagebüchern. 6 s / w Abb. 393 S., Manesse Verlag, München 2018 Ottmar Ette / Julia Maier: Alexander von Humboldt – Bilder-Welten. Die Zeichnungen aus den Amerikanischen Reistagebüchern. 500 farb. Abb. 736 S., Prestel-Verlag, München / London / New York 2018 Andrea Wulf: Die Abenteuer des Alexander von Humboldt. Eine Entdeckungsreise. 271 S., Bertelsmann Verlag, München 2019 Volker Mehnert / Claudia Lieb: Alexander von Humboldt oder die Sehnsucht nach der Ferne. zahlr. farb. Abb. 112 S., Gerstenberg Verlag, Hildesheim 2018

Andreas W. Daum: Alexander von Humboldt. 6 s / w Abb. 128 S., C. H. Beck, München 2019 Ottmar Ette (Hg.): Alexander von Humboldt Handbuch. Leben-Werk-Wirkung. 52 s / w Abb. 331 S., J.B. Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 2018 Ottmar Ette: Das Buch der Begegnungen. Menschen-Kulturen-Geschichten aus den Amerikanischen Reisetagebüchern. 6 s / w Abb. 393 S., Manesse Verlag, München 2018 Ottmar Ette / Julia Maier: Alexander von Humboldt – Bilder-Welten. Die Zeichnungen aus den Amerikanischen Reistagebüchern. 500 farb. Abb. 736 S., Prestel-Verlag, München / London / New York 2018 Andrea Wulf: Die Abenteuer des Alexander von Humboldt. Eine Entdeckungsreise. 271 S., Bertelsmann Verlag, München 2019 Volker Mehnert / Claudia Lieb: Alexander von Humboldt oder die Sehnsucht nach der Ferne. zahlr. farb. Abb. 112 S., Gerstenberg Verlag, Hildesheim 2018

AbstractIn recent cosmopolitan work, scholars such as Julia Kristeva, Zygmunt Bauman, Jacques Derrida, and Ulrich Beck have represented the stranger as a universal ideal for our global age and Georg Simmel’s stranger in the Exkurs über den Fremden has been emphasized as a model for this ideal. While these uses can be justified by generalized passages in Simmel’s essay, they still omit the problem of European Jewish historical exemplarity. Thus, in the decades before Simmel’s essay, this stranger type was already a well-developed figure related to the so-called Jewish question. Georg Brandes and Henrik Pontoppidan used the Jewish stranger to evaluate the societal changes of the fin-de-siècle period and questions of progress vs. decay. Yet, their work limited the stranger to a specific type of Jewishness not including other marginal existences. Hence, reading Simmel with Brandes and Pontoppidan outlines the boundaries of this stranger type as it raises questions regarding recent cosmopolitan uses of Simmel’s stranger.

Orobanche Pancicii Beck, a New Species to the Flora of Slovenia We describe localities and sites of Orobanche pancicii, a new species of the Slovenian flora. It was recorded in the subalpine belt (1500 to 2000 m a.s.l.) on forest edges, clearings and on stony grasslands in the Julian Alps and the eastern Karavanke mountains, on the hosts Knautia drymeia, K. longifolia and Scabiosa lucida.

The Living Theatre is a metaphor for the sixties, its very name conjuring up the undulating movement, the pulsing flow, the argumentative spirit that characterized that time.At the center of the Living Theatre's production of Sophocles' Antigone, translator and director Judith Malina presented the verbal battle between the State/Authority/Patriarchal-figure, kreon (played by Living Theatre co-director Julian Beck), and the Individual/Disenfranchised/Woman, Antigone, (played by Malina herself). At performances of Antigone presented throughout Europe during the dynamic years of 1967 and 1968, spectators were meant to see with new eyes the incendiary struggles taking place outside the theatre. Following Antigone's example, they were meant to take on—individually—the political responsibility and the challenge, and to take part in revolutionary actions. Foregrounded onstage was the battle of the sexes, the battle of the generations, the fire in the belly of the cultural/sexual/political Zeitgeist.

From 1947 to 1962, Broadway audiences enjoyed major works by Tennessee Williams and Arthur Miller as well as plays ranging from A Thousand Clowns to Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? and a string of durable musical comedies offering light and dark visions of the urban streets (Guys and Dolls and West Side Story), inspirational fables (The Music Man and The Sound of Music), and war in legend and in recent memory (Camelot and South Pacific). Meanwhile, Judith Malina and Julian Beck founded the Living Theatre, José Quintero and Theodore Mann established the Circle in the Square, Joe Papp offered his first free Shakespeare productions in New York City parks, and Joe Cino and Ellen Stewart led the development of Off-Off Broadway. This heterogeneous theatre scene comprised diverse and even competing representations of a complex but interconnected culture, and Bruce A. McConachie has undertaken the task of elucidating the workings of such art not in isolation but as cultural and social production.

La investigación tuvo como objetivo identificar los niveles de resiliencia y síntomas depresivos en los estudiantes de la carrera de psicología de la Universidad Técnica de Manabí, afectados por el estado de emergencia sanitaria y humanitaria asumida en Ecuador, ante la presencia del COVID-19 durante el periodo de Junio- Julio 2020. Desde un paradigma mixto (cuali cuantitativo) se empleó el método inductivo-deductivo aplicando el empleo de la escala de resiliencia de Saavedra y Villalta, del inventario de depresión de Beck II y de la entrevista semiestructurada; asistidos por el Coeficiente Correlacional de Pearson para identificar la relación directa que existe entre las variables mencionadas. Los resultados evidenciaron que a mayor resiliencia menores son los síntomas depresivos. Se concluye que considerando la situación universal del comportamiento de la pandemia, se corre el riesgo de revertir la situación, generando la disminución de la resiliencia y por consecuencia el aumento de síntomas depresivos.

Recibido 6 de mayo de 2013 • Corregido 15 de julio de 2013 • Aceptado 31 de julio de 2013Por ser el desempeño académico de la población estudiantil en la educación superior uno de los indicadores de calidad más sobresalientes y trascendentales de la labor académica del sistema de educación superior, se realiza una investigación de corte cuantitativa, en la cual se trabaja con una cohorte de estudiantes universitarios en la educación superior, específicamente en la Universidad de Costa Rica, que en el momento del estudio se encontraban graduados o en los últimos años de su carrera, se les aplicó un cuestionario en forma personalizado. El estudio indaga el tema de los factores asociados al rendimiento académico desde el nivel socioeconómico en estudiantes universitarios y su objetivo general consiste en analizar los factores asociados al rendimiento académico en estudiantes que, por su condición socioeconómica, se les asignó la máxima categoría de beca, y estudiantes que no solicitaron beca por esta condición de carreras de alta y baja demanda de la Universidad de Costa Rica. De esta forma, se aborda la problemática del rendimiento académico, desde el nivel socioeconómico de sus estudiantes, esta variable se considera de importancia para ofrecer un marco explicativo y proporcionar insumos a las políticas institucionales en el campo de la educación superior pública. El estudio permitió ratificar que el rendimiento académico es altamente multicausal y complejo; es el producto de la interacción de múltiples factores sociales, personales, institucionales-académicos que pueden variar de una población a otra, así como la existencia de diferencias significativas entre las variables lineales: índice de satisfacción universitaria, índice de hábitos de estudio, índice de apoyo en los estudios universitarios, índice de satisfacción con los profesores e índice de nivel socioeconómico; sin embargo, se mostró que no producen diferencias en las variables más importantes, como lo son el promedio ponderado y la nota de admisión.

Nació el 02 de julio en 1874 en Tiabaya, Arequipa, Perú. A la edad de 27 años ingresó a la Universidad de San Agustín donde estudio simultáneamente ciencias y letras.El presidente Remigio Morales Bermúdez supo de este brillante estudiante y le otorgó una beca para continuar sus estudios superiores en la Universidad de Sorbona París. Fue así que viajó a la capital francesa, en la que estudió Ingeniería y Arquitectura. Concluidos sus estudios trabajó como corresponsal de "Leigaro" y "La Petit Republique", viajando por Asia Menor, Europa, Siberia y Africa. En Bruselas, conoció a la que fuera su esposa Luisa Contance Wilquet con la que tuvo 7 hijos. Estando en París, le sorprendió la Primera Guerra Mundial, en la que perdió a sus dos hijos mayores.

Introducción: la diabetes mellitus 2 (DM2) es considerada una de las enfermedades crónicas más psicológicamente demandantes. La presencia de síntomas depresivos son una comorbilidad conocida en los pacientes con diabetes mellitus 1 y 2, siendo hasta tres veces mayor que en la población no diabética. La depresión se asocia a peores resultados sobre el control metabólico, adherencia al tratamiento,mayor morbilidad y mayores costos de atención médica.Objetivos: conocer la prevalencia de síntomas depresivos y su relación con el control metabólico, complicaciones crónicas, factores socioculturales y adherencia al tratamiento.Materiales y métodos: se realizó un estudio descriptivo, observacional en el período mayo-julio 2020. Se incluyeron pacientes con diagnostico de DM2 mayores de 15 años que se asisten en la UDA de diabetes del HP. Para evaluar síntomas depresivos, se aplicó el inventario de depresión de Beck II(BDI-II) que consta de 21 preguntas y cuya puntuación va de 0 a 63, considerándose depresión puntajes iguales o mayores a 14 puntos.Se dividió en síntomas leves 14-19,moderados 20-28 y severos 29-63.Para evaluar adherencia al tratamiento se utilizó el test de Morisky Green. Este estudio se realizó en un período de pandemia por COVID-19.

Contexto: la psoriasis es una patología dermatológica con importantes consecuencias psicológicas derivadas del estigma que genera el llamativo aspecto de las lesiones, en especial el aislamiento, ansiedad, depresión mayor e incremento de ideas suicidas.Objetivo: determinar del grado de depresión en pacientes con diferentes grados de severidad de psoriasis.Sujetos y métodos: se efectuó un estudio descriptivo transversal con muestreo aleatorio en 82 pacientes con psoriasis, de ambos sexos, sin diagnóstico previo de depresión, con edades comprendidas entre 15 a 90 años que acuden a la consulta externa del servicio de Dermatología del hospital Carlos Andrade Marín,en el periodo julio-agosto 2015. Mediante el test de Beck se determinó el grado de depresión e índice PASI (Psoriasis Area Severity Index) se estimó el grado de psoriasis.Resultados: la prevalencia de depresión fue 24,4% y se encontró asociación estadística entre depresión y severidad de la psoriasis. El sexo femenino mostró 3,5 veces más riesgo para presentar depresión respecto al sexo masculino; sujetos con psoriasis severa tienen 35,7 veces más riesgo de depresión comparado conpacientes afectados de psoriasis leve.Conclusión: la prevalencia de depresión es elevada y aumenta con el grado de severidad de la psoriasis, se sugiere incluir en el manejo rutinario el seguimiento psicológico y psiquiátrico; se recomienda implementar estudios prospectivos para determinar la evolución de comorbilidades psiquiátricas en este grupo poblacional, a fin de diseñar protocolos de tratamiento ajustados a la población ecuatoriana

Na efervescência, como também, no silêncio de debates acerca do feminino e do papel da mulher na sociedade contemporânea, mais especificamente, no universo acadêmico, o presente artigo tem por intuito apresentar a relevante participação de uma mulher multifacetada. Mulher que, durante o período da I Guerra Mundial, rompe com o beco de uma filosofia androcêntrica, torna-se membro do Círculo de Göttingen organiza as investigações fenomenológicas do fundador deste estilo de pesquisa, um dos maiores filósofos do início do século XX: Edmundo Husserl. A partir dessas concebe - uma fenomenologia original, em diálogo com o pensamento tomista. Edith Stein, judia, ateia, filósofa, educadora, teóloga e mártir - dilata o campo de pesquisa fenomenológica que se restringia à ciência e à psicologia e contribui no avanço das reflexões referentes à educação e à teologia. Suas investigações rompem a barreira do tempo de sua época e chegam até nossos dias, instigando o pensamento atual no que diz respeito ao ser humano e do seu lugar no mundo.

Introducción: Las dificultades crónicas de sueño, así como la privación de éste se asocian con trastornos como la depresión y la ansiedad, estas patologías han sido observadas por diferentes investigaciones en estudiantes del internado de medicina, en quienes el porcentaje de malos dormidores oscila entre 60% a 90%. Objetivo: Evaluar los cambios en la calidad de sueño, somnolencia diurna, ansiedad y depresión al inicio y al final del internado médico en estudiantes de una Universidad pública.Método: Se realizó un estudio observacional, prospectivo y longitudinal por medio de medición de variables en una cohorte al inicio y al final del internado. Del total de los médicos internos de pregrado de la generación julio 2016 (N= 51), se seleccionó una muestra aleatoria (n=45) en la que se aplicaron los instrumentos: índice de calidad de sueño Pittsburgh, escala de somnolencia Epworth, e Inventarios de Beck para Ansiedad y Depresión. Se realizó estadística descriptiva con medidas de tendencia central y de dispersión, así como las pruebas estadísticas McNemar para calidad de sueño y Wilcoxon para somnolencia diurna, ansiedad y depresión. La información se procesó con el programa SPSS versión 22 con Nivel de significancia de 0.05. Resultados: Al final del internado médico se incrementó la mala calidad de sueño, la somnolencia diurna y los niveles de ansiedad presentando diferencias estadísticamente significativas. Se vieron afectados los grados de depresión en forma negativa sin mostrar significancia. Conclusiones: Tanto la ansiedad como la depresión mostraron una elevación importante de sus prevalencias al final del internado médico, por lo que se recomienda realizar evaluaciones periódicas medidas de prevención y valorar la influencia de diversos estresores.

In 1946, Eric Bentley published The Playwright as Thinker, a revolutionary study of modern drama that helped to create the intellectual climate in which serious American theatre would thrive in the second half of the twentieth century. In 1964 Robert Brustein published an equally influential study of modern drama entitled The Theatre of Revolt. And in 1966, Stanley Kauffmann began a brief, combative stint as first-string theatre critic for the New York Times. Kauffmann's short-lived tenure at the Times dramatized the enormous gap that had arisen between mainstream taste and the alternative vision of the theatre that he shared with Bentley and Brustein. Collectively, these three critics championed the European modern dramatists, like Pirandello, Brecht, Beckett, and Genet, whose plays were rarely if ever performed on Broadway. They also embraced the early work of performance groups such as Julian Beck and Judith Malina's Living Theater when they were either ignored or deplored by most mainstream reviewers. Above all, they challenged the time-honoured idea that the primary goal of the theatre is to provide the audience with an emotional catharsis achieved by realistically identifying with the dramatic protagonist. By contrast, Bentley, Brustein, and Kauffmann championed a theatre that emphasized poetic stylization, intellectual seriousness, and social engagement. The discussion which follows, held on 27 October 2007 at the Philoctetes Center, New York, examines the legacy of these leading American theatre critics of the past fifty years. Bert Cardullo, who transcribed and edited the discussion, was Stanley Kauffmann's student at the Yale School of Drama and is the author, editor, or translator of many books, among them Theater of the Avant-Garde, 1889–1950, What Is Dramaturgy?, and American Drama/Critics: Writings and Readings.

Background:Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) has been associated with depression by up to 46% (1)Within the universe of manifestations of depression is learned helplessness (LH)LH is defined as an inadequate perception of the disease, generating feelings of defenselessness, loss of self-esteem, pessimism, and negativity. This leads to passivity, surrendering to fate, and thoughts that nothing within their power can change their situation, this condition produces a rapid deterioration which prevents responding adaptively to a traumatic situation, increasing the frequency of anxiety and depression. (2)Objectives:To assess the relationship between depression, LH, disability and disease activity among patients with RAMethods:Descriptive observational study included RA patients diagnosed according to ACR / EULAR 2010 randomly recruited between June and September 2019 at University Hospital “Dr. José Eleuterio González” in Monterrey, México.Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) and Rheumatology Attitude Index (RAI) were applied for measure depression and LH, to measure disability Health Assessment Questionnaire (HAQ-DI) was applied. CDAI and DAS28-PCR scales were used for measure disease activity.Descriptive analysis was carried out with measures of central tendency and dispersion. Spearman correlation were used for comparisons, according to the distribution of the variables. A p <0.05 was considered statistically significant.Results:A total of 177 patients were included, demographic and clinic features are presented in table 1. Prevalence of LH was 94.5% (167/177); 60% (100/167) mild levels (9-15) and 33% (67/167) high levels (>15). A significant correlation was found between higher levels of dysfunctionality and BDI and higher levels of LH (rho = 0.338; p = 0.001). There was a positive association when measuring CDAI (rho = 0.235; p = 0.002) BDI (rho=0.278 P=<0.001) and DAS28-PCR (rho=0.166; p=0.027) with higher levels of LH. There was no association found between other variables as gender, years of diagnosis of RA, years of study or presence of comorbidities like fibromyalgia or osteoarthritis.Table 1.Demographic and clinical characteristics of the patients. HAQ-DI Health Assessment Questionnaire RAI Rheumatology attitude index, DAS28-PCR Disease Activity Score CDAI Clinical disease activity index BDI Beck Depression InventoryDemographicsn = 177Gender Female n, %165 (93.3%). Male n, %12 (6.8%)Age (mean), SD.52.16 (12.8)Years of study (average), SD.8.3 (3.6)Years with RA (mean), SD.8.2 (8.0)RAI (mean), SD13.83 (3.9)HAQ-DI (mean), SD0.67 (0.77)CDAI (mean), SD12.0 (11.4)DAS28-PCR (mean), SD2.4 (0.6)BDI (mean), DE9.30 (9.7)LH, n (%)168/177 (94.5%)High levels 108/177 (61%)Low levels 60/177 (33%)Conclusion:In this study the prevalence of LH was high >90%, mainly in mild levels. Dysfunctionality seems to be the factor most associated with the presence of depression and LH.Rheumatologist should consider the high levels of LH, to assess patients in order to obtain a better outcome.Table 2.Correlation between learned helplessness and clinical variables LH Learned Helplessness HAQ-DI Health Assessment Questionnaire RAI Rheumatology Attitude Index DAS28-PCR Disease Activity Score CDAI Clinical Disease Activity Index BDI Beck Depression InventoryrhopLH –HAQ-DI0.338<0.001LH-CDAI0.2350.002LH-DAS28PCR0.1660.027LH-BDI0.278<0.001[1]Margaretten M, Julian L, Katz P, Yelin E. Depression in patients with rheumatoid arthritis: description, causes and mechanisms. Int J Clin Rheumtol. 2011;6(6):617-23.[2]Moyano S, Scolnik M, Vergara F, Garcia MV, Sabelli MR, Rosa JE, et al. Evaluation of Learned Helplessness, Perceived Self-efficacy, and Functional Capacity in Patients With Fibromyalgia and Rheumatoid Arthritis. J Clin Rheumatol. 2019;25(2):65-8.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

A exibição de programas culinários consta nas grades de programação das emissoras desde a implantação da televisão, na década de 1940 (EUA) e na década de 1950 (Brasil). Este artigo busca identificar as características dos programas culinários pioneiros nos dois países: A Cozinha Maravilhosa da Ofélia, apresentado por Ofélia Anunciato, e The French Chef, com Julia Child, além de traçar um histórico do formato na televisão. Para tanto, esta pesquisa apoia-se em autores como Freixa e Chaves (2017), Montanari (2008), Collins (2009), Araújo (2018), Fernández-Armesto (2004), Child, Bertholle e Beck (2011), entre outros, bem como em levantamento de programas culinários na televisão, em portais de internet e aplicativos. Os resultados demonstram que até os anos 1990 o gênero culinário era o carro-chefe dos programas femininos que tiveram grande sucesso na TV brasileira, além de apresentarem formato simples e clássico. Conclui-se que os programas culinários, na contemporaneidade, ainda registram grande audiência e são apresentados em diversos formatos, demonstrando sua versatilidade. Eles conquistaram o horário nobre dos canais de televisão, atraindo um público que os acompanha em outras plataformas como sites, blogs, aplicativos e na TV streaming, colaborando, desta forma, com a cultura da convergência dos meios de comunicação.

El inventario de Beck fue tomado a 224 pacientes (114 varones 110 mujeres) de los consultorios externos de Medicina del Hospital Dos de Mayo en Lima, entre mayo y julio de 1990, para determinar la prevalencia de síntomas depresivos. Ellos tenían entre 18 y 65 años de edad y se registraron datos de filiación y síntomas. Se halló que el 64.7% de ellos tenía síntomas de “depresión leve” y el 49.6% de “depresión moderada”. El ser varón nacido en provincias y tener bajo nivel de escolaridad correlacionó con la presencia de síntomas depresivos (p<0.01). Concluimos que la prevalencia de síntomas depresivos es alta en los pacientes ambulatorios de medicina y que algunas características puedan predecir su presencia.

Recibido 15 de julio de 2013 • Corregido 9 de octubre de 2013 • Aceptado 1 de diciembre de 2013La autora sistematiza una investigación cuantitativa sobre los factores asociados al rendimiento académico desde el nivel socioeconómico en estudiantes universitarios en la Universidad de Costa Rica; analiza, mediante modelos de regresión múltiple, los factores asociados al rendimiento académico en estudiantes que por su condición socioeconómica se les asignó la máxima categoría de beca y estudiantes que no solicitaron beca por esta condición de carreras de alta y baja demanda de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Se ofrece un marco explicativo sobre el tema, así como insumos para la gestión de la educación superior pública. Se evidencia entre los principales hallazgos que el rendimiento académico es un fenómeno altamente complejo y multicausal, así como se resaltan los principales factores institucionales, pedagógicos y psicosociales que se asocian al rendimiento académico tomando en cuenta el componente socioeconómico.

On January 2015 Judith Malina - the co-founder of Living Theatre with her partner Julian Beck - release one of her last interviews before she dies. In this unpublished interview, Malina is accompanied by Thomas Walker, member of the company since 1971. The matter of the conversation are vocality’s practices and aesthetics, for example the “vocal patterns” as The Chord and Sound and Movement. A recon about “vocal personalities” is also discussed, the latter representing a consistent part of the sonic background of Living Theatre (Antonin Artaud, Alessandro Moissi, Valeska Gert, Maurice Schwartz). Another subject matter consist in examining the use of the voice in the most famous shows of the American company. The conversation is followed by a short note where Living Theatre’s work is contextualized with broader issues, as the concept of method. At the end, the relation between each vocal pattern to another is identified as “disturbance’s voice”.

La conducta suicida es considerada la tercera causa de muerte en prisiones. Nuestra investigación se planteó como objetivos detectar la presencia de ideación suicida en privados de libertad (elemento fundamental de la conducta suicida) en el Centro del Programa de Atención Institucional (CPI) de Liberia, Costa Rica, y diseñar una propuesta psicoeducativa de prevención ante la presencia de ideas intrusivas y repetitivas de auto-daño, desde el enfoque cognitivo conductual.De julio a diciembre del año 2011, se aplicó a 127 privados de libertad las Escalas de Ideación Suicida de Beck y la Escala de Probabilidad de Suicidio. El primer instrumento detectó que el 10.2% de los privados de libertad presentan ideación suicida, mientras que el segundo señala que el 11% de ellos se encuentra en riesgo de hacerlo.La propuesta contiene 8 sesiones y está dirigida a la población considerada de riesgo. Los ejes temáticos fueron: 1. Generalidades del Suicidio. 2. Aspectos básicos de la Terapia Racional Emotiva Conductual (TREC). 3. Distorsiones cognitivas. 4. Ideas irracionales. 5. Impulsividad. 6. Manejo de la frustración. 7. Autoestima. 8. Proyecto de vida.Entre las conclusiones más importantes se destacan: a) las ideas irracionales y las distorsiones cognitivas, son las principales causas de la ideación suicida en los privados de libertad, b) el hecho que la ideación suicida no se traduzca en suicidio consumado, está relacionado con factores protectores, y c) la ideación suicida surge como forma de escape a problemas considerados irresolubles

Objetivo: Describir las características sociodemográficas generales, así como algunas vinculadas con el proceso de migración y evaluar el nivel de desesperanza de los mexicanos que son deportados de los Estados Unidos de América (EE.UU) al Aeropuerto Internacional de la Ciudad de México (AICM), a través del Programa de Repatriación al Interior de México (PRIM). Métodos: Estudio descriptivo de tipo transversal en el periodo de julio a diciembre de 2015. Se aplicó en forma aleatoria, confidencial y previo consentimiento un cuestionario estructurado a migrantes mexicanos deportados a su arribo a México y provenientes de los EE.UU, se incluyó una sección de datos sociodemográficos generales; de aspectos relacionados con la migración y, se evaluó el nivel de desesperanza por medio de la Escala de Desesperanza de Beck. Resultados: Se encuestó a 367 migrantes mexicanos deportados, sólo siete fueron mujeres, la mayoría en un rango de edad de 18 a 35 años, el 23% reporta enfermedades pre-existentes, sólo el 45% tuvo un buen acceso a servicios de salud en EE.UU, el 56% ya había sido repatriado en dos o más ocasiones, el 75% había vivido más de cinco años en ese país, sólo el 13% utilizó una Ventanilla de Salud de algún consulado mexicano durante su estancia. La prevalencia de desesperanza fue del 6% en esta población. Conclusiones: El abordaje de la salud mental en poblaciones de migrantes mexicanos carece de políticas públicas. La caracterización de la población migrante repatriada debe ser el punto de partida para incidir en políticas públicas que mejoren la calidad de vida de los migrantes de retorno.

Strootman, Rolf / Floris van den Eijnde / Roy van Wijk (Hrsg.), Empires of the Sea. Maritime Power Networks in World History (Cultural Interactions in the Mediterranean, 4), Leiden / Boston 2020, Brill, X u. 361 S. / Abb., € 119,00. (Lena Moser, Tübingen) Schilling, Lothar / Christoph Schönberger / Andreas Thier (Hrsg.), Verfassung und Öffentlichkeit in der Verfassungsgeschichte. Tagung der Vereinigung für Verfassungsgeschichte vom 22. bis 24. Februar 2016 auf der Insel Reichenau (Beihefte zu „Der Staat“, 25), Berlin 2020, Duncker &amp; Humblot, 220 S., € 69,90. (Michael Stolleis, Kronberg) Pieper, Lennart, Einheit im Konflikt. Dynastiebildung in den Grafenhäusern Lippe und Waldeck in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Norm und Struktur, 49), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 623 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Pauline Puppel, Aumühle) Das Totenbuch des Zisterzienserinnenklosters Feldbach (1279 – 1706), hrsg. v. 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La representación física de la mujer es un tema trascendental en la publicidad. Algunas marcas han apostado por modelos atípicas, que muestran lo que parece diferente, pero es común y real. Dentro de ellas se encuentran las modelos de talla grande y esta investigación analiza sus representaciones en la publicidad de la marca estadounidense Forever 21. El objetivo es determinar si se ha promovido, aceptado y valorado el concepto de talla grande como una nueva representación de belleza. Se procede con una investigación en dos fases. La primera identifica las representaciones generales de la mujer de talla grande en la publicidad, explicando cómo se han incorporado nuevos roles. Para ello se recurre a diversas fuentes documentales para observar cómo la publicidad es promotora de estereotipos y estilos de vida. La segunda parte indaga en la publicidad de Forever 21, en su cuenta oficial de Instagram, con un análisis hermenéutico basado en el modelo de Julio Amador Bech, al que se agregan cuestiones de tipografía, planos, ángulos y tomas. Se tomaron en cuenta las imágenes publicadas durante tres meses, del 1 de marzo al 30 de mayo de 2018, observando que sólo 26 imágenes de las 682 publicadas incluyen modelos de talla grande. Esto representa un 3,8% de los posts. Sólo se eligieron las imágenes donde aparecen, a la vez, las modelos La'Tecia Thomas (de talla grande) y Fiona Barron. Esto permite, a simple vista, hacer una comparación, y nos sugiere un análisis muy rico, inédito y original.

IntroductionContemporary theorisations of family often present change in marriage as an icon of deinstitutionalisation (Cherlin). This idea, widely discussed in sociology, has been deepened and extended by Giddens, Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, Beck-Gernsheim and Bauman, considered to be the main architects of the individualisation, detraditionalisation and risk theses (Brannen and Nielsen). According to these authors, contemporary family is an ephemeral, fluid, and fragilereality, and weakening as a traditional institution. At the same time, and partly as a result of the changes to this institution, there has been a rise in the individual’s capacity to reflect on and choose their own life, to the point that living a life of their own becomes the individual’s defining injunction. Based on an in-depth and detailed analysis of a number of young Portuguese people’s accounts of their entry into conjugality, this paper seeks to unveil some of the hidden constraints which persist despite this claim to individualisation. Whilst individuals incorporate a personalised narrative in their construction of that “special day” – stressing the performance of the wedding they wanted, in the way they chose – these data show the continuing influence of the family on individual decisions (e.g. to marry or not to marry, and how to marry). These empirical findings thus contribute to the recent body of literature complexifying the individualisation and detraditionalisation theses (Smart and Shipman, Gross, Smart, Eldén).Using Sociology to Unveil Individualisation’s Hidden ConstraintsThis discussion of contemporary marriages is driven by empirical data from a sociological qualitative study based on episodic interviews (Flick, An Introduction to Qualitative Research and The Episodic Interview). This research (Costa) was developed in 2009 and aimed at an in-depth understanding of family practices (Morgan, Risk and Family Practices, Family Connections and Rethinking Family Practices), specifically family rituals (Bossard and Boll, Imber-Black and Roberts, Wolin and Bennett). Using a theoretical sampling (Glaser and Strauss), accounts were collected from 30 middle-class individuals, both men and women, living in an urban medium-sized city (Évora) in the south of Portugal (southern Europe), and with at least one small child between the age of 3 and 14 years old. Confidentiality and anonymity were maintained, and all names used in this paper are pseudonyms. For the purposes of this paper, I focus only on the women’s accounts. On the one hand, particularly for them, socialisation and media culture helped to consolidate a social representation around the wedding (Gillis, Marriages of the Mind); on the other hand, their more exhaustive descriptions of the wedding day allow better for examining the hidden constraints to individualisation. Data were coded and analysed through a thematic and structural content analysis (Bardin). The analysis of emerging themes and issues regarding the diverse ways of entering into conjugality was primarily assisted by qualitative software (NVivo, QSR International) and then presented in the form of contextualised narratives. Using a sociological perspective, the themes presented below illustrate the major conclusions of this study. Big Decisions: To Marry or Not to Marry? How to Marry?At the core of the decision of whether “to marry or not to marry?” and “how to marry?,” one can find multiple and complex arguments, which go beyond simplistic justifications based exclusively on the couple’s decision (Chesser; Maillochnon and Castrén). Women in particular display an awareness of the ways in which their decisions regarding marriage are crossed by the will, desires or preferences of the parents or in-laws. This was the case of Maria dos Anjos, married at the age of 26:It was a choice of the two of us [to marry]. Not an imposition. I didn’t care whether we were married by church or not… and there were times when I even put forward the possibility of a simple civil marriage. However, my parents really liked that I got married by the church. I'm not sure if this is due to tradition, if… and... they talked about it… and I also thought it was beautiful... it was a beautiful party... the dress, all that fantasy... and I really loved marrying in the church... so it became a strong possibility when we began to think about it [to get marry]… The argument that two people might marry because of or also to please the parents or in-laws explains, at least partially, a certain pressure that the fiancées feel before marriage to marry “in a certain way.” Filipa, who dated for ten years, lived the wedding day like “the realisation of a childhood’s dream.” The satisfaction she obtained was shared with her parents and in-laws:To marry in the church, with the wedding dress, and everything else... My mother in-law is a religious person too, right? So we felt that we both like it, the two of us, my mother, my mother-in-law, they would also like it, so we decided to marry in the church. To do the parents’ will is to meet the expectations around a “beautiful” wedding, but sometimes also to fulfil the marriage that the parents did not have. Lurdes is an only daughter, married at the age of 29. She argues that “marriage should be primarily significant for those who actually marry, not the parents or in-laws”. Yet, that was not her case: For us, maybe it was not so important; the paper signed, the ceremony in the church… maybe the two of us made it for our parents. It doesn’t mean that we didn’t have fun [...] and I don’t mean by this that it was a sacrifice, or a hardship […] My mother had no more daughters, and had a great will to marry her only daughter in the church. My mother was not married by the church, but was only married by civil registry. She never managed to convince my dad to get married by the church. And perhaps it was a bit... to project on me what she had not done! Despite her having the will to do but did not achieve it. And maybe I made her wish come true; I realise that she had that desire, a great desire that her daughter would marry in the church. For me, it was not a problem. So, we finally did agree and married in the church. The family of origin thus clearly has a great influence over some of the big decisions associated with marriage, such as whether to get married at all, and whether to involve the church in the process.Small decisions: It Is All about Details! The intrusion of the family of origin is also felt on the apparently more individual decisions as the choice of the dress or several other details concerning the organisation of the ceremony and the party (Chesser, Leeds-Hurwitz). The wedding dress is a good example of how women in particular perceive a certain pressure for conformity and subjection to buy it or choose it “in a certain way.” Silvia, who married at age 23, remembers: I married with a traditional wedding dress, even though I did not want to. I took a long veil, yet I did not want it... because at the time... I wanted to take a short dress... my mum thought I should not... because my mother did not marry in a wedding dress, did not marry in the church, she was already pregnant at the time and so on [downgrade of the tone] so she made pressure so that I was dressed properly.Precisely in order to run away from these impositions, some women admit having bought the dress alone, almost secretly. Maria dos Anjos, for example, chose and bought the wedding dress alone so that she did not have to give in to pressure from anyone: I really enjoyed it! I took a wedding dress... I was the one who chose it; I went to buy it myself, with my own money. I said to myself ‘the wedding dress, I will choose it; I will not be constrained by... I will not take my godmother and then think’... oh... I knew that if I did it, I would have to submit a little to her likes and dislikes… no! So I went to choose the dress alone. The girl who was in the shop was an acquaintance of mine, I tried a lot of them, and when I tried that one, I said to myself ‘this is it!’ and so it was the one!The position of the spouses in the sibling group also has an effect on numerous decisions that fiancées must make in the lead-up to the wedding. Raquel, who felt this pressure before marriage, attributed it to a large extent to the fact that her husband is an only child: Pressure in the sense that João [her husband]... he is an only child, right? So… his parents were always very concerned with certain things. And... everybody... even little things that had no importance, they wanted to decide on that! […] There are a lot of things that have to be decided, a lot of detail and… what I really think is that it is a really unique day, and it's all very important and all that but... but... then each one gives his/her opinion... And ‘I want this,’ ‘I want that,’ ‘I want the other’… it's too much; it's a lot of pressure... to manage... on one side, on the other side… because to try not to hurt vulnerabilities ends up being... crazy. Completely! Those fifteen days before... I think they are... they are a little crazy!Seemingly unimportant details (such as the fact that the mother did not marry in a wedding dress) end up becoming major arguments behind the suggestions or impositions made by both parents and in-laws in relation to decisions surrounding their children’s weddings.(Un)important Decisions: The Guest List The parents of the couple are often heavily involved in the planning of the wedding partly because, although the day is officially about the bride and groom, it is also the way that the parents share this important milestone with their family and friends (Pleck, Kalmijn, Maillochnon and Castrén). Interviewees say it is “easy” to decide on the guest list, since, at first glance arguments behind the most significant family relatives and friends to be present on the wedding day have to do with proximity, relationality and pleasure or happiness in sharing the moment. Nevertheless, it can be a hard task for couples to implement the criteria of proximity in the selection of guests as initially planned. In cases where the family is larger and there are economic constraints, it is common for fiancées to feel some unpleasantness from those relatives who would like to have been invited and were not. In other cases, parents, closer to the extended family, are the ones who produce this tension. On the one hand, they feel the need to justify to some relatives the choices of their adult children who did not include them in the guest list; on the other hand, they are forced to accept the fact that that decision lies with the couple. When planning the marriage of Dora, her mother at one point said something like “[…] ‘but my aunt invited us to her wedding and now...’” Dora understood the suspension of the sentence as a subtle pressure from her mother, although, for her, the question was indeed a very simple one: I give a lot of importance to the people who are with me on a day-to-day basis and that really are with me in good and bad times. [...] It happened. It was easy. For me, it was [laughs]. To my way of thinking it was. It cost my parents. However, not to me [laughs]. It cost me nothing! When the family is larger – but when there are no economic constraints which limit the number of guests – it is more common that weddings are bigger. In these circumstances, it is also more common to have a certain meddling from the families of origin encouraging couples to include the guests of the parents. Teresa admits this is precisely what happened with her: It was not so difficult because we were not also so limited. […] We left everything to the satisfaction of all. […] there were many people who were distant relatives, whom I was not close to. It didn’t really matter to me whether those people were present or not. It had more to do with the will of my parents. And usually we were also invited to those people’s weddings, so maybe it was also because of that… In some other cases there is a kind of agreement between parents and adult children, which allows both to invite “whoever they want”. This is the case of Marina, who had 194 guests “on her side,” against around 70 invited by her husband: I invited more people than him. Why? Well... I could count on my parents, right? And what my parents told me was: ‘you invite whoever you want!’. So, I invited my friends, and some other people I was not as close to, but who my parents wanted me to invite, right? […] but ok, they made a point of inviting them, and since they did not impose any financial limits, instead, they said to me ‘invite whoever you want to’, and we invited... For me, it was a ‘deal.’ I was indifferent about it [laughs]. Marina admits that she made a “deal” with her parents. By letting them pay the costs, she gave tacit consent that they could invite those who they wanted, even if it was the case those guests “didn’t relate to [her] at all.” At the wedding of Raquel, the fact that “there is family that [only her] parents were keen on inviting” was one of the main points of contention between her parents and the couple. The indignation was greater since it was “your [their own, not the parent’s] wedding” and they were being pressed to include people who they “hardly knew,” and with whom they “had no connection”: There were people who came who I did not know even who they were! Never seen them anywhere... but ok, my parents were keen on inviting some people, because they know them and all that... and then... it went into widening, extending and then... it ended up with more than one hundred guests […] we wanted it to be more intimate, more... with closer people… but it was not! The engaged couple thus recognises the importance of the parents’ guests. As one of the interviewees points out, the question is not so much the imposition of the will of the parents, rather the recognition of the importance of certain guests because “they are important to the parents.” Thus, the importance of these guests is not directly measured by the couple, but indirectly by being part of the importance that parents give them.Counter-Decisions: Narratives from the Inside Out Joana, a first daughter, “felt in her skin” the “punishment” for not having succumbed to the pressure she felt over her decision to marry. She told us she had her teenage dreams; however, as she grew older she identified herself less and less with the wedding ceremony. Moreover, with the death of her grandmother, who was especially meaningful to her, “it no longer made sense” to arrange that kind of ceremony since it would always be “incomplete” without her presence. Her boyfriend also did not urge that they marry, instead preferring to live in a de facto union. Joana felt strongly the pressure to take on a role that her parents and in-laws wanted: on the one hand, because she was “a girl, and the oldest daughter;” on the other hand, because her mother-in-law insisted since she had not saw her other daughter to get marry in church, as she was only civilly married. In fact, Joana could marry in church because she had been educated in the Catholic religion and met all the formal requirements to perform a religious marriage: I was the person who was prepared to move forward with this. And I did not! I'm not sorry. I don’t regret it at all! Although not regretted, Joana felt “very deeply” the gap between the expectations of her parents and the direction that she decided to give to her life when she told her parents she did not wanted to marry. She had the same boyfriend since adolescence, whom she moved in with on a New Year's Day at the age of 27. On that evening she organised a small party in the house they had rented and furnished, and stayed there for good. The mother “never forgave her.” The following year, when her sister got married, Joana “had the punishment” of, in the eyes of the mother, “not having done the right thing”: one thing I would have loved to have was a nightshirt [old piece of clothing, handmade] of my grandmother [...] But my mother kept the nightshirt and gave it to my sister on the day she married! My sister also loved my grandmother..., but she didn’t have the same emotional bond that I had with her! So, I got hurt. Honestly, I got! And the day of my sister's wedding for me it was full of surprises... This episode is particularly revealing of how Joana experienced the disappointment that caused to her parents for not having married: I did not have the faintest idea that she [her mother] was going to do that... Yet she kept it [the nightshirt]! [...] She kept it, and then she gave it to my sister! [...] It was my grandmother’s! And then I said, ‘but I was the first to get married!’ And it was I who had a closer relationship with my grandmother. I found it very unfair! [...] Joana sees this wedding gift as “a prize”: It was... she [her sister] was awarded because ‘you did the right thing,’ ‘you got married,’ ‘you had done it with all the pomp ... so take this [the nightshirt], that was of your grandmother!’ The day of her sister's wedding would still hold another surprise for Joana, that one coming from her father. She remembers always seeing at home a bottle of aged whiskey that her father “kept for the first daughter who gets to marry.” I did not get married, right? And... and it was sad to see that day and get the bottle open, the bottle that was proudly kept untouched for many years until the first daughter to marry... Whilst most women admit to have given in to pressure from parents and in-laws, Joana’s example demonstrates another side – emotionally painful – of those who did not conform to marry or to marry in a certain way.Conclusion Based on empirical research on marriages as a family ritual, I have argued that behind representations and discourses of a wedding “of our own,” quite often individuals grant the importance, of, and sometimes they are even pressured by, their families of origin (e.g. parents and in-laws). At the crossroad of tradition and modernity, this pressure is pervasive from the most important to the most apparently trivial decisions or details concerning the mise en scène of the ritual elements chosen to give a symbolic meaning to the ceremony and party (Chesser, Leeds-Hurwitz).Empirical findings and data discussion thus confirm and reinforce the high symbolic value that, despite all the changes weddings, still assume in contemporary society (Berger and Kellner, Segalen and Gillis, A World of their Own Making, Our Virtual Families and Marriages of the Mind). The power and influence of the size and density of the families of origin is not a part of history left behind by the processes of individualization and detraditionalization; rather, families continue to play a central role in structuring the actual options behind the anticipation, planning, and organisation of the wedding. This demonstrates that the reality of contemporary relationality is vastly more textured (Smart) than the normative generalisations of the individualisation and detraditionalisation theses imply, and suggests that in contemplating contemporary marriage conventions, the overt claims to individual choice and autonomy should be be contextualised by the variety of relationships the bride and groom participate in. References Bardin, Laurence. L’Analyse de Contenu. Paris: PUF, 1977. Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Love: On the Frailty of Human Bonds. Cambridge: Polity, 2003. Beck, Ulrich, and Beck-Gernsheim, Elisabeth. The Normal Chaos of Love. Cambridge: Polity, 1995. Beck-Gernsheim, Elisabeth. Reinventing the Family: In search of New Lifestyles. Cambridge: Polity, 2002. Berger, Peter, and Kellner, Hansfried. “Marriage and the constitution of reality.” Diogenes 46 (1964): 1–24. Bossard, James, and Boll, Eleanor. Ritual in Family Living – A Contemporary Study. Philadelphia: U Pennsylvania P, 1950. Brannen, Julia, and Nielsen, Ann. “Individualisation, Choice and Structure: a Discussion of Current Trends in Sociological Analysis.” The Sociological Review 53.3 (2005): 412–28. Cherlin, Andrew. “The Deinstitutionalization of American Marriage.” Journal of Marriage and Family 66 (2004): 848–861. Chesser, Barbara Jo. “Analysis of Wedding Rituals: An Attempt to Make Weddings More Meaningful.” Family Relations 29.2 1980): 204—09. Costa, Rosalina. Pequenos e Grandes Dias: os Rituais na Construção da Família Contemporânea [Small and Big Days. The Rituals Constructing Contemporay Families]. PhD Thesis in Social Sciences – specialization ‘General Sociology’. University of Lisbon: Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon (ICS-UL), 2011 ‹http://hdl.handle.net/10451/4770›. Eldén, Sara. “Scripts for the ‘Good Couple’: Individualization and the Reproduction of Gender Inequality.” Acta Sociologica 55.1 (2012): 3–18. Flick, Uwe. An Introduction to Qualitative Research. Sage Publications: London, 1998. —. The Episodic Interview: Small-scale Narratives as Approach to Relevant Experiences (Series Paper) (1997). 29 Oct. 2010 ‹http://www2.lse.ac.uk/methodologyInstitute/pdf/QualPapers/Flick-episodic.pdf›. Giddens, Anthony. The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, Love and Eroticism in Modern Societies. Cambridge: Polity, 1992. Gillis, John. “Marriages of the Mind.” Journal of Marriage and Family 66.4 (2004): 988–91. —. A World of their Own Making. Myth, Ritual, and the Quest for family Values. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1996. —. Our Virtual Families: Toward a Cultural Understanding of Modern Family Life, The Emory Center for Myth and Ritual in American Life – Working Paper, 2. Rutgers U/Department of History (2000). 03 Nov. 2005 ‹http://www.marial.emory.edu/pdfs/Gillispaper.PDF›. Glaser, Barney, and Strauss, Anselm. The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1967. Gross, Neil. “The Detraditionalization of Intimacy Reconsidered.” Sociological Theory 23.3 (2005): 286–311. Imber-Black, Evan, and Roberts, Janine. Rituals for Our Times: Celebrating, Healing, and Changing our Lives and our Relationships. New York: Harper Perennial, 1993. Kalmijn, Matthijs. “Marriage Rituals as Reinforcers of Role Transitions: an Analysis of Wedding in the Netherlands.” Journal of Marriage and Family 66 (2004): 582–94. Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy. “Making Marriage Visible: Wedding Anniversaries as the Public Component of Private Relationships.” Text 25.5 (2005): 595–631. Maillochnon, Florence, and Castrén, Anna-Maija. “Making Family at a Wedding: Bilateral Kinship and Equality.” Families and Kinship in Contemporary Europe. Ed. Ritta Jallinoja, and Eric D. Widmer. Hampshire: Palgrave and Macmillan, 2011. 31–44. Morgan, David. “Risk and Family Practices: Accounting for Change and Fluidity in Family Life.” The New Family?. Ed. Elisabeth B. Silva, and Carol Smart. London: Sage Publications, 1999. 13–30.—. Family Connections—an Introduction to Family Studies. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996. —. Rethinking Family Practices. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillam, 2011. Pleck, Elizabeth. Celebrating the Family. Ethnicity, Consumer Culture, and Family Rituals. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2000. Segalen, Martine. Rites et Rituels Contemporains. Paris: Nathan, 1998. Smart, Carol. Personal Life – New Directions in Sociological Thinking. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007. Smart, Carol, and Shipman, Beccy. “Visions in Monochrome: Families, Marriage and the Individualization Thesis.” The British Journal of Sociology 55.4 (2004): 491–509. Wolin, Steven, and Bennett, Linda. “Family Rituals.” Family Process 23 (1984): 401–20.

About half way through Yann Arthus-Bertrand’s film Home (2009) the narrator describes the fall of the Rapa Nui, the indigenous people of the Easter Islands. The narrator posits that the Rapa Nui culture collapsed due to extensive environmental degradation brought about by large-scale deforestation. The Rapa Nui cut down their massive native forests to clear spaces for agriculture, to heat their dwellings, to build canoes and, most importantly, to move their enormous rock sculptures—the Moai. The disappearance of their forests led to island-wide soil erosion and the gradual disappearance of arable land. Caught in the vice of overpopulation but with rapidly dwindling basic resources and no trees to build canoes, they were trapped on the island and watched helplessly as their society fell into disarray. The sequence ends with the narrator’s biting remark: “The real mystery of the Easter Islands is not how its strange statues got there, we know now; it's why the Rapa Nui didn't react in time.” In their unrelenting desire for development, the Rapa Nui appear to have overlooked the role the environment plays in maintaining a society. The island’s Moai accompanying the sequence appear as memento mori, a lesson in the mortality of human cultures brought about by their own misguided and short-sighted practices. Arthus-Bertrand’s Home, a film composed almost entirely of aerial photographs, bears witness to present-day environmental degradation and climate change, constructing society as a fragile structure built upon and sustained by the environment. Home is a call to recognise how contemporary practices of post-industrial societies have come to shape the environment and how they may impact the habitability of Earth in the near future. Through reflexivity and a ritualised structure the text invites spectators to look at themselves in a new light and remake their self-image in the wake of global environmental risk by embracing new, alternative core practices based on balance and interconnectedness. Arthus-Bertrand frames climate change not as a burden, but as a moment of profound realisation of the potential for change and humans ability to create a desirable future through hope and our innate capacity for renewal. This article examines how Arthus-Bertrand’s ritualised construction of climate change aims to remake viewers’ perception of present-day environmental degradation and investigates Home’s place in contemporary climate change communication discourse. Climate change, in its capacity to affect us globally, is considered a world risk. The most recent peer-reviewed Synthesis Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests that the concentration of atmospheric greenhouse gases has increased markedly since human industrialisation in the 18th century. Moreover, human activities, such as fossil fuel burning and agricultural practices, are “very likely” responsible for the resulting increase in temperature rise (IPPC 37). The increased global temperatures and the subsequent changing weather patterns have a direct and profound impact on the physical and biological systems of our planet, including shrinking glaciers, melting permafrost, coastal erosion, and changes in species distribution and reproduction patterns (Rosenzweig et al. 353). Studies of global security assert that these physiological changes are expected to increase the likelihood of humanitarian disasters, food and water supply shortages, and competition for resources thus resulting in a destabilisation of global safety (Boston et al. 1–2). Human behaviour and dominant practices of modernity are now on a path to materially impact the future habitability of our home, Earth. In contemporary post-industrial societies, however, climate change remains an elusive, intangible threat. Here, the Arctic-bound species forced to adapt to milder climates or the inhabitants of low-lying Pacific islands seeking refuge in mainland cities are removed from the everyday experience of the controlled and regulated environments of homes, offices, and shopping malls. Diverse research into the mediated and mediatised nature of the environment suggests that rather than from first-hand experiences and observations, the majority of our knowledge concerning the environment now comes from its representation in the mass media (Hamilton 4; Stamm et al. 220; Cox 2). Consequently the threat of climate change is communicated and constructed through the news media, entertainment and lifestyle programming, and various documentaries and fiction films. It is therefore the construction (the representation of the risk in various discourses) that shapes people’s perception and experience of the phenomenon, and ultimately influences behaviour and instigates social response (Beck 213). By drawing on and negotiating society’s dominant discourses, environmental mediation defines spectators’ perceptions of the human-nature relationship and subsequently their roles and responsibilities in the face of environmental risks. Maxwell Boykoff asserts that contemporary modern society’s mediatised representations of environmental degradation and climate change depict the phenomena as external to society’s primary social and economic concerns (449). Julia Corbett argues that this is partly because environmental protection and sustainable behaviour are often at odds with the dominant social paradigms of consumerism, economic growth, and materialism (175). Similarly, Rowan Howard-Williams suggests that most media texts, especially news, do not emphasise the link between social practices, such as consumerist behaviour, and their environmental consequences because they contradict dominant social paradigms (41). The demands contemporary post-industrial societies make on the environment to sustain economic growth, consumer culture, and citizens’ comfortable lives in air-conditioned homes and offices are often left unarticulated. While the media coverage of environmental risks may indeed have contributed to “critical misperceptions, misleading debates, and divergent understandings” (Boykoff 450) climate change possesses innate characteristics that amplify its perception in present-day post-industrial societies as a distant and impersonal threat. Climate change is characterised by temporal and spatial de-localisation. The gradual increase in global temperature and its physical and biological consequences are much less prominent than seasonal changes and hence difficult to observe on human time-scales. Moreover, while research points to the increased probability of extreme climatic events such as droughts, wild fires, and changes in weather patterns (IPCC 48), they take place over a wide range of geographical locations and no single event can be ultimately said to be the result of climate change (Maibach and Roser-Renouf 145). In addition to these observational obstacles, political partisanship, vested interests in the current status quo, and general resistance to profound change all play a part in keeping us one step removed from the phenomenon of climate change. The distant and impersonal nature of climate change coupled with the “uncertainty over consequences, diverse and multiple engaged interests, conflicting knowledge claims, and high stakes” (Lorenzoni et al. 65) often result in repression, rejection, and denial, removing the individual’s responsibility to act. Research suggests that, due to its unique observational obstacles in contemporary post-industrial societies, climate change is considered a psychologically distant event (Pawlik 559), one that is not personally salient due to the “perceived distance and remoteness [...] from one’s everyday experience” (O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole 370). In an examination of the barriers to behaviour change in the face of psychologically distant events, Robert Gifford argues that changing individuals’ perceptions of the issue-domain is one of the challenges of countering environmental inertia—the lack of initiative for environmentally sustainable social action (5). To challenge the status quo a radically different construction of the environment and the human-nature relationship is required to transform our perception of global environmental risks and ultimately result in environmentally consequential social action. Yann Arthus-Bertrand’s Home is a ritualised construction of contemporary environmental degradation and climate change which takes spectators on a rite of passage to a newfound understanding of the human-nature relationship. Transformation through re-imagining individuals’ roles, responsibilities, and practices is an intrinsic quality of rituals. A ritual charts a subjects path from one state of consciousness to the next, resulting in a meaningful change of attitudes (Deflem 8). Through a lifelong study of African rituals British cultural ethnographer Victor Turner refined his concept of rituals in a modern social context. Turner observed that rituals conform to a three-phased processural form (The Ritual Process 13–14). First, in the separation stage, the subjects are selected and removed from their fixed position in the social structure. Second, they enter an in-between and ambiguous liminal stage, characterised by a “partial or complete separation of the subject from everyday existence” (Deflem 8). Finally, imbued with a new perspective of the outside world borne out of the experience of reflexivity, liminality, and a cathartic cleansing, subjects are reintegrated into the social reality in a new, stable state. The three distinct stages make the ritual an emotionally charged, highly personal experience that “demarcates the passage from one phase to another in the individual’s life-cycle” (Turner, “Symbols” 488) and actively shapes human attitudes and behaviour. Adhering to the three-staged processural form of the ritual, Arthus-Bertrand guides spectators towards a newfound understanding of their roles and responsibilities in creating a desirable future. In the first stage—the separation—aerial photography of Home alienates viewers from their anthropocentric perspectives of the outside world. This establishes Earth as a body, and unearths spectators’ guilt and shame in relation to contemporary world risks. Aerial photography strips landscapes of their conventional qualities of horizon, scale, and human reference. As fine art photographer Emmet Gowin observes, “when one really sees an awesome, vast place, our sense of wholeness is reorganised [...] and the body seems always to diminish” (qtd. in Reynolds 4). Confronted with a seemingly infinite sublime landscape from above, the spectator’s “body diminishes” as they witness Earth’s body gradually taking shape. Home’s rushing rivers of Indonesia are akin to blood flowing through the veins and the Siberian permafrost seems like the texture of skin in extreme close-up. Arthus-Bertrand establishes a geocentric embodiment to force spectators to perceive and experience the environmental degradation brought about by the dominant social practices of contemporary post-industrial modernity. The film-maker visualises the maltreatment of the environment through suggested abuse of the Earth’s body. Images of industrial agricultural practices in the United States appear to leave scratches and scars on the landscape, and as a ship crosses the Arctic ice sheets of the Northwest Passage the boat glides like the surgeon’s knife cutting through the uppermost layer of the skin. But the deep blue water that’s revealed in the wake of the craft suggests a flesh and body now devoid of life, a suffering Earth in the wake of global climatic change. Arthus-Bertrand’s images become the sublime evidence of human intervention in the environment and the reflection of present-day industrialisation materially altering the face of Earth. The film-maker exploits spectators’ geocentric perspective and sensibility to prompt reflexivity, provide revelations about the self, and unearth the forgotten shame and guilt in having inadvertently caused excessive environmental degradation. Following the sequences establishing Earth as the body of the text Arthus-Bertrand returns spectators to their everyday “natural” environment—the city. Having witnessed and endured the pain and suffering of Earth, spectators now gaze at the skyscrapers standing bold and tall in the cityscape with disillusionment. The pinnacles of modern urban development become symbols of arrogance and exploitation: structures forced upon the landscape. Moreover, the images of contemporary cityscapes in Home serve as triggers for ritual reflexivity, allowing the spectator to “perceive the self [...] as a distanced ‘other’ and hence achieve a partial ‘self-transcendence’” (Beck, Comments 491). Arthus-Bertrand’s aerial photographs of Los Angeles, New York, and Tokyo fold these distinct urban environments into one uniform fusion of glass, metal, and concrete devoid of life. The uniformity of these cultural landscapes prompts spectators to add the missing element: the human. Suddenly, the homes and offices of desolate cityscapes are populated by none other than us, looking at ourselves from a unique vantage point. The geocentric sensibility the film-maker invoked with the images of the suffering Earth now prompt a revelation about the self as spectators see their everyday urban environments in a new light. Their homes and offices become blemishes on the face of the Earth: its inhabitants, including the spectators themselves, complicit in the excessive mistreatment of the planet. The second stage of the ritual allows Arthus-Bertrand to challenge dominant social paradigms of present day post-industrial societies and introduce new, alternative moral directives to govern our habits and attitudes. Following the separation, ritual subjects enter an in-between, threshold stage, one unencumbered by the spatial, temporal, and social boundaries of everyday existence. Turner posits that a subjects passage through this liminal stage is necessary to attain psychic maturation and successful transition to a new, stable state at the end of the ritual (The Ritual Process 97). While this “betwixt and between” (Turner, The Ritual Process 95) state may be a fleeting moment of transition, it makes for a “lived experience [that] transforms human beings cognitively, emotionally, and morally.” (Horvath et al. 3) Through a change of perceptions liminality paves the way toward meaningful social action. Home places spectators in a state of liminality to contrast geocentric and anthropocentric views. Arthus-Bertrand contrasts natural and human-made environments in terms of diversity. The narrator’s description of the “miracle of life” is followed by images of trees seemingly defying gravity, snow-covered summits among mountain ranges, and a whale in the ocean. Grandeur and variety appear to be inherent qualities of biodiversity on Earth, qualities contrasted with images of the endless, uniform rectangular greenhouses of Almeria, Spain. This contrast emphasises the loss of variety in human achievements and the monotony mass-production brings to the landscape. With the image of a fire burning atop a factory chimney, Arthus-Bertrand critiques the change of pace and distortion of time inherent in anthropocentric views, and specifically in contemporary modernity. Here, the flames appear to instantly eat away at resources that have taken millions of years to form, bringing anthropocentric and geocentric temporality into sharp contrast. A sequence showing a night time metropolis underscores this distinction. The glittering cityscape is lit by hundreds of lights in skyscrapers in an effort, it appears, to mimic and surpass daylight and thus upturn the natural rhythm of life. As the narrator remarks, in our present-day environments, “days are now the pale reflections of nights.” Arthus-Bertrand also uses ritual liminality to mark the present as a transitory, threshold moment in human civilisation. The film-maker contrasts the spectre of our past with possible visions of the future to mark the moment of now as a time when humanity is on the threshold of two distinct states of mind. The narrator’s descriptions of contemporary post-industrial society’s reliance on non-renewable resources and lack of environmentally sustainable agricultural practices condemn the past and warn viewers of the consequences of continuing such practices into the future. Exploring the liminal present Arthus-Bertrand proposes distinctive futurescapes for humankind. On the one hand, the narrator’s description of California’s “concentration camp style cattle farming” suggests that humankind will live in a future that feeds from the past, falling back on frames of horrors and past mistakes. On the other hand, the example of Costa Rica, a nation that abolished its military and dedicated the budget to environmental conservation, is recognition of our ability to re-imagine our future in the face of global risk. Home introduces myths to imbue liminality with the alternative dominant social paradigm of ecology. By calling upon deep-seated structures myths “touch the heart of society’s emotional, spiritual and intellectual consciousness” (Killingsworth and Palmer 176) and help us understand and come to terms with complex social, economic, and scientific phenomena. With the capacity to “pattern thought, beliefs and practices,” (Maier 166) myths are ideal tools in communicating ritual liminality and challenging contemporary post-industrial society’s dominant social paradigms. The opening sequence of Home, where the crescent Earth is slowly revealed in the darkness of space, is an allusion to creation: the genesis myth. Accompanied only by a gentle hum our home emerges in brilliant blue, white, and green-brown encompassing most of the screen. It is as if darkness and chaos disintegrated and order, life, and the elements were created right before our eyes. Akin to the Earthrise image taken by the astronauts of Apollo 8, Home’s opening sequence underscores the notion that our home is a unique spot in the blackness of space and is defined and circumscribed by the elements. With the opening sequence Arthus-Bertrand wishes to impart the message of interdependence and reliance on elements—core concepts of ecology. Balance, another key theme in ecology, is introduced with an allusion to the Icarus myth in a sequence depicting Dubai. The story of Icarus’s fall from the sky after flying too close to the sun is a symbolic retelling of hubris—a violent pride and arrogance punishable by nemesis—destruction, which ultimately restores balance by forcing the individual back within the limits transgressed (Littleton 712). In Arthus-Bertrand’s portrayal of Dubai, the camera slowly tilts upwards on the Burj Khalifa tower, the tallest human-made structure ever built. The construction works on the tower explicitly frame humans against the bright blue sky in their attempt to reach ever further, transgressing their limitations much like the ill-fated Icarus. Arthus-Bertrand warns that contemporary modernity does not strive for balance or moderation, and with climate change we may have brought our nemesis upon ourselves. By suggesting new dominant paradigms and providing a critique of current maxims, Home’s retelling of myths ultimately sees spectators through to the final stage of the ritual. The last phase in the rite of passage “celebrates and commemorates transcendent powers,” (Deflem 8) marking subjects’ rebirth to a new status and distinctive perception of the outside world. It is at this stage that Arthus-Bertrand resolves the emotional distress uncovered in the separation phase. The film-maker uses humanity’s innate capacity for creation and renewal as a cathartic cleansing aimed at reconciling spectators’ guilt and shame in having inadvertently exacerbated global environmental degradation. Arthus-Bertrand identifies renewable resources as the key to redeeming technology, human intervention in the landscape, and finally humanity itself. Until now, the film-maker pictured modernity and technology, evidenced in his portrayal of Dubai, as synonymous with excess and disrespect for the interconnectedness and balance of elements on Earth. The final sequence shows a very different face of technology. Here, we see a mechanical sea-snake generating electricity by riding the waves off the coast of Scotland and solar panels turning towards the sun in the Sahara desert. Technology’s redemption is evidenced in its ability to imitate nature—a move towards geocentric consciousness (a lesson learned from the ritual’s liminal stage). Moreover, these human-made structures, unlike the skyscrapers earlier in the film, appear a lot less invasive in the landscape and speak of moderation and union with nature. With the above examples Arthus-Bertrand suggests that humanity can shed the greed that drove it to dig deeper and deeper into the Earth to acquire non-renewable resources such as oil and coal, what the narrator describes as “treasures buried deep.” The incorporation of principles of ecology, such as balance and interconnectedness, into humanity’s behaviour ushers in reconciliation and ritual cleansing in Home. Following the description of the move toward renewable resources, the narrator reveals that “worldwide four children out of five attend school, never has learning been given to so many human beings” marking education, innovation, and creativity as the true inexhaustible resources on Earth. Lastly, the description of Antarctica in Home is the essence of Arthus-Bertrand’s argument for our innate capacity to create, not simply exploit and destroy. Here, the narrator describes the continent as possessing “immense natural resources that no country can claim for itself, a natural reserve devoted to peace and science, a treaty signed by 49 nations has made it a treasure shared by all humanity.” Innovation appears to fuel humankind’s transcendence to a state where it is capable of compassion, unification, sharing, and finally creating treasures. With these examples Arthus-Bertrand suggests that humanity has an innate capacity for creative energy that awaits authentic expression and can turn humankind from destroyer to creator. In recent years various risk communication texts have explicitly addressed climate change, endeavouring to instigate environmentally consequential social action. Home breaks discursive ground among them through its ritualistic construction which seeks to transform spectators’ perception, and in turn roles and responsibilities, in the face of global environmental risks. Unlike recent climate change media texts such as An Inconvenient Truth (2006), The 11th Hour (2007), The Age of Stupid (2009), Carbon Nation (2010) and Earth: The Operator’s Manual (2011), Home eludes simple genre classification. On the threshold of photography and film, documentary and fiction, Arthus-Bertrand’s work is best classified as an advocacy film promoting public debate and engagement with a universal concern—the state of the environment. The film’s website, available in multiple languages, contains educational material, resources to organise public screenings, and a link to GoodPlanet.info: a website dedicated to environmentalism, including legal tools and initiatives to take action. The film-maker’s approach to using Home as a basis for education and raising awareness corresponds to Antonio Lopez’s critique of contemporary mass-media communications of global risks. Lopez rebukes traditional forms of mediatised communication that place emphasis on the imparting of knowledge and instead calls for a participatory, discussion-driven, organic media approach, akin to a communion or a ritual (106). Moreover, while texts often place a great emphasis on the messenger, for instance Al Gore in An Inconvenient Truth, Leonardo DiCaprio in The 11th Hour, or geologist Dr. Richard Alley in Earth: The Operator’s Manual, Home’s messenger remains unseen—the narrator is only identified at the very end of the film among the credits. The film-maker’s decision to forego a central human character helps dissociate the message from the personality of the messenger which aids in establishing and maintaining the geocentric sensibility of the text. Finally, the ritual’s invocation and cathartic cleansing of emotional distress enables Home to at once acknowledge our environmentally destructive past habits and point to a hopeful, environmentally sustainable future. While The Age of Stupid mostly focuses on humanity’s present and past failures to respond to an imminent environmental catastrophe, Carbon Nation, with the tagline “A climate change solutions movie that doesn’t even care if you believe in climate change,” only explores the potential future business opportunities in turning towards renewable resources and environmentally sustainable practices. The three-phased processural form of the ritual allows for a balance of backward and forward-looking, establishing the possibility of change and renewal in the face of world risk. The ritual is a transformative experience. As Turner states, rituals “interrupt the flow of social life and force a group to take cognizance of its behaviour in relation to its own values, and even question at times the value of those values” (“Dramatic Ritual” 82). Home, a ritualised media text, is an invitation to look at our world, its dominant social paradigms, and the key element within that world—ourselves—with new eyes. It makes explicit contemporary post-industrial society’s dependence on the environment, highlights our impact on Earth, and reveals our complicity in bringing about a contemporary world risk. The ritual structure and the self-reflexivity allow Arthus-Bertrand to transform climate change into a personally salient issue. This bestows upon the spectator the responsibility to act and to reconcile the spectre of the past with the vision of the future.Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Dr. Angi Buettner whose support, guidance, and supervision has been invaluable in preparing this article. 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Luther und die Hexen (Kataloge des Mittelalterlichen Kriminalmuseums in Rothenburg ob der Tauber, 1), Darmstadt 2017, Theiss, 224 S. / Abb., € 19,95. (Rainer Walz, Bochum) Dingel, Irene / Armin Kohnle / Stefan Rhein / Ernst-Joachim Waschke (Hrsg.), Initia Reformationis. Wittenberg und die frühe Reformation (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 33), Leipzig 2017, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 444 S. / Abb., € 68,00. (Stefan Michel, Leipzig) Bauer, Joachim / Michael Haspel (Hrsg.), Jakob Strauß und der reformatorische Wucherstreit. Die soziale Dimension der Reformation und ihre Wirkungen, Leipzig 2018, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 316 S. / Abb., € 29,00. (Mark Häberlein, Bamberg) Zinsmeyer, Sabine, Frauenklöster in der Reformationszeit. Lebensformen von Nonnen in Sachsen zwischen Reform und landesherrlicher Aufhebung (Quellen und Forschungen zur sächsischen Geschichte, 41), Stuttgart 2016, Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig / Steiner in Kommission, 455 S. / Abb., € 76,00. (Andreas Rutz, Bonn/Düsseldorf) Der Kurfürstentag zu Regensburg 1575, bearb. v. Christiane Neerfeld (Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Reichsversammlungen 1556 – 1662), Berlin / Boston 2016, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 423 S., € 139,95. (Thomas Kirchner, Aachen) Kerr-Peterson, Miles / Steven J. Reid (Hrsg.), James VI and Noble Power in Scotland 1578 – 1603 (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2017, Routledge, XVI u. 219 S., £ 75,00. (Martin Foerster, Düsseldorf) Nellen, Henk J. M., Hugo Grotius. A Lifelong Struggle for Peace in Church and State, 1583 – 1645, übers. v. J. Chris Grayson, Leiden / Boston 2015, Brill, XXXII u. 827 S. / Abb., € 199,00. (Peter Nitschke, Vechta) Weber, Wolfgang E. J., Luthers bleiche Erben. Kulturgeschichte der evangelischen Geistlichkeit des 17. Jahrhunderts, Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VI u. 234 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Cornel Zwierlein, Bamberg / Erfurt) Hennings, Werner / Uwe Horst / Jürgen Kramer, Die Stadt als Bühne. Macht und Herrschaft im öffentlichen Raum von Rom, Paris und London im 17. Jahrhundert (Edition Kulturwissenschaft, 63), Bielefeld 2016, transcript, 421 S. / Abb., € 39,99. (Susanne Rau, Erfurt) „Das Beispiel der Obrigkeit ist der Spiegel des Unterthans“. Instruktionen und andere normative Quellen zur Verwaltung der liechtensteinischen Herrschaften Feldsberg und Wilfersdorf in Niederösterreich (1600 – 1815), hrsg. v. Anita Hipfinger (Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. Abt. 3: Fontes Iuris, 24), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2016, Böhlau, 875 S. / Abb., € 97,00. (Alexander Denzler, Eichstätt) Roper, Louis H., Advancing Empire. English Interests and Overseas Expansion, 1613 – 1688, New York 2017, Cambridge University Press, XI u. 302 S., £ 25,99. (Mark Häberlein, Bamberg) Wimmler, Jutta, The Sun King’s Atlantic. Drugs, Demons and Dyestuffs in the Atlantic World, 1640 – 1730 (The Atlantic World, 33), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XIII u. 229 S. / graph. Darst., € 80,00; als Brill MyBook € 25,00. (Mark Häberlein, Bamberg) Dauser, Regina, Ehren-Namen. Herrschertitulaturen im völkerrechtlichen Vertrag 1648 – 1748 (Norm und Struktur, 46), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 357 S., € 45,00. (Nadir Weber, Lausanne) Clementi, Siglinde, Körper, Selbst und Melancholie. Die Selbstzeugnisse des Landadeligen Osvaldo Ercole Trapp (1634 – 1710) (Selbstzeugnisse der Neuzeit, 26), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 252 S., € 40,00. (Stefan Hanß, Cambridge) Kremer, Joachim (Hrsg.), Magdalena Sibylla von Württemberg. Politisches und kulturelles Handeln einer Herzogswitwe im Zeichen des frühen Pietismus (Tübinger Bausteine zur Landesgeschichte, 27), Ostfildern 2017, Thorbecke, 190 S. / Abb., € 25,00. (Pauline Puppel, Berlin) Onnekink, David, Reinterpreting the Dutch Forty Years War, 1672 – 1713, Palgrave Pivot 2016, London, VIII u. 138 S., £ 37,99. (Johannes Arndt, Münster) Froide, Amy M., Silent Partners. Women as Public Investors during Britainʼs Financial Revolution, 1690 – 1750, Oxford / New York 2017, Oxford University Press, VI u. 225 S. / Abb., £ 60,00. (Philipp R. Rössner, Manchester) Mulsow, Martin / Kasper Risbjerg Eskildsen / Helmut Zedelmaier (Hrsg.), Christoph August Heumann (1681 – 1764). Gelehrte Praxis zwischen christlichem Humanismus und Aufklärung (Gothaer Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, 12), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, XVI u. 265 S. / Abb., € 54,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg/Freiburg) Harding, Elizabeth (Hrsg.), Kalkulierte Gelehrsamkeit. Zur Ökonomisierung der Universitäten im 18. Jahrhundert (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 148), Wiesbaden 2016, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 300 S. / Abb., € 62,00. (Andrea Thiele, Halle a. d. S.) 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Eine Biographie, Beck 2017, München, 253 S. / Abb., € 24,95. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal) Home, Roderick W. / Isabel M. Malaquias / Manuel F. Thomaz (Hrsg.), For the Love of Science. The Correspondence of J. H. de Magellan (1722 – 1790), 2 Bde., Bern [u. a.] 2017, Lang, 2002 S. / Abb., € 228,95. (Lisa Dannenberg-Markel, Aachen) Wendt-Sellin, Ulrike, Herzogin Luise Friederike von Mecklenburg-Schwerin (1722 – 1791). Ein Leben zwischen Pflicht, Pläsir und Pragmatismus (Quellen und Studien aus den Landesarchiven Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns, 19), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 468 S. / Abb., € 60,00. (Britta Kägler, Trondheim) Oehler, Johanna, „Abroad at Göttingen“. Britische Studenten als Akteure des Kultur- und Wissenstransfers 1735 bis 1806 (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Niedersachsen und Bremen, 289), Göttingen 2016, Wallstein, 478 S. / graph. Darst., € 39,90. (Michael Schaich, London) Düwel, Sven, Ad bellum Sacri Romano-Germanici Imperii solenne decernendum: Die Reichskriegserklärung gegen Brandenburg-Preußen im Jahr 1757. Das Verfahren der „preußischen Befehdungssache“ 1756/57 zwischen Immerwährendem Reichstag und Wiener Reichsbehörden, 2 Teilbde., Münster 2016, Lit, 985 S. / Abb., € 79,90 (Bd. 3 als Download beim Verlag erhältlich). (Martin Fimpel, Wolfenbüttel) Pufelska, Agnieszka, Der bessere Nachbar? Das polnische Preußenbild zwischen Politik und Kulturtransfer (1765 – 1795), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VIII u. 439 S., € 74,95. (Maciej Ptaszyński, Warschau) Herfurth, Stefan, Freiheit in Schwedisch-Pommern. Entwicklung, Verbreitung und Rezeption des Freiheitsbegriffs im südlichen Ostseeraum zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Moderne europäische Geschichte, 14), Göttingen 2017, Wallstein, 262 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Axel Flügel, Bielefeld) Boie, Heinrich Christian / Luise Justine Mejer, Briefwechsel 1776 – 1786, hrsg. v. 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Becher, Matthias / Stephan Conermann / Linda Dohmen (Hrsg.), Macht und Herrschaft transkulturell. Vormoderne Konfigurationen und Perspektiven der Forschung (Macht und Herrschaft, 1), Göttingen 2018, V&amp;R unipress / Bonn University Press, 349 S., € 50,00. (Matthias Maser, Erlangen) Riello, Giorgio / Ulinka Rublack (Hrsg.), The Right to Dress. Sumptuary Laws in a Global Perspective, c. 1200 – 1800, Cambridge [u. a.] 2019, Cambridge University Press, XVII u. 505 S. / Abb., £ 95,00. (Kim Siebenhüner, Jena) Briggs, Chris / Jaco Zuijderduijn (Hrsg.), Land and Credit. Mortgages in the Medieval and Early Modern European Countryside (Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, 339 S. / graph. Darst., € 149,79. (Anke Sczesny, Augsburg) Rogger, Philippe / Regula Schmid (Hrsg.), Miliz oder Söldner? Wehrpflicht und Solddienst in Stadt, Republik und Fürstenstaat 13.–18. Jahrhundert (Krieg in der Geschichte, 111), Paderborn 2019, Schöningh, XI u. 282 S. / Abb., € 64,00. (Tim Nyenhuis, Düsseldorf) Seggern, Harm von (Hrsg.), Residenzstädte im Alten Reich (1300 – 1800). Ein Handbuch, Abteilung I: Analytisches Verzeichnis der Residenzstädte, Teil 1: Nordosten (Residenzenforschung. Neue Folge: Stadt und Hof, I.1), Ostfildern 2018, Thorbecke, XVII u. 687 S., € 85,00. (Martin Fimpel, Wolfenbüttel) Walsh, Michael J. K. (Hrsg.), Famagusta Maritima. Mariners, Merchants, Pilgrims and Mercenaries (Brill’s Studies in Maritime History, 7), Leiden / Boston 2019, Brill, XX u. 300 S. / Abb., € 116,00. (Jann M. Witt, Laboe) Hodgson, Natasha R. / Katherine J. Lewis / Matthew M. Mesley (Hrsg.), Crusading and Masculinities (Crusades – Subsidia, 13), London / New York 2019, Routledge, XII u. 365 S., £ 110,00. (Melanie Panse-Buchwalter, Kassel) Pálosfalvi, Tamás, From Nicopolis to Mohács. 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Jahrhunderts (Mittelalter-Forschungen, 58), Ostfildern 2019, Thorbecke, 393 S., € 52,00. (Gerhard Fouquet, Kiel) Sabaté, Flocel (Hrsg.), The Crown of Aragon. A Singular Mediterranean Empire (Brill’s Companions to European History, 12), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XIII u. 364 S., € 223,00. (Nikolas Jaspert, Heidelberg) Jostkleigrewe, Georg, Monarchischer Staat und „Société politique“. Politische Interaktion und staatliche Verdichtung im spätmittelalterlichen Frankreich (Mittelalter-Forschungen, 56), Ostfildern 2018, Thorbecke, 493 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Gisela Naegle, Gießen / Paris) Flemmig, Stephan, Die Bettelorden im hochmittelalterlichen Böhmen und Mähren (1226 – 1346) (Jenaer mediävistische Vorträge, 7), Stuttgart 2018, Steiner, 126 S., € 29,00. (Jörg Seiler, Erfurt) Bendheim, Amelie / Heinz Sieburg (Hrsg.), Prag in der Zeit der Luxemburger Dynastie. Literatur, Religion und Herrschaftskulturen zwischen Bereicherung und Behauptung (Interkulturalität, 17), Bielefeld 2019, transcript, 197 S. / Abb., € 34,99. (Julia Burkhardt, München) The Countryside of Hospitaller Rhodes 1306 – 1423. Original Texts and English Summaries, hrsg. v. Anthony Luttrell / Gregory O’Malley (The Military Religious Orders: History, Sources, and Memory), London / New York 2019, Routledge, IX u. 323 S., £ 105,00. (Alexander Beihammer, Notre Dame) Neugebauer-Wölk, Monika, Kosmologische Religiosität am Ursprung der Neuzeit. 1400 – 1450, Paderborn 2019, Schöningh, 838 S., € 168,00. (Heribert Müller, Köln) Välimäki, Reima, Heresy in Late Medieval Germany. The Inquisitor Petrus Zwicker and the Waldensians (Heresy and Inquisition in the Middle Ages, 6), Woodbridge / Rochester 2019, York Medieval Press, XV u. 335 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Thomas Scharff, Braunschweig) Machilek, Franz, Jan Hus (um 1372 – 1415). Prediger, Theologe, Reformator (Katholisches Leben und Kirchenreform im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung, 78/79), Münster 2019, Aschendorff, 271 S., € 29,90. (Klara Hübner, Brno) Kopietz, Matthias, Ordnung, Land und Leute. Politische Versammlungen im wettinischen Herrschaftsbereich 1438 – 1547 (Studien und Schriften zur Geschichte der Sächsischen Landtage, 6), Ostfildern 2019, Thorbecke, 472 S. / graph. Darst., € 60,00. (Stephan Flemmig, Jena / Leipzig) Erdélyi, Gabriella, Negotiating Violence. Papal Pardons and Everyday Life in East Central Europe (1450 – 1550) (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions, 213), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, X u. 247 S. / Abb., € 129,00. (Gerd Schwerhoff, Dresden) Proske, Veronika, Der Romzug Kaiser Sigismunds (1431 – 1433). Politische Kommunikation, Herrschaftsrepräsentation und -rezeption (Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters, 44), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, VIII u. 447 S. / Abb., € 50,00. (Karel Hruza, Wien) Leukel, Patrick, „all welt wil auf sein wider Burgundi“. Das Reichsheer im Neusser Krieg 1474/75 (Krieg in der Geschichte, 110), Paderborn 2019, Schöningh, XI u. 594 S. / graph. Darst., € 148,00. (Steffen Krieb, Mainz) Zwart, Pim de / Jan Luiten van Zanden, The Origins of Globalization. World Trade in the Making of the Global Economy, 1500 – 1800 (New Approaches to Economic and Social History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2018, Cambridge University Press, XVI u. 338 S. / Abb., £ 20,99. (Angelika Epple, Bielefeld) Veluwenkamp, Jan. W. / Werner Scheltjens (Hrsg.), Early Modern Shipping and Trade. Novel Approaches Using Sound Toll Registers Online (Brill’s Studies in Maritime History, 5), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XII u. 243 S. / Abb., € 110,00. (Patrick Schmidt, Rostock) Pettigrew, William A. / David Veevers (Hrsg.), The Corporation as a Protagonist in Global History, c. 1550 – 1750 (Global Economic History Series, 16), Leiden / Boston 2019, Brill, X u. 332 S., € 130,00. (Yair Mintzker, Princeton) Biedermann, Zoltán / Anne Gerritsen / Giorgio Riello (Hrsg.), Global Gifts. The Material Culture of Diplomacy in Early Modern Eurasia (Studies in Comparative World History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2018, Cambridge University Press, XVI u. 301 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Jan Hennings, Uppsala / Wien) Ginzberg, Eitan, The Destruction of the Indigenous Peoples of Hispano America. A Genocidal Encounter, Brighton / Chicago / Toronto 2019 [zuerst 2018], Sussex Academic Press, XV u. 372 S. / Abb., £ 40,00. (Silke Hensel, Münster) Saladin, Irina, Karten und Mission. Die jesuitische Konstruktion des Amazonasraums im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Historische Wissensforschung, 12), Tübingen 2020, Mohr Siebeck, XX u. 390 S. / Abb., € 69,00. (Christoph Nebgen, Saarbrücken) Verschleppt, verkauft, versklavt. Deutschsprachige Sklavenberichte aus Nordafrika (1550 – 1800). Edition und Kommentar, hrsg. v. Mario Klarer, Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 249 S. / Abb., € 40,00. (Stefan Hanß, Manchester) Alfani, Guido / Matteo Di Tullio, The Lion’s Share. Inequality and the Rise of the Fiscal State in Preindustrial Europe (Cambridge Studies in Economic History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2019, Cambridge University Press, XII u. 232 S., £ 31,99. (Peer Vries, Amsterdam) Corens, Liesbeth / Kate Peters / Alexandra Walsham (Hrsg.), Archives and Information in the Early Modern World (Proceedings of the British Academy, 212), Oxford 2018, Oxford University Press, XVIII u. 326 S. / Abb., £ 70,00. (Maria Weber, München) Eickmeyer, Jost / Markus Friedrich / Volker Bauer (Hrsg.), Genealogical Knowledge in the Making. Tools, Practices, and Evidence in Early Modern Europe (Cultures and Practices of Knowledge in History / Wissenskulturen und ihre Praktiken, 1), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, X u. 349 S. / Abb., € 79,95. (Lennart Pieper, Münster) Sittig, Claudius / Christian Wieland (Hrsg.), Die „Kunst des Adels“ in der Frühen Neuzeit (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 144), Wiesbaden 2018, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 364 S. / Abb., € 82,00. (Jens Niebaum, Münster) Wall, Heinrich de (Hrsg.), Recht, Obrigkeit und Religion in der Frühen Neuzeit (Historische Forschungen, 118), Berlin 2019, Duncker &amp; Humblot, 205 S., € 89,90. (Cornel Zwierlein, Berlin) Rahn, Thomas / Hole Rößler (Hrsg.), Medienphantasie und Medienreflexion in der Frühen Neuzeit. Festschrift für Jörg Jochen Berns (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 157), Wiesbaden 2018, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 419 S. / Abb., € 82,00. (Andreas Würgler, Genf) Berns, Jörg J. / Thomas Rahn (Hrsg.), Projektierte Himmel (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 154), Wiesbaden 2019, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 421 S. / Abb., € 86,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg / Freiburg) Brock, Michelle D. / Richard Raiswell / David R. Winter (Hrsg.), Knowing Demons, Knowing Spirits in the Early Modern Period (Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XV u. 317 S. / Abb., € 96,29. (Rainer Walz, Bochum) Kaplan, Yosef (Hrsg.), Religious Changes and Cultural Transformations in the Early Modern Western Sephardic Communities (Studies in Jewish History and Culture, 54), Leiden / Boston 2019, Brill, XXXVIII u. 616 S. / Abb., € 160,00. (Jorun Poettering, Hamburg) Gebke, Julia, (Fremd)‌Körper. Die Stigmatisierung der Neuchristen im Spanien der Frühen Neuzeit, Wien / Köln / Weimar 2020, Böhlau, 343 S., € 45,00. (Joël Graf, Bern) May, Anne Ch., Schwörtage in der Frühen Neuzeit. Ursprünge, Erscheinungsformen und Interpretationen eines Rituals, Ostfildern 2019, Thorbecke, 286 S. / Abb., € 39,00. (Gabriele Haug-Moritz, Graz) Godsey, William D. / Veronika Hyden-Hanscho (Hrsg.), Das Haus Arenberg und die Habsburgermonarchie. Eine transterritoriale Adelsfamilie zwischen Fürstendienst und Eigenständigkeit (16.–20. Jahrhundert), Regensburg 2019, Schnell &amp; Steiner, 496 S. / Abb., € 69,00. (Arndt Schreiber, Freiburg i. Br.) Hübner, Jonas, Gemein und ungleich. Ländliches Gemeingut und ständische Gesellschaft in einem frühneuzeitlichen Markenverband – Die Essener Mark bei Osnabrück (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Niedersachsen und Bremen, 307), Göttingen 2020, Wallstein, 402 S. / Abb., € 34,00. (Gerd van den Heuvel, Hannover) Lück, Heiner, Alma Leucorea. Eine Geschichte der Universität Wittenberg 1502 bis 1817, Halle a. d. S. 2020, Universitätsverlag Halle-Wittenberg, 368 S. / Abb., € 175,00. (Manfred Rudersdorf, Leipzig) Saak, Eric Leland, Luther and the Reformation of the Later Middle Ages, Cambridge [u. a.] 2017, Cambridge University Press, XII u. 399 S., £ 90,00. (Benedikt Brunner, Mainz) Selderhuis, Herman J. / J. Marius J. Lange van Ravenswaay (Hrsg.), Luther and Calvinism. Image and Reception of Martin Luther in the History and Theology of Calvinism (Refo500 Academic Studies, 42), Göttingen / Bristol 2017, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 547 S. / Abb., € 130,00. (Benedikt Brunner, Mainz) Schilling, Heinz, Karl V. Der Kaiser, dem die Welt zerbrach, München 2020, Beck, 457 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Martina Fuchs, Wien) Jostmann, Christian, Magellan oder Die erste Umsegelung der Erde, München 2019, Beck, 336 S. / Abb., € 24,95. (Jann M. Witt, Laboe) Lang, Heinrich, Wirtschaften als kulturelle Praxis. Die Florentiner Salviati und die Augsburger Welser auf den Märkten in Lyon (1507 – 1559) (Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Beihefte, 248), Stuttgart 2020, Steiner, 724 S. / graph. Darst., € 99,00. (Oswald Bauer, Kastelruth) Schmidt, Maike, Jagd und Herrschaft. Praxis, Akteure und Repräsentationen der höfischen „vénerie“ unter Franz I. von Frankreich (1515 – 1547), Trier 2019, Verlag für Geschichte und Kultur, 415 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Nadir Weber, Berlin) Richter, Angie-Sophia, Das Testament der Apollonia von Wiedebach. Stiftungswesen und Armenfürsorge in Leipzig am Vorabend der Reformation (1526 – 1539) (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Leipzig, 18), Leipzig 2019, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 313 S. / Abb., € 34,00. (Martin Dinges, Stuttgart) Faber, Martin, Sarmatismus. Die politische Ideologie des polnischen Adels im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau. Quellen und Studien, 35), Wiesbaden 2018, Harrassowitz, 525 S., € 88,00. (Damien Tricoire, Trier) Woodcock, Matthew / Cian O’Mahony (Hrsg.), Early Modern Military Identities, 1560 – 1639. Reality and Representation, Woodbridge / Rochester 2019, D. S. Brewer, VI u. 316 S., £ 60,00. (Florian Schönfuß, Oxford) Henry Pier’s Continental Travels, 1595 – 1598, hrsg. v. Brian Mac Cuarta SJ (Camden Fifth Series, 54), Cambridge [u. a.] 2018, Cambridge University Press, XIII u. 238 S. / Karten, £ 44,99. (Michael Maurer, Jena) Scheck, Friedemann, Interessen und Konflikte. Eine Untersuchung zur politischen Praxis im frühneuzeitlichen Württemberg am Beispiel von Herzog Friedrichs Weberwerk (1598 – 1608). (Schriften zur südwestdeutschen Landeskunde, 81) Ostfildern 2020, Thorbecke, XI u. 292 S. / Abb., € 39,00. (Hermann Ehmer, Stuttgart) Scheffknecht, Wolfgang, Kleinterritorium und Heiliges Römisches Reich. Der „Embsische Estat“ und der Schwäbische Reichskreis im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Forschungen zur Geschichte Vorarlbergs. Neue Folge, 13), Konstanz 2018, UVK, 542 S. / Abb., € 59,00. (Jonas Stephan, Bad Sassendorf) Stoldt, Peter H., Diplomatie vor Krieg. Braunschweig-Lüneburg und Schweden im 17. Jahrhundert (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Niedersachsen und Bremen, 303), Göttingen 2020, Wallstein, 488 S. / Abb., € 39,90. (Malte de Vries, Göttingen) Bräuer, Helmut, „… angst vnd noth ist vnser täglich brott …“. Sozial- und mentalitätsgeschichtliche Beobachtungen in Chemnitz während der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig 2019, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 236 S. / Abb., € 29,00. (Ansgar Schanbacher, Göttingen) Brüser, Joachim, Reichsständische Libertät zwischen kaiserlichem Absolutismus und französischer Hegemonie. Der Rheinbund von 1658, Münster 2020, Aschendorff, XI u. 448 S. / Abb., € 62,00. (Wolfgang Burgdorf, München) Albrecht-Birkner, Veronika / Alexander Schunka (Hrsg.), Pietismus in Thüringen – Pietismus aus Thüringen. Religiöse Reform im Mitteldeutschland des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (Gothaer Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, 13), Stuttgart 2018, Steiner, 327 S., € 55,00. (Thomas Grunewald, Halle a. d. S.) James, Leonie, The Household Accounts of William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1635 – 1642 (Church of England Record Society, 24), Woodbridge / Rochester 2019, The Boydell Press, XLIII u. 277 S., £ 70,00. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal / Potsdam) Southcombe, George, The Culture of Dissent in Restoration England. „The Wonders of the Lord“ (Royal Historical Society Studies in History. New Series), Woodbridge / Rochester 2019, The Royal History Society / The Boydell Press, XII u. 197 S., £ 50,00. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal / Potsdam) McTague, John, Things That Didn’t Happen. Writing, Politics and the Counterhistorical, 1678 – 1743 (Studies in the Eighteenth Century), Woodbridge 2019, The Boydell Press, XI u. 282 S. / Abb., £ 60,00. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal / Potsdam) McCormack, Matthew, Citizenship and Gender in Britain, 1688 – 1928, London / New York 2019, Routledge, 194 S. / Abb., € 120,00. (Saskia Lettmaier, Kiel) Paul, Tawny, The Poverty of Disaster. Debt and Insecurity in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge Studies in Early Modern British History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2019, Cambridge University Press, XIII u. 285 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Martin Dinges, Stuttgart) Fürstabt Celestino Sfondrati von St. Gallen 1696 als Kardinal in Rom, hrsg. v. Peter Erhart, bearb. v. Helena Müller / Christoph Uiting / Federica G. Giordani / Giuanna Beeli / Birgit Heinzle (Itinera Monastica, 2), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 724 S. / Abb., € 75,00. (Volker Reinhardt, Fribourg) Zumhof, Tim, Die Erziehung und Bildung der Schauspieler. Disziplinierung und Moralisierung zwischen 1690 und 1830, Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, 586 S. / Abb., € 80,00. (Wolf-Dieter Ernst, Bayreuth) Gelléri, Gábor, Lessons of Travel in Eighteenth-Century France. From Grand Tour to School Trips (Studies in the Eighteenth Century), Woodbridge, The Boydell Press 2020, VIII u. 235 S., £ 75,00. (Michael Maurer, Jena) Beckus, Thomas / Thomas Grunewald / Michael Rocher (Hrsg.), Niederadel im mitteldeutschen Raum (um 1700 – 1806) (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Sachsen-Anhalts, 17), Halle a. d. S. 2019, Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 235 S. / Abb., € 40,00. (Axel Flügel, Bielefeld) Seitschek, Stefan, Die Tagebücher Kaiser Karls VI. Zwischen Arbeitseifer und Melancholie, Horn 2018, Berger, 524 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Tobias Schenk, Wien) Köntgen, Sonja, Gräfin Gessler vor Gericht. Eine mikrohistorische Studie über Gewalt, Geschlecht und Gutsherrschaft im Königreich Preußen 1750 (Veröffentlichungen aus den Archiven Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Forschungen 14), Berlin 2019, Duncker &amp; Humblot, VIII u. 291 S., € 89,90. (Nicolas Rügge, Hannover) Polli-Schönborn, Marco, Kooperation, Konfrontation, Disruption. Frühneuzeitliche Herrschaft in der alten Eidgenossenschaft vor und während des Leventiner Protestes von 1754/55, Basel 2020, Schwabe, 405 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Beat Kümin, Warwick) Kubiska-Scharl, Irene / Michael Pölzl, Das Ringen um Reformen. Der Wiener Hof und sein Personal im Wandel (1766 – 1792) (Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs, 60), Wien 2018, StudienVerlag, 756 S. / graph. Darst., € 49,20. (Simon Karstens, Trier) Kittelmann, Jana / Anne Purschwitz (Hrsg.), Aufklärungsforschung digital. Konzepte, Methoden, Perspektiven (IZEA. Kleine Schriften, 10/2019), Halle a. d. S. 2019, Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 116 S. / Abb., € 10,00. (Simon Karstens, Trier) Willkommen, Alexandra, Alternative Lebensformen. Unehelichkeit und Ehescheidung am Beispiel von Goethes Weimar (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Thüringen. Kleine Reihe, 57), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 437 S. / graph. Darst., € 55,00. (Laila Scheuch, Bonn) Reuter, Simon, Revolution und Reaktion im Reich. Die Intervention im Hochstift Lüttich 1789 – 1791 (Verhandeln, Verfahren, Entscheiden, 5), Münster 2019, Aschendorff, VIII u. 444 S., € 62,00. (Horst Carl, Gießen) Eichmann, Flavio, Krieg und Revolution in der Karibik. Die kleinen Antillen, 1789 – 1815 (Pariser Historische Studien, 112), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 553 S., € 54,95. (Damien Tricoire, Trier)

El Sistema Interamericano de Protección a los Derechos Humanos tiene su origen en 1948 cuando en Bogotá se adopta la Declaración Americana de Derechos y Deberes del Hombre. Si bien dicho instrumento careció en su inicio de fuerza vinculante en la actualidad es plenamente exigible1. Posteriormente, en 1959 durante la Quinta Reunión de Cancilleres de los Estados Americanos se estableció la Comisión Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos, si bien en un inicio no tuvo como mandato la protección de los derechos humanos en casos individuales, desde inicio de los 60 la Comisión empezó a recibir denuncias por violaciones a los derechos humanos, por ello, en 19652 fue autorizada de manera expresa a conocer las denuncias sobre casos individuales.Adicionalmente, la Comisión desde el inicio de su mandato realizó investigaciones y visitas a los Estados miembros de la OEA con el fin de conocer sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en los mismos.3En 1969, durante la Conferencia Especializada sobre Derechos se suscribió la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos en la que se introdujo el sistema de protección individual de los derechos humanos a través tanto de la Comisión Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos como de la Corte Interamerícana. En el caso de la primera, la Convención le autorizó a recibir peticiones individuales que contengan violaciones a los derechos humanos garantizados en la Convención. En virtud de dicho instrumento, cualquier persona o grupo de personas u organizaciones establecidas legalmente en cualquiera de los Estados miembros de la OEA pueden presentar dichas denuncias.Por otra parte, el Protocolo de Buenos Aires que reformó la Carta de la Organización de Estados Americanos reconoció a la Comisión Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos como uno de los órganos de la Organización. No obstante también se reconoce su independencia en cuanto al ejercicio de sus funciones frente a la Organización.Por otra parte, la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos también dispone el establecimiento de la Corte Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos, la cual tiene competencia tanto para resolver casos de carácter contencioso que le sean sometidos por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos como por los Estados.4 La Convención adicionalmente establece que para reconocer la competencia de la Corte se requiere de un sometimiento expreso a ella.De conformidad con las disposiciones de la Convención Americana, ésta entró en vigencia al depositarse la undécima ratificación, lo cual ocurrió el 18 de julio de 1978 al depositar Grenada la ratificación.El Ecuador fue signatario original de la Convención el 22 de noviembre de 19695 y realizó el depósito de ratificación el 28 de diciembre de 19776, durante la dictadura militar del Consejo Supremo de Gobierno. Posteriormente, el 13 de agosto de 1984 el Ecuador reconoce la competencia de la Corte Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos.Adicionalmente a la Convención Americana, el Ecuador dentro del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos ha ratificado los siguientes instrumentos:Protocolo Adicional a la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos en materia de Derechos Económicos Sociales y Culturales;Protocolo a la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos relativo a la Abolición de la Pena de Muerte;Convención Interamerícana para Prevenir y Sancionar la Tortura:Convención Interamerícana para Prevenir, Sancionar y Erradicar la Violencia contra la Mujer;Convención Interamerícana para la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación contra las Personas con Discapacidad;Por otra parte, es importante reconocer que el Ecuador, en materia de Derechos Humanos dentro del Sistema Interamericano, únicamente no ha suscrito ni ratificado la Convención Interamerícana sobre Desaparición Forzada de Personas.De igual manera, debo señalar que dentro del Sistema Interamericano de Protección a los Derechos Humanos los ecuatorianos Gonzalo Escudero y Julio Prado Vallejo han sido miembros de la Comisión Interamerícana de Derechos Humanos. El primero de ellos ejerció dicha función entre 1960 y 1968, es decir en los primeros ocho años de existencia de la Comisión. El doctor Prado Vallejo ejerció las mismas funciones entre enero de 2000 y diciembre de 2003. El único ecuatoriano que ha sido designado como juez de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos es el doctor Hernán Salgado Pesantez, quien ejerció dicha magistratura por doce años desde 1992. Cabe destacar que dos abogados ecuatorianos han recibido la beca Rómulo Gallegos y en consecuencia han realizado pasantías cubiertas por tal beca durante un año cada uno en la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, ellos son Xavier Mena Vásconez y Juan Pablo Albán.Desde 1959 hasta la actualidad el uso del Sistema Interamericano de Protección a los Derechos Humanos frente a violaciones a los derechos humanos, ocurridas en Ecuador, ha sido relativamente limitado. Conforme se detalla a continuación existen en mi criterio dos períodos claramente diferenciados, el primero comprendido entre 1959 y 1993 y el segundo a partir de 1994 y la presente fecha. Conforme lo analizo más adelante, la conducta estatal ha sido variable y en buena parte esta ha respondido tanto a factores políticos como a la propia formación jurídica7 de los encargados del manejo de casos y temas de derechos humanos vinculados con el sistema.

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Structures, Functions, and Methodologies (International Medieval Research, 23), Turnhout 2018, Brepols, VI u. 290 S., € 80,00. (Otfried Krafft, Marburg) Carocci, Sandro / Isabella Lazzarini (Hrsg.), Social Mobility in Medieval Italy (1100 – 1500) (Viella Historical Research, 8), Rom 2018, Viella, 426 S. / Abb., € 75,00. (Christian Hesse, Bern) Seggern, Harm von, Geschichte der Burgundischen Niederlande (Urban-Taschenbücher), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, 294 S. / Karten, € 29,00. (Malte Prietzel, Paderborn) Pätzold, Stefan / Felicitas Schmieder (Hrsg.), Die Grafen von der Mark. Neue Forschungen zur Sozial-‍, Mentalitäts- und Kulturgeschichte (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 41), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, 171 S., € 29,00. (Dieter Scheler, Bochum) Selzer, Stephan (Hrsg.), Die Konsumentenstadt – Konsumenten in der Stadt des Mittelalters (Städteforschung. Reihe A: Darstellungen, 98), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2018, Böhlau, 287 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Eberhard Isenmann, Brühl / Köln) Arlinghaus, Franz-Josef, Inklusion – Exklusion. Funktion und Formen des Rechts in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt. Das Beispiel Köln (Norm und Struktur, 48), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, 439 S. / Abb., € 70,00. (Laurence Buchholzer, Straßburg) Die Reichenauer Lehenbücher der Äbte Friedrich von Zollern (1402 – 1427) und Friedrich von Wartenberg (1428 – 1453), bearb. v. Harald Derschka (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Würtemberg. Reihe A: Quellen, 61), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, LXXXVI u. 416 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Joachim Wild, München) Hülscher, Katharina, Das Statutenbuch des Stiftes Xanten (Die Stiftskirche des heiligen Viktor zu Xanten. Neue Folge, 1), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, 710 S. / Karten, € 86,00. (Heike Hawicks, Heidelberg) Kießling, Rolf / Gernot M. Müller (Hrsg.), Konrad Peutinger. Ein Universalgelehrter zwischen Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit: Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven (Colloquia Augustana, 35), Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VIII u. 240 S. / Abb., € 59,95. (Harald Müller, Aachen) Rizzi, Andrea (Hrsg.), Trust and Proof. Translators in Renaissance Print Culture (Library of the Written Word, 63 / The Handpress World, 48), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XVI u. 295 S. / Abb., € 142,00. (Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, Münster) Zwierlein, Cornel (Hrsg.), The Dark Side of Knowledge. Histories of Ignorance, 1400 to 1800 (Intersections, 46), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XVII u. 436 S., € 179,00. (Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Münster / Berlin) González Cuerva, Rubén / Alexander Koller (Hrsg.), A Europe of Courts, a Europe of Factions. Political Groups at Early Modern Centres of Power (1550 – 1700) (Rulers and Elites, 12), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, IX u. 263 S., € 119,00. (Volker Bauer, Wolfenbüttel) Matheson-Pollock, Helen / Joanne Paul / Catherine Fletcher (Hrsg.), Queenship and Counsel in Early Modern Europe (Queenship and Power), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XIII u. 284 S. / Abb., € 106,99. (Katrin Keller, Wien) Dunn, Caroline / Elizabeth Carney (Hrsg.), Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty (Queenship and Power), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XIV u. 199 S., € 96,29. (Katrin Keller, Wien) Maurer, Michael. Konfessionskulturen. Die Europäer als Protestanten und Katholiken, Paderborn 2019, Schöningh, 415 S., € 49,90. (Wolfgang Reinhard, Freiburg i. Br.) Duffy, Eamon, Reformation Divided. Catholics, Protestants and the Conversion of England, London [u. a.] 2017, Bloomsbury, 441 S., £ 27,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Kelly, James E. / Susan Royal (Hrsg.), Early Modern English Catholicism. Identity, Memory, and Counter-Reformation (Catholic Christendom, 1300 – 1700), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XIII u. 260 S., € 125,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) The Correspondence and Unpublished Papers of Robert Persons, SJ, Bd. 1: 1574 – 1588, hrsg. v. Victor Houliston / Ginevra Crosignani / Thomas M. McCoog (Catholic and Recusant Texts of the Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods, 4), Toronto 2017, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, XX u. 729 S., € 110,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Schumann, Eva (Hrsg.), Justiz und Verfahren im Wandel der Zeit. Gelehrte Literatur, gerichtliche Praxis und bildliche Symbolik. Festgabe für Wolfgang Sellert zum 80. Geburtstag (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. Neue Folge, 44), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter, X u. 194 S. / Abb., € 79,95. (Ralf-Peter Fuchs, Essen) Priesching, Nicole, Sklaverei im Urteil der Jesuiten. Eine theologiegeschichtliche Spurensuche im Collegio Romano (Sklaverei – Knechtschaft – Zwangsarbeit, 15), Hildesheim / Zürich / New York 2017, Olms, VI u. 344 S., € 58,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Lorenz, Maren, Menschenzucht. Frühe Ideen und Strategien 1500 – 1870, Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 416 S. / Abb., € 34,90. (Pierre Pfütsch, Stuttgart) Lamb, Edel, Reading Children in Early Modern Culture (Early Modern Literature in History), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XI u. 258 S., € 96,29. (Helmut Puff, Ann Arbor) Kissane, Christopher, Food, Religion, and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cultures of Early Modern Europe), London [u. a.] 2018, Bloomsbury Academic, X u. 226 S. / Abb., £ 85,00. (Mario Kliewer, Dresden) Cavallo, Sandra / Tessa Storey (Hrsg.), Conserving Health in Early Modern Culture. Bodies and Environments in Italy and England, Manchester 2017, Manchester University Press, XVI u. 328 S. / Abb., £ 70,00. (Siglinde Clementi, Bozen) Rogger, Philippe / Nadir Weber (Hrsg.), Beobachten, Vernetzen, Verhandeln. Diplomatische Akteure und politische Kulturen in der frühneuzeitlichen Eidgenossenschaft / Observer, connecter, négocier. Acteurs diplomatiques et cultures politiques dans le Corps helvétique, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Itinera, 45), Basel 2018, Schwabe, 198 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Beat Kümin, Warwick) Greyerz, Kaspar von / André Holenstein / Andreas Würgler (Hrsg.), Soldgeschäfte, Klientelismus, Korruption in der Frühen Neuzeit. Zum Soldunternehmertum der Familie Zurlauben im schweizerischen und europäischen Kontext (Herrschaft und soziale Systeme in der Frühen Neuzeit 25), Göttingen 2018, V&amp;R unipress, 289 S., € 45,00 / Open Access. (Marco Tomaszewski, Freiburg i. Br.) Absmeier, Christine / Matthias Asche / Márta Fata / Annemarie Röder / Anton Schindling (Hrsg.), Religiös motivierte Migrationen zwischen dem östlichen Europa und dem deutschen Südwesten vom 16. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg. Reihe B: Forschungen, 219), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, XIV u. 334 S. / Abb., € 34,00. (Maciej Ptaszyński, Warschau) Warnicke, Retha M., Elizabeth of York and Her Six Daughters-in-Law. Fashioning Tudor Queenship, 1485 – 1547 (Queenship and Power), Cham 2017, Palgrave Macmillan, IX u. 291 S., £ 74,50. (Annette C. Cremer, Gießen) Paranque, Estelle, Elizabeth I of England through Valois Eyes. Power, Representation, and Diplomacy in the Reign of the Queen, 1558 – 1588 (Queenship and Power), Cham 2019, Palgrave Macmillan, XV u. 235 S., € 74,89. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal) Greinert, Melanie, Zwischen Unterordnung und Selbstbehauptung. Handlungsspielräume Gottorfer Fürstinnen (1564 – 1721) (Kieler Schriften zur Regionalgeschichte, 1), Kiel / Hamburg 2018, Wachholtz, 447 S. / graph. Darst., € 39,90. (Katrin Keller, Wien) Hodapp, Julia, Habsburgerinnen und Konfessionalisierung im späten 16. Jahrhundert (Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 169), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, IX u. 482 S., € 62,00. (Arndt Schreiber, Freiburg i. Br.) Ziegler, Hannes, Trauen und Glauben. Vertrauen in der politischen Kultur des Alten Reiches im Konfessionellen Zeitalter (Kulturgeschichten, 3), Affalterbach 2017, Didymos-Verlag, 397 S., € 54,00. (Niels Grüne, Innsbruck) Baumann, Anette, Visitationen am Reichskammergericht. Speyer als politischer und juristischer Aktionsraum des Reiches (1529 – 1588) (Bibliothek Altes Reich, Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, IX u. 264 S. / Abb., € 59,95. (Filippo Ranieri, Saarbrücken) Fuchs, Stefan, Herrschaftswissen und Raumerfassung im 16. Jahrhundert. Kartengebrauch im Dienste des Nürnberger Stadtstaates (Medienwandel – Medienwechsel – Medienwissen, 35), Zürich 2018, Chronos, 312 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Gerda Brunnlechner, Hagen) Büren, Guido von / Ralf-Peter Fuchs / Georg Mölich (Hrsg.), Herrschaft, Hof und Humanismus. Wilhelm V. von Jülich-Kleve-Berg und seine Zeit (Schriftenreihe der Niederrhein-Akademie, 11), Bielefeld 2018, Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 608 S. / Abb., € 34,00. (Albert Schirrmeister, Paris) Körber, Esther-Beate, Messrelationen. Biobibliographie der deutsch- und lateinischsprachigen „messentlichen“ Periodika von 1588 bis 1805, 2 Bde. (Presse und Geschichte – Neue Beiträge, 93 bzw. 94), Bremen 2018, edition lumière, VIII u. 1564 S. / Abb., € 59,80. (Mark Häberlein, Bamberg) Menne, Mareike, Diskurs und Dekor. Die China-Rezeption in Mitteleuropa, 1600 – 1800 (Histoire, 136), Bielefeld 2018, transcript, 406 S. / Abb., € 44,99. (Nadine Amsler, Frankfurt a. M.) Schreuder, Yda, Amsterdam’s Sephardic Merchants and the Atlantic Sugar Trade in the Seventeenth Century, Cham 2019, Palgrave Macmillan, XVI u. 287 S. / graph. Darst., € 85,59. (Jorun Poettering, Rostock) Rublack, Ulinka, Der Astronom und die Hexe. Johannes Kepler und seine Zeit, aus dem Englischen übers. v. Hainer Kober, Stuttgart 2018, Klett-Cotta, 409 S. / Abb., € 26,00. (Gerd Schwerhoff, Dresden) Akkerman, Nadine, Invisible Agents. Women and Espionage in Seventeenth-Century Britain, Oxford 2018, Oxford University Press, XXII u. 288 S. / Abb., £ 20,00. (Tobias Graf, Berlin/Oxford) Fitzgibbons, Jonathan, Cromwell’s House of Lords. Politics, Parliaments and Constitutional Revolution, 1642 – 1660 (Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History, 30), Woodbridge / Rochester 2018, Boydell, VIII u. 274 S., £ 75,00. (Ronald G. Asch, Freiburg i. Br.) Malcolm, Alistair, Royal Favouritism and the Governing Elite of the Spanish Monarchy, 1640 – 1665 (Oxford Historical Monographs), Oxford 2017, Oxford University Press, XIII u. 305 S. / Abb., £ 72,00. (Christian Windler, Bern) Strobach, Berndt, Der Hofjude Berend Lehmann (1661 – 1730). Eine Biografie (Bibliothek Altes Reich, 26), Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VII u. 469 S. / Abb., € 89,95. (Daniel Jütte, New York) Albrecht, Ruth / Ulrike Gleixner / Corinna Kirschstein / Eva Kormann / Pia Schmidt (Hrsg.), Pietismus und Adel. Genderhistorische Analysen (Hallesche Forschungen, 49), Halle 2018, Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen Halle / Harrassowitz in Kommission, VIII u. 255 S. / Abb., € 46,00. (Heike Talkenberger, Stuttgart) Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz – Kurfürstin Sophie von Hannover. Briefwechsel, hrsg. v. Wenchao Li, aus dem Französischen v. Gerda Utermöhlen / Sabine Sellschopp, Göttingen 2017, Wallstein, 872 S. / Abb., € 39,90. (Sophie Ruppel, Basel) Sangmeister, Dirk / Martin Mulsow (Hrsg.), Deutsche Pornographie in der Aufklärung, Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 753 S. / Abb., € 39,90. (Norbert Finzsch, Köln / Berlin) Jones, Peter M., Agricultural Enlightenment. Knowledge, Technology, and Nature, 1750 – 1840, Oxford / New York 2016, Oxford University Press, X u. 268 S. / Abb., £ 76,00. (Frank Konersmann, Bielefeld) Wharton, Joanna, Material Enlightenment. Women Writers and the Science of Mind, 1770 – 1830 (Studies in the Eighteenth Century), Woodbridge / Rochester 2018, The Boydell Press, X u. 276 S. / Abb., £ 60,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg) Briefe der Liebe. Henriette von der Malsburg und Georg Ernst von und zu Gilsa, 1765 bis 1767, hrsg. v. Ulrike Leuschner (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen, 46. Kleine Schriften, 15), Marburg 2018, Historische Kommission für Hessen, 272 S. / Abb., € 28,00. (Michael Maurer, Jena) Bernsee, Robert, Moralische Erneuerung. Korruption und bürokratische Reformen in Bayern und Preußen, 1780 – 1820 (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung für Universalgeschichte, 241), Göttingen 2017, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 436 S., € 80,00. (Eckhart Hellmuth, München)

La Bioarqueología ha demostrado ser una disciplina que brinda valiosa información acerca de los estilos de vida de las poblaciones humanas a partir del estudio de restos óseos y dentales, tejidos que guardan registro de las situaciones vividas. El estudio bioarqueológico provee evidencia única que aporta a la comprensión de problemáticas que son fundamentales al conocimiento del pasado tales como el trabajo y la subsistencia, la salud y la enfermedad, la dieta y nutrición, el sedentarismo, la adopción de cultígenos y la domesticación de animales, el contacto interétnico, el conflicto social y la colonización europea, entre otras. Más recientemente, y de la mano de la Teoría Social, la bioarqueología ha expandido su alcance a otros aspectos, por ejemplo, considerar a las relaciones sociales como parte de la formacion del cuerpo biológico (Sofaer, 2006). Estas nuevas aproximaciones formularon la necesidad de considerar al cuerpo físico como socialmente creado (Lorber y Martin, 2011), siendo vehículo real y simbólico de identidades políticas y sociales (Knudson y Stojanowski, 2008). En sus orígenes, el término “osteobiografía” fue acuñado para hacer referencia a la recopilación de toda la información disponible a partir del análisis de un esqueleto que posibilita narrar la vida de un individuo (Saul, 1972). Actualmente, la osteobiografía se ha consolidado como un marco de análisis específico dentro de una bioarqueología humanista, que promueve el estudio de la “biografía como una narrativa cultural” a partir de los restos humanos (Robb, 2002, p. 160). Esta perspectiva plantea y responde a diferentes tipos de preguntas de investigación de aquellas abordadas por la bioarqueología cuantitativa tradicional, enfocada a nivel poblacional, siendo ambos marcos de análisis independientes y a la vez complementarios (Hosek y Robb, 2019, p. 2). Esta diversidad de perspectivas actuales han sido denominadas “las bioarqueologías” del siglo XXI (Buikstra y Beck, 2006) y reconocen sus bases en la biología social (Angel, 1946), la propuesta biocultural (Blackely, 1977; Goodman y Leatherman, 1998) y la osteobiografía de Frank Saul (1972). Diversas propuestas que consideran a los individuos en su dimensión histórica y cultural nos permiten pensar de un modo novedoso los bioindicadores que se registran para reconstruir las identidades de los sujetos desde perspectivas integradas. Ejemplo de ellas son la teoría de los tres cuerpos -físico, social y político- (Scheper-Hugues y Lock, 1987) y la teoría de los cursos de vida (Gilchrist, 2004). En este sentido, la bioarqueología de los individuos (Stodder y Palkovich, 2012) o de la personalidad (Boutin, 2011), se erigen como alternativas válidas que permiten no sólo humanizar el pasado, sino también abordar problemáticas generalmente no consideradas en los estudios bioarqueológicos tradicionales, tales como género y sexo, edad y cursos de vida, cuerpo humano e identidad, roles sociales, discapacidad, el concepto de embodiment e incluso la agencia post-mortem de los restos humanos (Hosek y Robb, 2019). De esta manera, contribuyen a la generación de lecturas multivocales sobre el pasado. Todas estas perspectivas se insertan en la necesidad de problematizar los cuerpos, aspecto sobre el que tanto la arqueología como la antropología han aportado de manera significativa. Desde distintas vías de análisis, investigadores e investigadoras han sostenido que los cuerpos son al mismo tiempo biología y cultura, superando aquella postura que ve a éstos como una entidad natural y presocial sobre la cual se imprimen significados culturales (Knapp y Meskell, 1997; Ingold, 2000; Fowler, 2002; Hamilakis et al., 2002; Thomas, 2007). Este dossier reúne cinco de los diecisiete trabajos presentados en el simposio homónimo desarrollado en el marco del XX Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, durante los días 15 al 19 de julio de 2019 en la ciudad de Córdoba, bajo la coordinación de Mariana Fabra y Soledad Salega, y la relatoría de Leticia Cortés. Dicho simposio tuvo como objetivo principal socializar y reflexionar acerca de las investigaciones bioarqueológicas llevadas a cabo desde una perspectiva osteobiográfica que relataran historias de vida singulares a partir del estudio de restos humanos. Este espacio permitió debatir, a partir de casos de estudio concretos, la generación de conocimiento sobre la vida de personas, histórica y culturalmente situadas.

IntroductionSince its launch in 2005, YouTube has fast become one of the most popular video sharing sites, one of the largest sources of user generated content, and one of the most frequently visited sites globally (Burgess and Green). As YouTube’s popularity has increased, more and more people have taken up the site’s invitation to “Broadcast Yourself.” Vlogging (video blogging) on YouTube has increased in popularity, creating new genres and communities. Vlogging not only allows individuals to create their own mediated content for mass consumption—making it a site for participatory culture (Burgess and Green; Jenkins) and resembling contemporary forms of entertainment such as reality television—but it also allows individuals to engage in narrative and identity forming practices. Through filming their everyday lives, and presenting themselves on camera, YouTubers are engaging in a process of constructing and presenting their identity online. They often form communities around these identities and continue the practice in dialogue and collaboration with their communities of viewers on YouTube. Because of YouTube’s mass global reach, the ability to create one’s own mediated content and the ability to publicly play with and project different self representations becomes a powerful tool allowing YouTubers to publicly challenge social norms and encourage others to do the same. This paper will explore these features of YouTube using the recent “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement, started by NikkieTutorials, as an example. Through a virtual ethnography of the movement as developed by Christine Hine—following the people, dialogue, connections, and narratives that emerged from Nikkie’s original video—this paper will demonstrate that YouTube is not only a tool for self transformation, but has wider potential to transform norms in society. This is achieved mainly through mobilising communities that form around transformative practices, such as makeup transformations, on YouTube. Vlogging as an Identity Forming Practice Vlogging on YouTube is a contemporary form of autobiography in which individuals engage in a process of documenting their life on a daily or weekly basis and, in doing so, constructing their identity online. Although the aim of beauty vlogs is to teach new makeup techniques, demonstrate and review new products, or circulate beauty-related information, the videos include a large amount of self-disclosure. Beauty vloggers reveal intimate things about themselves and actively engage in the practice of self-representation while filming. Beauty vlogging is unique to other vlogging genres as it almost always involves an immediate transformation of the physical self in each video. The vloggers typically begin with their faces bare and “natural” and throughout the course of the video transform their faces into how they want to be seen, and ultimately, who they want to be that day, using makeup. Thus the process of self-representation is multi-dimensional as not only are they presenting the self, but they are also visually constructing the self on camera. The construction of identity that beauty vloggers engage in on YouTube can be likened to what Robert Ezra Park and later Erving Goffman refer to as the construction and performance of a mask. In his work Race and Culture, Park states that the original meaning of the word person is a mask (249). Goffman responds to this statement in his work The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, saying the mask is “our truer self, the self we would like to be” (30). Beauty vloggers are engaging in the process of constructing their mask—their truer self and the self they would like to be—both through their performance on YouTube, and through the visual transformation that takes place on camera. Their performance on YouTube not only communicates a desired identity, but through their performance they realise this identity. The process of filming and the visual process of constructing or transforming the self on camera through makeup brings the subject into being. Scholarship in the fields of Life Writing and Digital Media including Autobiography, Automedia and Persona Studies has acknowledged and explored the ways narratives and identities—both online and offline—are constructed, created, shaped, chosen, and invented by the individual/author (Garner; Bridger; Eakin; Maguire; Poletti and Rak; Marshall; Smith and Watson). It is widely accepted that all representations of the self are constructed. Crucially, it is the process of documenting or communicating the self that is identity forming (Richardson; Bridger), as the process, including writing, filming, and posting, brings the subject or self into being (Neuman). The individual embodies their performance and realises the self through it. Park and Goffman argue that we all engage in this process of performing and realising the self through the roles we play in society. The significance of the beauty vlogger performance and transformation is the space in which it occurs and the community that it fosters. YouTube as a Transformative Tool and MirrorThe space in which beauty vloggers play with and transform the self on camera is significant as digital technologies such as YouTube invite exploration of the self. Networked digital media (Meikle and Young) invite multiplicity, heterogeneity, and fragmentation in/of identity performances (Bolter; Gergen; Turkle, "Parallel Lives"). These technologies create opportunities for defining and re-defining the self (Bolter 130), as they allow people to present a more multi-mediated self, using both audio-visual components and text (Papacharissi 643).YouTube, in particular, allows the individual to experiment with the self, and document an ongoing transformation, through film (Kavoori). Many scholars have described this ongoing process of identity construction online using the metaphor of “the mirror” (see Kavoori; Raun; and Procter as recent examples). In his research on trans gender vlogging on YouTube, Tobias Raun explores the theme of the mirror. He describes vlogging as a “transformative medium for working on, producing and exploring the self” (366). He argues the vlog acts as a mirror allowing the individual to try out and assume various identities (366). He writes, the mirroring function of the vlog “invites the YouTuber to assume the shape of a desired identity/representation, constantly assuming and evaluating oneself as an attractive image, trying out different ‘styles of the flesh’ (Butler 177), poses and appearances” (367). In reference to trans gender vlogging, Raun writes, “The vlog seems to serve an important function in the transitioning process, and is an important part of a process of self-invention, serving as a testing ground for experimentations with, and manifestations of (new) identities” (367). The mirror (vlog) gives the individual a place/space to construct and perform their mask (identity), and an opportunity to see the reflection and adjust the mask (identity) accordingly. An important feature of the vlog as a mirror is the fact that it is less like a conventional mirror and more like a window with a reflective surface. On YouTube the vlog always involves an audience, who not only watch the performance, but also respond to it. This is in keeping with Goffman’s assertion that there is always an audience involved in any performance of the self. On YouTube, Raun argues, “the need to represent oneself goes hand in hand with the need to connect and communicate” (Raun 369). Networked digital media such as YouTube are inherently social. They invite participation (Smith; Sauter)and community through community building functions such as the ability to like, subscribe, and comment. Michael Strangelove refers to YouTube as a social space, “as a domain of self-expression, community and public confession” (4). The audience and community are important in the process of identity construction and representation as they serve a crucial role in providing feedback and encouragement, legitimising the identity being presented. As Raun writes, the vlog is an opportunity “for seeing one’s own experiences and thoughts reflected in others” (366). Raun identifies that for the trans gender vloggers in his study, simply knowing there is an audience watching their vlogs is enough to affirm their identity. He writes the vlog can be both “an individual act of self validation and . . . a social act of recognition and encouragement” (368). However, in the case of beauty vlogging the audience do more than watch, they form communities embodying and projecting the performance in everyday life and thus collectively challenge social norms, as seen in the “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement. Exploring the “The Power of MAKEUP!” MovementOn 10 May 2015, Nikkie, a well-known beauty vlogger, uploaded a video to her YouTube channel NikkieTutorials titled “The Power of MAKEUP!” Nikkie’s video can be watched here. In her video Nikkie challenges “makeup shaming,” arguing that makeup is not only fun, but can “transform” you into who you want to be. Inspired by an episode of the reality television show RuPaul’s Drag Race, in which the competing drag queens transform half of their face into “glam” (drag), and leave the other half of their face bare (male), Nikkie demonstrates that anyone can use makeup as a transformative tool. In her video Nikkie mirrors the drag queen transformations, transforming half her face into “glam” and leaving the other half of her face bare, as shown in Figure 1. In only transforming half of her face, Nikkie emphasises the scope of the transformation, demonstrating just how much you can change your appearance using only makeup on your face. Nikkie’s video communicates that both a transformed “glam” image and an “unedited” image of the self are perfectly fine, “there are no rules” and neither representations of the self should bring you shame. Figure 1: thumbnail of Nikkie’s videoNikkie’s video started a movement and spread throughout the beauty community on YouTube as a challenge. Other famous beauty vloggers, and everyday makeup lovers, took on the challenge of creating YouTube videos or posting pictures on Instagram of their faces half bare and half transformed using makeup with the tag #thepowerofmakeupchallenge. Since its release in May 2015, Nikkie’s video has been watched over thirty million times, has been liked over five hundred and thirty thousand times, and has received over twenty three thousand comments, many of which echo Nikkie’s experience of “makeup shaming.” “The power of makeup” video went viral and was picked up not only by the online beauty community but also by mainstream media with articles by Huffington Post, Yahoo.com, Marie Claire, BuzzFeed, DailyLife, POPSUGAR, Enews, Urbanshowbiz, BoredPanda, and kickvick among others. On Instagram, thousands of everyday makeup lovers have recreated the transformation and uploaded their pictures of the finished result. Various hashtags have been created around this movement and can be searched on Instagram including #thepowerofmakeupchallenge, #powerofmakeupchallenge, #powerofmakeup. Nikkie’s Instagram page dedicated to the challenge can be seen here. “The power of makeup” video is a direct reaction against what Nikkie calls “makeup shaming”—the idea that makeup is bad, and the assumption that the leading motivation for using makeup is insecurity. In her video Nikkie also reacts to the idea that the made-up-girl is “not really you,” or worse is “fake.” In the introduction to her video Nikkie says,I’ve been noticing a lot lately that girls have been almost ashamed to say that they love makeup because nowadays when you say you love makeup you either do it because you want to look good for boys, you do it because you’re insecure, or you do it because you don’t love yourself. I feel like in a way lately it’s almost a crime to love doing your makeup. So after last weeks RuPaul’s Drag Race with the half drag half male, I was inspired to show you the power of makeup. I notice a lot that when I don’t wear makeup and I have my hair up in a bun and I meet people and I show them picture of my videos or, or whatever looks I have done, they look at me and straight up tell me “that is not you.” They tell me “that’s funny” because I don’t even look like that girl on the picture. So without any further ado I’m going to do half my face full on glam—I’m truly going to transform one side of my face—and the other side is going to be me, raw, unedited, nothing, me, just me. So let’s do it.In her introduction, Nikkie identifies a social attitude that many of her viewers can relate to, that the made-up face isn’t the “real you.” This idea reveals an interesting contradiction in social attitude. As this issue of Media/Culture highlights, the theme of transformation is increasingly popular in contemporary society. Renovation shows, weight loss shows, and “makeover” shows have increased in number and popularity around the world (Lewis). Tania Lewis attributes this to an international shift towards “the real” on television (447). Accompanying this turn towards “the real,” confession, intimacy, and authenticity are now demanded and consumed as entertainment (Goldthwaite; Dovey; King). Sites such as YouTube are arguably popular because they offer real stories, real lives, and have a core value of authenticity (Strangelove; Wesch; Young; Tolson). The power of makeup transformations are challenging because they juxtapose a transformation against the natural, on the self. By only transforming half their face, the beauty vloggers juxtapose the “makeover” (transformation) with “authenticity” (the natural). The power of makeup movement is therefore caught between two contemporary social values. However, the desire for authenticity, and the lack of acceptance that the transformed image is authentic seems to be the main criticism that the members of this movement receive. Beauty vloggers identify a strong social value that “natural” is “good” and any attempt to alter the natural is taboo. Even in the commercial world “natural beauty” is celebrated and features heavily in the marketing and advertising campaigns of popular beauty, cosmetic, and skincare brands. Consider Maybelline’s emphasis on “natural beauty” in their byline “Maybe she’s born with it. Maybe it’s Maybelline.” This is not the way the members of “the power of makeup” movement use and celebrate makeup. They use and celebrate makeup as a transformative and identity forming tool, and their use of makeup is most often criticised for not being natural. In her recreation of Nikkie’s video, Evelina Forsell says “people get upset when I’m not natural.” Like Nikkie, Evelina reveals she often receives the criticism that “the person with a full on face with makeup is not you.” Evelina’s video can be watched here.“The power of makeup” movement and its participants challenge this criticism that the made-up self is not the “real” self. Evelina directly responds to this criticism in her video, stating “when I have a full face of makeup . . . that’s still me, but a more . . . creative me, I guess.” The beauty vloggers in this movement use makeup and YouTube as extensions of the self, as tools for self-expression, self-realisation, and ongoing transformation. Beauty vloggers are demonstrating that makeup is a tool and extension of the self that allows them to explore and play with their self-representations. In the same way that technology enables the individual to extend and “reinvent him/herself online” (Papacharissi 645), so does makeup. And in the same way that technology becomes an extension of the self, or even a second self (Turkle, The Second Self; Vaast) so does makeup. Makeup is a tool and technique of the self. Vlogging is about storytelling (Kavoori), but it is also collective—it’s about telling collective stories (Raun 373) which can be seen in various vlogging genres. As Geert Lovink suggests, YouTube is one of the largest databases of global shared experience. YouTube’s global popularity can be attributed to Strangelove’s assertion that “there’s nothing more interesting to real people . . . than authentic stories told about other real people” (65). Individuals are drawn to Nikkie’s experience, seeing themselves reflected in her story. Famous beauty vloggers on YouTube, and everyday beauty lovers, find community in the collective experience of feeling shame for loving makeup and using makeup to transform and communicate their identity. Effectively, the movement forms communities of practice (Wenger) made up of hundreds of people brought together by the shared value and use of makeup as a transformative tool. The online spaces where these activities take place (mainly on YouTube and Instagram) form affinity spaces (Gee) where the community come together, share information, learn and develop their practice. Hundreds of YouTubers from all over the world took up Nikkie’s invitation to demonstrate the power of makeup by transforming themselves on camera. From well-established beauty vloggers with millions of viewers, to amateur beauty lovers with YouTube channels, many people felt moved by Nikkie’s example and embodied the message, adapting the transformation to suit their circumstances. The movement includes both men and women, children and adults. Some transformations are inspirational such as Shalom Blac’s in which she talks about accepting the scars that are all over her face, but also demonstrates how makeup can make them disappear. Shalom has almost five million views on her “POWER OF MAKEUP” video, and has been labelled “inspirational” by the media. Shalom Blac’s video can be watched here and the media article labelling her as “inspirational” can be viewed here. Others, such as PatrickStarrr, send a powerful message that “It’s okay to be yourself.” Unlike a traditional interpretation of that statement, Patrick is communicating that it is okay to be the self that you construct, on any given day. Patrick also has over four million views on his video which can be watched here. During her transformation, Nikkie points out each feature of her face that she does not like and demonstrates how she can change it using makeup. Nikkie’s video is primarily a tutorial, educating viewers on different makeup techniques that can manipulate the appearance of their natural features into how they would like them to appear. These techniques are also reproduced and embodied through the various contributors to the movement. Thus the tutorial is an educational tool enabling others to use makeup for their own self representations (see Paul A. Soukup for an overview of YouTube as an educational tool). A feminist perspective may deconstruct the empowering, educational intentions of Nikkie’s video, insisting that conceptions of beauty are a social construct (Travis, Meginnis, and Bardari) and should not be re-enforced by encouraging women (and men) to use make-up to feel good. However, this sort of discourse does not appear in the movement, and this paper seeks to analyse the movement as its contributors frame and present it. Rather, “the power of makeup” movement falls within a postfeminist framework celebrating choice, femininity, independence, and the individual construction of modern identity (McRobbie; Butler; Beck, Giddens and Lash). Postfeminism embraces postmodern notions of identity in which individuals are “called up to invent their own structures” (McRobbie 260). Through institutions such as education young women have “become more independent and able,” and “‘dis-embedded’ from communities where gender roles were fixed” (McRobbie 260). Angela McRobbie attributes this to the work of scholars such as Anthony Giddens and Ulrich Beck and their emphasis on individualisation and reflexive modernisation. These scholars take a Foucauldian approach to identity construction in the modern age, where the individual must choose their own structures “internally and individualistically” (260), engaging in an ongoing process of self-monitoring and self-improvement, and resulting in the current self-help culture (McRobbie). In addition to being an educational and constructive tool, Nikkie’s video is also an exercise in self-branding and self-promotion(see Marwick; Duffy and Hund; and van Nuenen for scholarship on self-branding). Through her ongoing presence on YouTube, presenting this video in conjunction with her other tutorials, Nikkie is establishing herself as a beauty vlogger/guru. Nikkie lists all of the products that she uses in her transformation below her video with links to where people can buy them. She also lists her social media accounts, ways that people can connect with her, and other videos that people might be interested in watching. There are also prompts to subscribe, both during her video and in the description bar below her video. Nikkie’s transformation is both an ongoing endeavour to create her image and public persona as a beauty vlogger, and a physical transformation on camera. There is also a third transformation that takes place because her vlog is in the public sphere and consequently mobilises a movement. The transformation is of the way people talk about and eventually perceive makeup. Nikkie’s video aims to end makeup shaming and promote makeup as an empowering tool. With each recreation of her video, with each Instagram photo featuring the transformation, and with each mainstream media article featuring the movement, #thepowerofmakeup movement community are transforming the image of the made-up girl—transforming the association of makeup with presenting an inauthentic identity—in society. ConclusionThe “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement, started by NikkieTutorials, demonstrates one way in which people are using YouTube as a transformative tool, and mirror, to document, construct, and present their identity online, using makeup. Through their online transformation the members of the movement not only engage in a process of constructing and presenting their identity, but they form communities who share a love of makeup and its transformative potential. By embodying Nikkie’s original message to rid makeup shaming and transform the self into a desired identity, the movement re-enforces the “made-up” image of the self as real and authentic, and challenges conceptions that the “made-up” image is “fake” and inauthentic. Ultimately, this case study explores YouTube as a site that allows individuals to play with, construct, and present their identity. YouTube is a tool with which, and a space in which, people can transform themselves, and in doing so create communities which can work together to publicly challenge social norms.References Beck, Ulrich, Anthony Giddens, and Scott Lash. Reflexive Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Cambridge, England: Polity Press in association with Blackwell Publishers, 1994. Bolter, Jay David. "Virtual Reality and the Redefinition of Self." Communication and Cyberspace: Social Interaction in an Electronic Environment. Eds. Ronald L. 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In recent years, the US television landscape has been flooded with reboots, remakes, and revivals of “classic” nineties television series, such as Full/er House (1987-1995, 2016-present), Will & Grace (1998-2006, 2017-present), Roseanne (1988-1977, 2018), and Charmed (1998-2006, 2018-present). The term “reboot” is often used as a catchall for different kinds of revivals and remakes. “Remakes” are derivations or reimaginings of known properties with new characters, cast, and stories (Loock; Lavigne). “Revivals” bring back an existing property in the form of a continuation with the same cast and/or setting. “Revivals” and “remakes” both seek to capitalise on nostalgia for a specific notion of the past and access the (presumed) existing audience of the earlier series (Mittell; Rebecca Williams; Johnson).Reboots operate around two key pleasures. First, there is the pleasure of revisiting and/or reimagining characters that are “known” to audiences. Whether continuations or remakes, reboots are invested in the audience’s desire to see familiar characters. Second, there is the desire to “fix” and/or recuperate an earlier series. Some reboots, such as the Charmed remake attempt to recuperate the whiteness of the original series, whereas others such as Gilmore Girls: A Life in the Year (2017) set out to fix the ending of the original series by giving audiences a new “official” conclusion.The Roseanne reboot is invested in both these pleasures. It reunites the original cast for a short-lived, but impactful nine-episode tenth season. There is pleasure in seeing Roseanne (Roseanne Barr), Dan (John Goodman), Jackie (Laurie Metcalf), Becky (Lecy Goranson [seasons one to six, ten], Sarah Chalke [seasons six to nine]), Darlene (Sara Gilbert), and DJ (Michael Fishman) back in the Conner house with the same well-worn couch and afghan. The (attempted) recuperation is of author-star Barr, whose recent politics are in stark contrast to the working-class second-wave feminist politics of her nineties’ persona. This article is particularly interested in the second pleasure, because both the original series and the reboot situate the voice of Barr as central to the series’ narrative and politics.Despite achieving the highest ratings of any US sitcom in the past three years (O’Connell), on 29 May 2018, ABC announced that it was cancelling the Roseanne reboot. This decision came about in the wake of a racist tweet, where Barr compared a black woman (high-ranking Obama aide Valerie Jarrett) to an ape. Barr’s tweet and the cancellation of Roseanne, highlight the limits of nostalgia and Roseanne/Barr’s particular brand of white feminism. While whiteness and a lack of racial awareness are (and always have been) at the centre of Barr’s performance of feminism, the political landscape has shifted since the 1990s, with the rise of third and fourth-wave feminisms and intersectional activism. As such in the contemporary landscape, there is the expectation that white feminist figures take on and endorse anti-racist stances.This article argues that the reboot’s attempt to capitalise on nineties nostalgia exposes the limits of Roseanne/Barr’s feminism, as well as the limits of nostalgia. The feminist legacy of nineties-era Roseanne cannot and does not recuperate Barr’s star-persona. Also, the reboot and its subsequent cancellation highlight how the feminism of the series is embodied by Barr and her whiteness. This article will situate Roseanne and Barr within a feminist tradition on US television, before exploring how the reboot operates and circulates differently to the original series.From Roseanne (1988-1997) to Roseanne (2018)In its original form, Roseanne holds the distinction of being one of the most highly discussed and canonised feminist-leaning television series of all time, alongside The Mary Tyler Moore Show (1970-1977), Cagney and Lacey (1981-1988), and Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2004). Roseanne also enabled and informed many popular feminist-leaning contemporary series, including Girls (2012-2017), Mom (2013-present), Better Things (2016-present), and Dietland (2018). Although it may seem anachronistic today, Roseanne and Barr helped define what it means to be a feminist and speak feminist politics on US television.Roseanne depicts the lives of the Conner family, headed by parents Roseanne and Dan. They live in the fictional blue-collar town of Lanford, Illinois with their three children Becky, Darlene, and DJ. Both Roseanne and Dan experience precarious employment and embark on numerous (mostly failed) business ventures throughout the series’ run. The reboot catches up with the Conner family in 2018, after Roseanne has experienced a health scare and single mom Darlene has moved into her parents’ house with her two children Harris (Emma Kenney) and Mark (Ames McNamara). In the new season, Roseanne and Dan’s children are experiencing similar working conditions to their parents in the 1990s. Becky works at a Mexican restaurant and is eager to act as surrogate mother to earn $50,000, Darlene is recently unemployed and looking for work, and DJ has just returned from military service.A stated objective of reviving Roseanne was to address the contentious US political landscape after the election of President Donald J. Trump (VanDerWerff). Barr is a vocal supporter of President Trump, as is her character in the reboot. The election plays a key role in the new season’s premise. The first episode of season 10 establishes that the titular Roseanne has not spoken to her sister Jackie (who is a Hillary Clinton supporter) in over a year. In both its nineties and 2018 incarnations, Roseanne makes apparent the extent to which feminist politics are indebted to and spoken through the author-star. The series is based on a character that Barr created and is grounded in her life experience. Barr and her character Roseanne are icons of nineties televisual feminism. While the other members of the Conner family are richly drawn and compelling, Roseanne is the centre of the series. It is her voice and perspective that drives the series and gives it its political resonance. Roseanne’s power in the text is authorised by Barr’s stardom. As Melissa Williams writes: “For nearly a decade, Barr was one of the most powerful women in Hollywood” (180).In the late 1980s and into the 1990s, Roseanne (and Barr) represented a new kind of feminist voice on US television, which at that stage (and still today) was dominated by middle-class women. Unlike Mary Richards (Mary Tyler Moore), Claire Huxtable (Phylicia Rashad), or Murphy Brown (Candice Bergen), Roseanne did not have a stable job and her family’s economic situation was often precarious. Roseanne/Barr adopted and used a feminism of personality popularised on television by Mary Tyler Moore and Lucille Ball. Unlike her foremothers, though, Roseanne/Barr was not slender, feminine, or interested in being likeable to men. Roseanne did not choose to work outside of the home, which marked her as different from many of US television’s other second-wave feminists and/or mothers. As Rachael Horowitz writes: “Roseanne’s feminism was for women who have to work because bills must get paid, who assert their role as head of the house despite the degrading work they often do during the day to pay for their kids’ food and clothes” (9).According to Kathleen Rowe, Barr is part of a long line of “female grotesques” whose defining features are excess and looseness (2-3). Rowe links Barr’s fatness or physical excess with her refusal to shut up and subversive speech. The feminism of Roseanne is contained within and expressed through Barr’s unruly white body (and voice). Barr’s unruliness and her unwillingness to follow the social conventions of politeness and decorum are tied to her (perceived) feminist politics.Understandings of Barr’s stardom, however, have shifted considerably in the years since the publication of Rowe’s analysis. While Barr is still “unruly,” her unruliness is no longer located in her body (which has been transformed to meet more conventional standards of western beauty), but rather in her Twitter presence, which is pro-Israel, pro-Trump, and anti-immigration. As Roxane Gay writes of the reboot: “Whatever charm and intelligence she [Barr] brought to the first nine seasons of her show, a show I very much loved, are absolutely absent in her current persona, particularly as it manifests on Twitter.”Feminist Voice and Stardom on US TVRoseanne performs what Julie D’Acci calls “explicit general feminism,” which is defined by “dialogue and scenes that straightforwardly addressed discrimination against women in both public and private spheres, stories structured around topical feminist causes, and the use of unequivocal feminist language and slogans” (147). However, the feminist politics of Roseanne and Barr are (and never were) straightforward or uncomplicated.Studies of feminism on US television have primarily focused on comedies that feature female television stars who function as advocates for feminism and women’s issues (Spigel; Rabinovitz; D’Acci). Much of the critical discussion of feminist voice in US female-led television identifies the feminist intervention as taking place at the level of performance (Dow; Spigel; Spangler). Comedic series such as I Love Lucy (1951-1957), Murphy Brown (1988-1998, 2018-present), and Grace Under Fire (1993-1998), and dramatic series’, such as Cagney and Lacey and Buffy the Vampire Slayer, privilege the articulation of feminist ideas through performance and character.Roseanne is not a series that derives its comedy from a clash of different perspectives or a series where politics are debated and explored in a nuanced a complex way. Roseanne promotes a distinct singular perspective – that of Roseanne Barr. In seasons one to nine, the character Roseanne is rarely persuaded to think differently about an issue or situation or depicted as “wrong.” The series centres Roseanne’s pain and distress when Becky elopes with Mark (Glenn Quinn), or when Jackie is abused by her boyfriend Fisher (Matt Roth), or when Darlene accidently gets pregnant. Although those storylines are about other characters, Roseanne’s emotions are central. Roseanne/Barr’s perspective (as fictional character and media personality) informs the narrative, sensibility, and tone. Roseanne is not designed to contain multiple perspectives.Roseanne is acutely aware of its place in the history of feminist voice and representations of women on US television. Television is central to the series’ articulation of feminism and feminist voice. In season seven episode “All About Rosey,” the series breaks the fourth wall (as it does many times throughout its run), taking the audience behind the scenes where some of US television’s most well-known (and traditional) mothers are cleaning the Conner’s kitchen. June Cleaver (Barbara Billingsley) from Leave It to Beaver (1957-1963), Joan Nash (Pat Crowley) from Please Don’t Eat the Daisies (1965-1967), Ruth Martin (June Lockhart) from Lassie (1958-1964), Norma Arnold (Alley Mills) from The Wonder Years (1988-1993), and Louise Jefferson (Isabel Sanford) from The Jeffersons (1975-1985) at first sit in judgment of Barr and her character Roseanne, claiming she presents “wrong image” for a TV mother. However, Roseanne/Barr eventually wins over the TV mothers, declaring “the important thing is on my show, I’m the boss and father knows squat” (7.19). It is in contrast to more traditional television mothers that Roseanne/Barr’s feminist voice comes into focus.In the ninth and final season of Roseanne’s initial run, the series (arguably) becomes a parody of its former self. By this point in the series, “Barr was seen as the sole cause of the show’s demise, as a woman who was ‘imploding,’ ‘losing the plot,’ or ‘out of control’” (White 234). White argues that depicting the working-class Conners’ social and economic ascension to upper-class diminishes the distinction between Barr and her character (243). White writes that in the series’ finale, the “line between performer and character is irrevocably blurred; it is unclear whether the voice we are hearing is that of Roseanne Conner or Roseanne Barr” (244). This blurring between Roseanne and Barr becomes particularly contentious in season 10.Rebooting Roseanne: Season 10Season 10 redacts and erases most of the events of season nine, which itself was a fantasy, as revealed in the season nine finale. As such, the reboot is not a simple continuation, because in the season nine finale it is revealed that Dan suffered a fatal heart attack a year earlier. The final monologue (delivered in voice-over by Barr) “reveals” that Roseanne has been writing and editing her experiences into a digestible story. The “Conners winning the lottery” storyline that dominated season nine was imagined by Roseanne as an elaborate coping strategy after Dan’s death. Yet in the season 10 reboot, Dan is revealed to be alive, as is Darlene and David’s (Johnny Galecki) daughter Harris, who was born during the events of season nine.The limits of Roseanne/Barr’s feminism within the contemporary political landscape come into focus around issues of race. This is partly because the incident that incited ABC to cancel the reboot of Roseanne was racially motivated, and partly because Roseanne/Barr’s feminism has always relied on whiteness. Between 1997 and 2018, Barr’s unruliness has become less associated with empowering working-class women and more with railing against minorities and immigrants. In redacting and erasing the events of season nine, the reboot attempts to step back the conflation between Roseanne and Barr with little success.In the first episode of season 10, “Twenty Years to Life”, Roseanne is positioned as the loud-mouthed victim of circumstance and systemic inequality – similar to her nineties-persona. Yet in 2018, Roseanne mocks same things that nineties’ Roseanne took seriously, including collective action, community building, and labour conditions. Roseanne claims: “It is not my fault that I just happen to be a charismatic person that’s right about everything” (10.01). Here, the series attempts to make light of a now-outdated understanding of Barr’s persona, but it comes off as tone-deaf and lacking self-awareness.Roseanne has bigoted tendencies in both the 1990s and in 2018, but the political resonance of those tendencies and their relationships to feminisms and nostalgia differs greatly from the original series to the reboot. This is best illustrated by comparing season seven episode “White Men Can’t Kiss” and season 10 episode “Go Cubs.” In the former, Roseanne is appalled that she may have raised a racist son and insists DJ must kiss his black classmate Geena (Rae’Ven Larrymore Kelly) in the school play. Towards the end of this episode, Geena’s father comes by the restaurant where Roseanne and Jackie are closing up. When the tall black man knocks on the locked door, Roseanne refuses to let him inside. She appears visibly afraid. Once Roseanne knows he is Geena’s father, she lets him in and he confronts her about her racist attitude. Roseanne (and the audience) is forced to sit in the discomfort of having her bigotry exposed. While there are no material consequences for Roseanne or DJ’s racism, within the context of the less intersectional 1990s, this interaction does not call into question Roseanne or Barr’s feminist credentials.In season 10, Roseanne tackles similar issues around race, ignorance, and bigotry, but it plays out very differently. In the reboot’s seventh episode, Roseanne suspects her Muslim refugee neighbours Fatima (Anne Bedian) and Samir (Alain Washnevky) are terrorists. Although Roseanne is proven wrong, she is not forced to reckon with her bigotry. Instead, she is positioned as a “hero” later in the episode, when she berates a supermarket cashier for her racist treatment of Fatima. Given what audiences know about Barr’s off-screen politics, this does not counteract the impression of racism, but compounds it. It also highlights the whiteness of the politics embodied by Roseanne/Barr both on-screen and off. Although these are two very different racial configurations (anti-blackness and Islamophobia), these episodes underline the shifting reception and resonance of the feminism Roseanne/Barr embodies.ConclusionIn June 2018, shortly after the cancellation of the Roseanne reboot, ABC announced that it was developing a spin-off without Barr called The Conners (2018-present). In the spin-off Roseanne is dead and her family is dealing with life after Roseanne/Roseanne (Crucchiola). Here, Roseanne suffers the same fate as Dan in season nine (she dies off-screen), but now it is Barr who is fictionally buried. While The Conners attempts to rewrite the story of the Conner family by rejecting Barr’s racist views and removing her financial and creative stake in their stories, Barr cannot be erased or redacted from Roseanne or the story of the Conner family, because it is her story.The reboot and its cancellation illuminate how Barr and Roseanne’s feminist voice has not evolved past its white second-wave roots. The feminism of Roseanne is embodied by Barr in all her unruliness and whiteness. Roseanne/Barr/Roseanne has not taken on the third and fourth-wave critiques of second-wave feminisms, which emphasise the limits of white feminisms. The failure of the Roseanne reboot reveals that the pleasure and nostalgia of seeing the Conner family back together is not enough. Ultimately, Roseanne is without intersectionality, and thus cannot (and should not) be recognised as feminist in the contemporary political landscape.ReferencesBetter Things. Cr. Pamela Adlon and Louis C.K. 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The elaborate cross-media spectacle, ‘Australian Idol,’ ostensibly lays bare the process of creating a pop star. Yet with so much made visible, much is rendered opaque. Specifically, ‘Idol’ is defined by the use of carefully-tuned strategies of publicity and promotion that create, shape and reshape a series of ‘authentic celebrities’ – pop stars whose emergence is sanctified through a seemingly open process of public ratification. Yet, Idol’s main actor is the music industry itself which uses contestants as vehicles for crafting intimate, long-term relationships with consumers. Through an analysis of the process through which various contestants in ‘Australian Idol’ are promoted and sold, it becomes clear that these populist icons are emblematic of an industry reinventing itself in a media environment that presents remarkable challenges and surprising opportunities. Curiously, the debates, strategies and motivations of the public relations industry have received little sustained attention in popular music studies. While much has been written about the contradictions between the rhetoric of rebellion and the complicated realities of corporate success (Frank; Negus), less has been written about the evolution of specific kinds of publicity and the strategies that shape their use in the music industry. This is surprising given the foundational role of public relations strategies within the culture industries generally and the music industry in particular. Specifically, what Turner et. al. define as ‘the promotional culture’ is central to the production and marketing of mainstream popular music. The ‘Idol’ phenomenon offers a rich opportunity to examine how the mainstream of the popular music industry uses distinct and novel marketing strategies in the face of declining sales of compact discs, an advertising environment that is extraordinarily crowded with all manner of competing messages, a steady rate of trade in digital song files and ever more effective competition from video games and DVDs. The ‘Idol’ phenomenon has proved to be a bundle of highly successful strategies for making money from popular music. Selling CDs seems to be almost ancillary to the phenomenon, acting as only one profit centre among many. Indeed, we can track the progress and deployment of specific strategies for shaping the creation of what has become a series of musical celebrities from the start of the first series of ‘Australian Idol’ through a continuous process of strategic publicity. The Attention Economy It has been somewhat hysterically estimated that the average resident of Sydney might be presented with around 3000 commercial messages a day (Lee). It is this kind of communication environment that makes account planners go weak in the knees in both paralysing anxiety and genuine excitement. Many have taken to paying people to go to bars, cafes and clubs to talk up the relative merits of a product to complete strangers in the guise of casual conversation. Similarly, commercial buskers have recently appeared on City Trains to proclaim the virtues of the wares they’ve been contracted to hawk. One can imagine ‘Cockles and Mussels’ has been updated as ‘MP3 Players and Really Cool Footwear.’ These phenomena are variously referred to as ‘viral,’ ‘tipping point,’ ‘word of mouth’ or ‘whisper’ marketing. (Gladwell; Godin; Henry; Lee; Rosen) Regardless of what you call it, the problem inspiring these promotional chats and arias is the same: advertisers can no longer count on getting and holding our attention. As Davenport and Beck, Brody and even Nobel Prize winning economist Herbert Simon have noted, the more taxed public attention gets, the more valuable it becomes. By most industry accounts, the attention economy is an established reality. It represents a significant shift of emphasis away from traditional methods of reaching consumers, instead inspiring new thinking about how to create lasting, flexible and evolving relationships with target audiences. The attention economy is a complicated and often contradictory response to a media environment that appears less and less reliable and to consumers who behaviour is often poorly understood, even mysterious (Elliott and Jankel-Elliott). This challenging backdrop, however, is only the beginning for a seemingly beleaguered music industry. Wherever one looks, from the rise of the very real threat of global piracy to the expansion of the video game industry to mobile phones and hand held players to increasing amounts of money spent on DVDs and ring tones, selling CDs has become almost a sideline. The main event is the profitable use and reuse of the industry’s vast stores of intellectual property through all manner of media, most which didn’t exist ten years ago. Indeed, the ‘Idol’ phenomenon shows us how the music industry has been incorporating its jealously-guarded intellectual property and familiar modes of industrial self-presentation into existing media environments to build long-term relationships with consumers through television, radio, DVDs, CDs, the internet and mobile phones. Further, ‘Idol’s’ producers have supplemented more traditional models of communication by taking direct and explicit account of how and where audiences use a wide variety of media. The broad range of opportunities to participate in ‘Idol’ is central to its success. It demonstrates a willingness on the part of producers to accept the necessity of bending somewhat to the audience’s existing and evolving uses of the media. In short, they are simply not all that fussy about how participation actually happens so long as it does. Producers allow for many kinds of participation in order to constantly offer more specific and more active levels of involvement. ‘Idol’ has transformed consumer relationships within the music industry by coaxing into being ever more intimate, active and reciprocal relationships over the course of the contest by encouraging increasingly specific acts by consumers to complete a continual series of transactions. The Use and Reuse of Celebrity In many quarters, ‘Australian Idol’ has become a byword for bullshit. The competition seems rigged and the contestants are not seen as ‘real’ musicians in large part because their experience appears to be so transparent and so transparently commercial. As the mythology of the music industry has traditionally had it, deserving pop stars are established as celebrities through what is a more or less a linear progression. Early success is based on a carefully constructed sense of authentic cultural production. Credibility is established through a series of contestable affiliations to ostensibly organic music cultures, earned through artistic development and the hard slog of touring and practice (see Maxwell 118). The fraught possibilities of mainstream success continually beckon to ‘real’ musicians as they either ‘crossover’ or remain independent all the while trying to preserve some elusive measure of public honesty. As this mythology was implicitly unavailable to the producers of ‘Idol,’ a different kind of authenticity had to be constructed. Instead of a ‘battles of the bands’ (read: brands) contest, ‘Idol’ producers chose to present ‘unbranded’ aspirants (“Sydney Audition”). These hopefuls are presented as appealingly ambitious or merely optimistic individuals with varying degrees of talent. Those truly blessed, not only with talent but the drive to work it into saleable shape, would be carefully chosen from the multitude and offered an opportunity to make the most of their inherent yet unformed ability. Thus, their authenticity was assumed to be an implicit, inchoate presence, requiring the guiding hand of insiders to reach full flower. Through the facilitation of competition and direction provided in the form of knowledgeable music industry veterans who never tire of giving stern admonitions to indifferent performers who do not take full advantage of the opportunity presented to them, contestants are asked to prove themselves through an extended period of intense self-presentation and recreation. The lengthy televised, but tightly-edited auditions, complete with extensive commentary and the occasional gnashing of teeth on the part of the panel of experts and rejected contestants, demonstrate to us the earnest intent of those involved. Importantly, the authenticity of those proceeding through the contest is never firmly established, but has to be continually and strategically re-established. Each weighty choice of repertoire, wardrobe and performance style can only break them; each successful performance only raises the stakes. This tense maintenance of status as a deserving celebrity runs in tandem with the increasingly attentive and reciprocal relationship between the producers and the audience. The relationship begins with what has proved to be a compelling first act. Thousands of ‘ordinary’ Australians line up outside venues throughout the country, many sleeping in car parks and on footpaths, practising, singing and performing for the mobile camera crews. We are presented with their youthful vigour in all its varied guises. We cannot help but be convinced of the worth of those who survive such a process. The chosen few who are told with a flourish ‘You’re going to Sydney’ are then faced with what appears to be a daunting challenge, to establish themselves in short order as a performer with ‘the X factor’ (“Australian Idol” 14 July 2004). A fine voice and interesting look must be supplemented with those intangible qualities that result in wide public appeal. Yet these qualities are only made available to the public and the performer because of the contest itself. When the public is eventually asked to participate directly, it is to both produce and ratify exactly these ambiguous attributes. More than this, contestants need our help just to survive. Their celebrity is almost shockingly unstable, more fleeting than its surrounding rhetoric and context might suggest and under constant, expected threat. From round to round, favourites can easily become also rans–wild cards who limp out of one round, but storm through the next. The drama can only be heightened, securing our interest by requiring our input. As any advertiser can tell you, an effective campaign must end in action on our part. Through text message and phone voting as well as extensive ‘fan management’ through internet chat rooms and bulletin boards (see Stahl 228; http://au.messages.yahoo.com/australianidol/), our channelled ‘viral’ participation both shapes and completes the meanings of the contest. These active and often inventive relationships (http://au.australianidol.yahoo.com/fancentral/) allow the eventual ‘Idol’ to claim the credibility the means of their success otherwise renders suspect and these activities appear to consummate the relationship. However, the relationship continues well beyond the gala final. In a fascinating re-narration of the first series of ‘Australian Idol,’ Australian Idol: The Winner’s Story aired on the Friday following the final night of the contest. The story of the newly crowned Idol, Guy Sebastian, was presented in an hour long program that showed his home life, his life as a voice teacher in the Adelaide suburbs and his subsequent journey to stardom. The clips depicting his life prior to ‘Idol’ were of ambiguous vintage, cleverly silent on the exact date of production; somehow they were not quite in the past or the future, but floated in some eternal in-between. When his ‘Australian Idol’ experience was chronicled, after the second commercial break, we were allowed to see an intimate portrait of an anxious contestant transformed into ‘Your Australian Idol.’ There could be no doubt of the virtue of Sebastian’s struggles, nor of his well-earned victory. ‘New’ footage began with the sudden sensation reluctantly commenting on other contestants at the original Adelaide cattle call at the prompting of the mobile camera crew and ended with his teary-eyed mother exultant at the final decision as she stood in the front row at the Opera House. Further, not only is the entire run of the first series dramatically recounted in documentary format on the Australian Idol: Greatest Moments DVD, framed by Sebastian’s humble triumph, so are the stories of each member of the Final 12 and the paths they took through the contest. These reiterations serve to reinforce not only Sebastian’s status, but the status of the program itself. They confirm the benevolent success of the industry it so dutifully profiles. We are taken behind the curtain, allowed to see the machinery of stardom grind inevitably to a conclusion, knowing we will be allowed back again when the time is right. Whereas ‘Idol’ is routinely pilloried for its crass commercialism, it remains an unavoidable success. Viewers keep tuning in, advertisers still clamour to sponsor all aspects of the production and the CDs keep selling. Most importantly, the music industry has a showcase for its own operations. The structures of feeling it exists to produce take on a kind of subtle explicitness that ensures their perpetuation. Within an industry faced with threats perceived to be foundational, the creators of ‘Idol’ have produced an audacious and arrogant spectacle. They have made a profitable virtue out of an economic necessity. The expensive and unpredictable process of finding and nurturing new talent has not only been made more reliable, but ‘Idol’ has shown that it can actually turn a profit. The brand of celebrity produced by Idol possesses no mere sheen of populist approval, but embodies that more valuable commodity: popular attention, however reluctant or enthusiastic it may be. References “Australian Idol.” Ten Network, Sydney, 14 July 2004. “Australian Idol: The Winner’s Story.” Ten Network, Sydney, 21 November 2003. Australian Idol: Greatest Moments. Fremantle Media Operations, 2004. Brody, E.W. “The ‘Attention’ Economy.” Public Relations Quarterly 46.3 (2001): 18-21. Davenport, T., and J. Beck. “The Strategy and Structure of Firms in the Attention Economy.” Ivey Business Journal 66.4 (2002): 49–55. Elliott, R., and N. Jankel-Elliott. “Using Ethnography in Strategic Consumer Research.” Qualitative Market Research 6.4 (2003): 215-23. Frank, Thomas. The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Gladwell, Malcolm. The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference. Boston: Back Bay Books, 2002. Godin, Seth. Unleashing the Ideavirus. New York: Hyperion, 2001. Henry, Amy. “How Buzz Marketing Works for Teens.” Advertising and Marketing to Children April-June (2003): 3-10. Lee, Julian. “Stealth Marketers Ready to Railroad the Unsuspecting.” Sydney Morning Herald 24-5 July 2004: 3. Maxwell, Ian. “True to the Music: Authenticity, Articulation and Authorship in Sydney Hip-Hop Culture.” Social Semiotics 4.1-2 (1994): 117–37. Negus, Keith. Music Genres and Corporate Cultures. London: Routledge, 1999. Negus, Keith. Producing Pop: Culture and Conflict in the Popular Music Industry. London: Edward Arnold, 1992. Rosen, Emanuel. The Anatomy of Buzz: How to Create Word of Mouth Marketing. London: Harper Collins, 2000. Stahl, Matthew. “A Moment like This: American Idol and Narratives of Meritocracy.” Bad Music: Music We Love to Hate. Eds. C. Washburne and M. Derno. New York: Routledge, 2004. 212–32. “Sydney Auditions: Conditions of Participation in the Australian Idol Audition.” Australian Idol Website 10 June 2004. http://au.australianidol.com.au>. Turner, G., F. Bonner, and P.D. Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Fairchild, Charles. "'Australian Idol' and the Attention Economy." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/09-fairchild.php>. APA Style Fairchild, C. (Nov. 2004) "'Australian Idol' and the Attention Economy," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/09-fairchild.php>.

IntroductionCroquembouche, blast chillers, and plating up—these terms have become normal to ordinary Australians despite Adriano Zumbo’s croquembouche recipe taking more than two hours to complete and blast chillers costing thousands of dollars. Network Ten’s reality talent quest MasterChef Australia (MCA) has brought fine dining and “foodie” culture to a mass audience who have responded enthusiastically. Vicariously “tasting” this once niche lifestyle is empowering viewers to integrate aspects of “foodie” culture into their everyday lives. It helps them become “everyday foodies.” “Everyday foodies” are individuals who embrace and incorporate an appreciation of gourmet food culture into their existing lifestyles, but feel limited by time, money, health, or confidence. So while a croquembouche and blast chiller may be beyond a MCA viewer’s reach, these aspects of “foodie” culture can still be enjoyed via the program. The rise of the “everyday foodie” challenges criticisms of vicarious consumption and negative discourses about reality and lifestyle television. Examining the very different and specific ways in which three MCA-viewing households vicariously experience gourmet food in their adoption of the “everyday foodie” lifestyle will demonstrate the positive value of vicarious consumption through reality and lifestyle programming. A brief background on the MCA phenomenon will be provided before a review of existing literature regarding vicarious consumption and tensions in the reality and lifestyle television field. Three case studies of MCA-viewing households who use vicarious consumption to satisfy “foodie” cravings and broaden their cultural tastes will be presented. Adapted from the United Kingdom’s MasterChef, which has aired since 1990, MCA has proven to be a catalyst for the “cheffing up” of the nation’s food culture. Twenty-odd amateur cooks compete in a series of challenges, guided, and critiqued by judges George Calombaris, Gary Mehigan, and Matt Preston. Contestants are eliminated as they move through a series of challenges, until one cook remains and is crowned the Master Chef of that series. Network Ten’s launch of MCA in 2009 capitalised on the popularity of reality talent quests that grew throughout the 2000s with programs such as Popstars (2000–2002), Australian Idol (2003–2009), X Factor (2005, 2010–) and Australia’s Got Talent (2007–). MCA also captures Australian viewers’ penchant for lifestyle shows including Better Homes and Gardens (1995–), Burke’s Backyard (1987-2004), The Living Room (2012–) and The Block (2003–2004, 2010–). The popularity of these shows, however, does not match the heights of MCA, which has transformed the normal cooking show audience of 200,000 into millions (Greenwood). MCA’s 2010 finale is Australia’s highest rating non-sporting program since OzTAM ratings were introduced in 2001 (Vickery). Anticipating this episode’s popularity, the 2010 Federal Election debate was moved to 6.30pm from its traditional Sunday 7.30pm timeslot (Coorey; Malkin). As well as attracting extensive press coverage and attention in opinion pieces and blogs, the level of academic attention MCA has already received underscores the show’s significance. So far, Lewis (Labours) and Seale have critiqued the involvement of ordinary people as contestants on the show while Phillipov (Communicating, Mastering) explores tensions within the show from a public health angle. While de Solier (TV Dinners, Making the Self, Foodie Makeovers) and Rousseau’s research does not focus on MCA itself, their investigation of Australian foodies and the impact of food media respectively provide relevant discussion about audience relationships with food media and food culture. This article focuses on how audiences use MCA and related programs. Vicarious consumption is presented as a negative practice where the leisure class benefit from another’s productivity (Veblen). Belk presents the simple example that “if our friend lives in an extravagant house or drives an extravagant car, we feel just a bit more extravagant ourselves” (157). Therefore, consuming through another is viewed as a passive activity. In the context of vicariously consuming through MCA, it could be argued that audiences are gaining satisfaction from watching others develop culinary skills and produce gourmet meals. What this article will reveal is that while MCA viewers do gain this satisfaction, they use it in a productive way to discipline their own eating and spending habits, and to allow them to engage with “foodie” culture when it may not otherwise be possible. Rather than embrace the opportunity to understand a new culture or lifestyle, critics of reality and lifestyle television dismiss the empowering qualities of these programs for two reasons. The practice of “advertainment” (Deery 1)—fusing selling and entertainment—puts pressure on, or excludes, the aspirational classes who want, but lack the resources to adopt, the depicted lifestyle (Ouellette and Hay). Furthermore, such programs are criticised for forcing bourgeois consumption habits on its viewers (Lewis, Smart Living) Both arguments have been directed at British celebrity chef Jamie Oliver. Oliver’s latest cookbook Save with Jamie has been criticised as it promotes austerity cooking, but costs £26 (approx. 48AUD) and encourages readers to purchase staple ingredients and equipment that total more than £500 (approx. 919AUD) (Ellis-Petersen). Ellis-Petersen adds that the £500 cost uses the cheapest available options, not Oliver’s line of Tefal cooking equipment, “which come at a hefty premium” (7). In 2005, Oliver’s television series Jamie’s School Dinners, which follows his campaign for policy reform in the provision of food to students was met with resistance. 2008 reports claim students preferred to leave school to buy junk food rather than eat healthier fare at school (Rousseau). Parents supported this, providing money to their children rather than packing healthy lunches that would pass school inspections (Rousseau). Like the framing of vicarious consumption, these criticisms dismiss the potential benefits of engaging with different lifestyles and cultures. These arguments do not recognise audiences as active media consumers who use programs like MCA to enhance their lifestyles through the acquisition of cultural capital. Ouellette and Hay highlight that audiences take advantage of a multitude of viewing strategies. One such strategy is playing the role of “vicarious expert” (Ouellette and Hay 117) who judges participants and has their consumption practices reinforced through the show. While audiences are invited to learn, they can do this from a distance and are not obliged to feel as though they must be educated (Ouellette and Hay). Viewers are simply able to enjoy the fantasy and spectacle of food shows as escapes from everyday routines (Lewis, Smart Living). In cases like Emeril Live where the host and chef, Emeril Lagasse “favors [sic] showmanship over instruction” (Adema 115–116) the vicarious consumption of viewing a cooking show is more satisfying than cooking and eating. Another reason vicarious consumption provides pleasure for audiences is because “culinary television aestheticises food,” transforming it “into a delectable image, a form of ‘gastro-porn’ […] designed to be consumed with the eyes” (de Solier, TV Dinners 467). Audiences take advantage of these viewing strategies, using a balance of actual and vicarious consumption in order to integrate gourmet food culture into their pre-existing lifestyle, budget, and cooking ability. The following case studies emerged from research conducted to understand MCA’s impact on households. After shopping with, and interviewing, seven households, the integration of vicarious and actual food consumption habits was evident across three households. Enjoying food images onscreen or in cookbooks is a suitable substitute when actual consumption is unhealthy, too expensive, time consuming, or daunting. It is this balance between adopting consumption habits of a conventional “foodie” and using vicarious consumption in contexts where the viewer sees actual consumption as unreasonable or uncomfortable that makes the “everyday foodie.” Melanie—Health Melanie is 38 years old and works in the childcare industry. She enjoys the “gastro-porn” of MCA and other food media. Interestingly she says food media actually helps her resist eating sumptuous and rich foods: Yeah, like my house is just overrun by cookbooks, cooking magazines. I have Foxtel primarily for the Food Network […] But I know if I cooked it or baked it, I would eat it and I’ve worked too hard to get where I am physically to do that. So I just, I read about it and I watch it, I just don’t do it. This behaviour supports Boulos et al.’s finding that while the Food Network promotes irresponsible consumption habits, these programs are considered a “window into a wider social and cultural world” rather than food preparation guides (150). Using vicarious consumption in this way means Melanie feels she does not “cook as much as what a true foodie would cook,” but she will “have low fat and healthy [options] whenever I can so I can go out and try all the fancy stuff cooked by fancy people.” MCA and food media for Melanie serves a double purpose in that she uses it to restrict, but also aid in her consumption of gourmet food. In choosing a chef or restaurant for the occasions where Melanie wants to enjoy a “fancy” dining experience, she claims food media serves as an educational resource to influence her consumption of gourmet food: I looked up when I was in Sydney where Adriano Zumbo’s shop was to go and try macarons there […] It [MCA] makes me aware of chefs that I may not have been aware of and I may go and … seek that [their restaurants/establishments] out […] Would Adriano Zumbo be as big as he is without MasterChef? No. And I’m a sucker, I want to go and try, I want to know what everyone’s talking about. Melanie’s attitudes and behaviour with regards to food media and consumption illustrates audiences’ selective nature. MCA and other food media influence her to consume, but also control, her consumption. Curtis and Samantha—Broadening Horizons Time and money is a key concern for many “everyday foodies” including Curtis’ family. Along with his wife Samantha they are raising a one-year-old daughter, Amelia. Curtis expressed a fondness for food that he ate while on holiday in the United States: I guess in the last few weeks I’ve been craving the food that we had when we were in America, in particular stuff like pulled pork, ribs, stuff like that. So I’ve replicated or made our own because you can’t get it anywhere around Brisbane like from a restaurant. When talking about cooking shows more generally, Curtis speaks primarily about cooking shows he watches on Foxtel that have a food tourism angle. Curtis mentions programs including Cheese Slices, The Layover and Man v. Food. The latter of these shows follows Adam Richman around the United States attempting to conquer eating challenges set at famous local establishments. Curtis describes his reaction to the program: I say woah that looks good and then I just want to go back to America. But instead of paying thousands of dollars to go, it’s cheaper to look up a recipe and give it a go at home. Cookbooks and food television provide their viewers not only with a window through which they can escape their everyday routines but, as Curtis points out, inspiration or education to cook new dishes themselves. For money conscious “everyday foodies”, the cooking demonstration or mere introduction of a dish broadens viewers’ culinary knowledge. Curtis highlights the importance of this: Otherwise [without food media] you’d be stuck cooking the same things your mum and dad taught you, or your home economics teacher taught you in high school. You’d just be doing the same thing every day. Unless you went out to a restaurant and fell in love with something, but because you don’t go out to restaurants every day, you wouldn’t have that experience every day […] TV gives you the ability—we could flick over to the food channel right now and watch something completely amazing that we’ve never done before. His wife Samantha does not consider herself an adventurous eater. While she is interested in food, her passion lies in cakes and desserts and she jokes that ordering Nando’s with the medium basting is adventurous for her. Vicarious consumption through food media allows Samantha to experience a wider range of cuisines without consuming these foods herself: I would watch a lot more variety than I would actually try. There’s a lot of things that I would happily watch, but if it was put in front of me I probably wouldn’t eat it. Like with MasterChef, I’m quite interested in cooking and stuff, but the range of things [ingredients and cuisines] […] I wouldn’t go there. Rose and Andrew—Set in Their Ways Rose and her husband Andrew are a “basically retired” couple and the parents of Samantha. While they both enjoy MCA and feel it has given them a new insight on food, they find it easier to have a mediated engagement with gourmet food in some instances. Andrew believes MCA is: Taking food out of this sort of very conservative, meat, and three vegetables thing into […] something that is more exotic, for the want of a better word. And I guess that’s where we’ve—we follow it, I follow it. And saying, ‘Oh, geez it’d be nice to do that or to be able to do that,’ and enjoy a bit of creativity in that, but I think it’s just we’re probably pretty set in our ways probably and it’s a bit hard to put that into action sometimes. Andrew goes on to suggest that a generational gap makes their daughters, Samantha and Elle more likely to cook MCA-inspired meals than they are: See Samantha and Elle probably cook with that sort of thing [herbs] more and I always enjoy when they do it, but we probably don’t […] We don’t think about it when we go shopping. We probably shop and buy the basic things and don’t think about the nicer things. Andrew describes himself as “an extremely lazy reader” who finds following a recipe “boring.” Andrew says if he were tempted to cook an MCA-inspired dish, it is unlikely that the required ingredients would be on-hand and that he would not shop for one meal. Rose says she does buy the herbs, or “nicer things” as Andrew refers to them, but is hesitant to use them. She says the primary barrier is lacking confidence in her cooking ability, but also that she finds cooking tiring and is not used to cooking with the gas stove in her new home: Rose: I also think that I probably leave my run late and by night time I’m really tired and my feet are hurting and I tend to think ‘Oh I’ll just get something ready’ […] I know that probably sounds like a lame excuse, but yeah, it’s probably more the confidence thing I think. I often even buy the things [ingredients] to do it and then don’t make it. I’m not confident with my stovetop either. Researcher: Oh why—can you please explain more about that?Rose: Well it’s a gas stovetop and I used to have the electric. I felt like I could main—I could control the setting—the heat—better on it. Rose, in particular, does not let her lack of confidence and time stop her from engaging with gourmet food. Cookbooks and cooking shows like MCA are a valuable channel for her to appreciate “foodie” culture. Rose talks about her interest in MCA: Rose: I’m not a keen cook, but I do enjoy buying recipe books and looking at lovely food and watching—and I enjoyed watching how they did these beautiful dishes. As for the desserts, yes they probably were very fancy, but it was sort of nice to think if you had a really special occasion, you know […] and I would actually get on the computer afterwards and look for some of the recipes. I did subscribe to their magazine […] because I’m a bit of a magazine junkie.Researcher: What do you get out of the recipe books and magazines if you say you’re not a keen cook?Rose: I’d just dream about cooking them probably. That sounds terrible, doesn’t it? But, and also probably inspire my daughters […] I like to show them “oh, look at this and this” or, you know, and probably quite often they will try it or—and one day I think I will try it, but whether I ever do or not, I don’t know. Rose’s response also treats the generation gap as a perceived barrier to actual consumption. But while the couple feel unable to use the knowledge they have gained through MCA in their kitchen, they credit the show with broadening the range of cuisines they would eat when dining out: Andrew: You know, even when we’ve been to—I like Asian food in Australia, you know, Chinese, Thai, any of those sorts of foods.Rose: Indian. Andrew: Indian, yeah I like that in Australia.Rose: Which we have probably tried more of since the likes of MasterChef.Andrew: Yeah.Rose: You know, you—and even sushi, like you would never have ever […]Andrew: Gone to sushi previously. And I won’t eat sashimi, but the sushi bar is all right. Um […] but [I] did not enjoy Chinese food in places like Hong Kong or Singapore. As the couple does not seek educational information from the show in terms of cooking demonstration, they appear more invested in the progress of the contestants of the show and how they respond to challenges set by the judges. The involvement of amateur cooks makes the show relatable as they identify with contestants who they see as potential extensions of themselves. Rose identifies with season one winner, Julie Goodwin who entered the program as a 38-year-old mother of three and owner of an IT consulting business: Rose: Well Julie of course is a—I don’t like to use the word square, but she’s sort of like a bit of an old fashioned lady, but you know, more like basic grandma cooking. But […]Andrew: She did it well though.Rose: Yes, yeah. Andrew: And she, she probably—she progressed dramatically, you know, from the comments from when she first started […] to winning. In how she presented, how she did things. She must have learnt a lot in the process is the way I would look at it anyway. Rose: And I’ve seen her sort of on things since then and she is very good at like […] talking about and telling you what she’s doing and—for basic sort of cook—you know what I mean, not basic, but […] for a basic person like me. Although Rose and Andrew feel that their life stage prevents has them from changing long established consumption habits in relation to food, their choices while dining out coupled with a keen interest in food and food media still exemplifies the “everyday foodie” lifestyle. Programs like MCA, especially with its focus on the development of amateur cooks, have allowed Rose and Andrew to experience gourmet food more than they would have otherwise. Conclusion Each viewer is empowered to live their version of the “everyday foodie” lifestyle through adopting a balance of actual and vicarious consumption practices. Vicariously tasting “foodie” culture has broadened these viewers’ culinary knowledge and to some extent has broadened their actual tastes. This is evident in Melanie’s visit to Adriano Zumbo’s patisserie, and Rose and Andrew’s sampling of various Asian cuisines while dining out, for example. It also provides pleasure in lieu of actual consumption in instances like Melanie using food images as a disciplinary mechanism or Curtis watching Man v. Food instead of travelling overseas. The attitudes and behaviours of these MCA viewers illustrate that vicarious consumption through food media is a productive and empowering practice that aids audiences to adopt an “everyday foodie” lifestyle. References Adema, Pauline. “Vicarious Consumption: Food, Television and the Ambiguity of Modernity.” Journal of American and Comparative Cultures 23.3 (2000): 113–23. Belk, Russell. “Possessions and the Extended Self.” Journal of Consumer Research 15.2 (1988): 139–68. Boulous, Rebecca, Emily Kuross Vikre, Sophie Oppenheimer, Hannah Chang, and Robin B. Kanarek. “ObesiTV: How Television is influencing the Obesity Epidemic.” Physiology & Behavior 107.1 (2012): 146–53. Coorey, Phillip. “Chefs Win in Ratings Boilover.” Sydney Morning Herald 20 Jul. 2010: n. pag. Deery, June. “Reality TV as Advertainment.” Popular Communication: The International Journal of Media and Culture 2.1 (2005): 1–20. Ellis-Petersen, Hannah. “Jamie’s Idea of Cooking on a Budget—First Buy £500 of Kitchen Utensils and ‘Basics’ (And Yes Most Of Them DO Come From His Own Range).” Mail Online 31 Aug. 2013: n. pag. Greenwood, Helen. “From TV to Table.” Sydney Morning Herald 3 Jul. 2010: n. pag. Lewis, Tania. Smart Living: Lifestyle Media and Popular Expertise. New York: Peter Lang, 2008. -----. “You’ve Put Yourselves on a Plate: The Labours of Selfhood on MasterChef Australia.” Reality Television and Class. Eds. Helen Wood, and Beverly Skeggs. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. 104–6. Malkin, Bonnie. “Australian Election Debate Makes Way for MasterChef Final.” The Telegraph 20 Jul. 2010: n. pag. Ouellette, Laurie, and James Hay. Better Living through Reality TV. Malden: Blackwell, 2008. Phillipov, Michelle. “Communicating Health Risks via the Media: What can we learn from MasterChef Australia?” The Australasian Medical Journal 5.11 (2012): 593–7. -----. “Mastering Obesity: MasterChef Australia and the Resistance to Public Health Nutrition.” Media, Culture & Society 35.4 (2013): 506–15. Rousseau, Signe. Food Media: Celebrity Chefs and the Politics of Everyday Interference. London: Berg, 2012. Seale, Kirsten. “MasterChef’s Amateur Makeovers.” Media International Australia 143 (2012): 28–35. de Solier, Isabelle. “Foodie Makeovers: Public Service Television and Lifestyle Guidance.” Exposing Lifestyle Television: The Big Reveal. Ed. Gareth Palmer. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008. 65–81. -----. “Making the Self in a Material World: Food and Moralities of Consumption.” Cultural Studies Review 19.1 (2013): 9–27. -----. “TV Dinners: Culinary Television, Education and Distinction.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 19.4 (2005): 465–81. Vickery, Colin. “Adam Liaw Wins MasterChef as Ratings Soar for Channel 10.” Herald Sun 25 Jul. 2010: n. pag. Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2007.

A slash manip is a photo remix that montages visual signs from popular media with those from gay pornography, creating a new cultural artefact. Slash (see Russ) is a fannish practice that homoeroticises the bonds between male media characters and personalities—female pairings are categorised separately as ‘femslash’. Slash has been defined almost exclusively as a female practice. While fandom is indeed “women-centred” (Bury 2), such definitions have a tendency to exclude male contributions. Remix has been well acknowledged in discussions on slash, most notably video remix in relation to slash vids (Kreisinger). Non-written slash forms such as slash vids (see Russo) and slash fanart (see Dennis) have received increased attention in recent years. This article continues the tradition of moving beyond fiction by considering the non-written form of slash manips, yet to receive sustained scholarly attention. Speaking as a practitioner—my slash manips can be found here—I perform textual analysis from an aca–fan (academic and fan) position of two Merlin slash manips by male Tumblr artist wandsinhand. My textual analysis is influenced by Barthes’s use of image semiotics, which he applies to the advertising image. Barthes notes that “all images are polysemous”, that underlying their signifiers they imply “a ‘floating chain’ of signifieds, the reader able to choose some and ignore others” (274). That said, the advertising image, he argues, constructs an “undoubtedly intentional […] signification”, making it ideally suited for analysis (270). By supplementing my analysis with excerpts from two interviews I conducted with wandsinhand in February and April 2013 (quoted here with permission), I support my readings with respect to the artist’s stated ‘intentional reading’. I then contextualise these readings with respect to canon (Merlin) representations and gay pornography—via the chosen sexual acts/positions, bukkake and doggystyle, of the pornographic base models, as selected by the artist. This approach allows me to examine the photo remix qualities of slash manips with respect to the artist’s intentions as well as how artistic choices of inclusion function to anchor meaning in the works. I describe these choices as the ‘semiotic significance of selection’. Together the readings and interviews in this article help illustrate the value of this form and the new avenues it opens for slash scholars, such as consideration of photo remix and male production, and the importance of gay pornography to slash. My interviews also reveal, via the artist’s own assessment of the ‘value’ of his practice, a tendency to devalue or overlook the significance of this particular slash form, affirming a real need for further critical engagement with this under-examined practice. Slash Photo Remix: Famous Faces, Porny Bodies Lessig defines remix culture as based on an activity of “rip, mix and burn” (12–5); while Navas describes it as a “practice of cut/copy and paste” (159)—the latter being more applicable to photo remix. Whereas Lessig is concerned primarily with issues of copyright, Navas is interested in remix’s role in aesthetics and the political economy. Within fan studies, slash vids—a form of video remix—has been a topic of considerable academic interest in recent years. Slash manips—a form of photo or image remix—however, has not attracted the same degree of interest. Stasi’s description of slash as “a non-hierarchical, rich layering of genres” points to the usefulness of slash manips as an embodiment of the process of slash; whereby artists combine, blend and mutate graphic layers from popular media with those from gay pornography. Aesthetics and the slash manip process are central concerns of this article’s consideration of slash photo remix. Slash manips, or slash photo montage, use image manipulation software (Adobe Photoshop being the community standard, see wandsinhand’s tutorial) to layer the heads of male fictional characters from stills or promotional images with scenes—static or moving—from gay pornography. Once an artist has selected pornographic ‘base models’ anatomically suited to canon characters, these models are often then repositioned into the canon universe, which in the case of Merlin means a medieval setting. (Works not repositioned and without added details from canon are generally categorised as ‘male celebrity fakes’ rather than ‘slash manips’.) Stedman contends that while many fan studies scholars are interested in remix, “studies commonly focus on examples of remixed objects rather than the compositional strategies used by remix composers themselves” (107). He advocates moving beyond an exclusive consideration of “text-centred approaches” to also consider “practice-” and “composer-centred” approaches. Such approaches offer insight into “the detailed choices composers actually make when composing” (107). He refers to recognition of the skills required by a remix composer as “remix literacy” (108). This article’s consideration of the various choices and skills that go into the composition of slash manips—what I term the ‘semiotic significance of selection’—is explored with respect to wandsinhand’s practice, coupling my reading—informed by my experience as a practitioner—with the interpretations of the artist himself. Jenkins defines slash as “reaction against” constructions of male sexuality in both popular media and pornography (189). By their very nature, slash manips also make clear the oft-overlooked connections between slash and gay pornography, and in turn the contributions of gay male participants, who are well represented by the form. This contrasts with a tendency within scholarship to compare slash with heterosexual female forms, such as the romance genre (Salmon and Symons). Gay pornography plays a visible role in slash manips—and slash vids, which often remix scenes from popular media with gay cinema and pornography. Slash as Romance, Slash as Pornography Early scholarship on slash (see Russ; Lamb and Veith) defines it as a form of erotica or pornography, by and for women; a reductive definition that fails to take into account men’s contribution, yet one that many researchers continue to adopt today. As stated above, there has also been a tendency within scholarship to align the practice with heterosexual female forms such as the romance genre. Such a tendency is by and large due to theorisation of slash as heterosexual female fantasy—and concerned primarily with romance and intimacy rather than sex (see Woledge). Weinstein describes slash as more a “fascination with” than a “representation of” homosexual relationships (615); while MacDonald makes the point that homosexuality is not a major political motivator for slash (28–9). There is no refuting that slash—along with most fannish practice—is female dominated, ethnographic work and fandom surveys reveal that is the case. However there is great need for research into male production of slash, particularly how such practices might challenge reigning definitions and assumptions of the practice. In similar Japanese practices, for example, gay male opposition to girls’ comics (shōjo) depicting love between ‘pretty boys’ (bishōunen) has been well documented (see Hori)—Men’s Love (or bara) is a subgenre of Boys’ Love (or shōnen’ai) predominately created by gay men seeking a greater connection with the lived reality of gay life (Lunsing). Dennis finds male slash fanart producers more committed to muscular representations and depiction of graphic male/male sex when compared with female-identifying artists (14, 16). He also observes that male fanart artists have a tendency of “valuing same-sex desire without a heterosexual default and placing it within the context of realistic gay relationships” (11). I have observed similar differences between male and female-identifying slash manip artists. Female-identifying Nicci Mac, for example, will often add trousers to her donor bodies, recoding them for a more romantic context. By contrast, male-identifying mythagowood is known for digitally enlarging the penises and rectums of his base models, exaggerating his work’s connection to the pornographic and the macabre. Consider, for example, mythagowood’s rationale for digitally enlarging and importing ‘lips’ for Sam’s (Supernatural) rectum in his work Ass-milk: 2012, which marks the third anniversary of the original: Originally I wasn’t going to give Sammy’s cunt any treatment (before I determined the theme) but when assmilk became the theme I had to go find a good set of lips to slap on him and I figured, it’s been three years, his hole is going to be MUCH bigger. (personal correspondence, used with permission) While mythagowood himself cautions against gendered romance/pornography slash arguments—“I find it annoying that people attribute certain specific aspects of my work to something ‘only a man’ would make.” (ibid.)—gay pornography occupies an important place in the lives of gay men as a means for entertainment, community engagement and identity-construction (see McKee). As one of the only cultural representations available to gay men, Fejes argues that gay pornography plays a crucial role in defining gay male desire and identity. This is confirmed by an Internet survey conducted by Duggan and McCreary that finds 98% of gay participants reporting exposure to pornographic material in the 30-day period prior to the survey. Further, the underground nature of gay pornographic film (see Dyer) aligns it with slash as a subcultural practice. I now analyse two Merlin slash manips with respect to the sexual positions of the pornographic base models, illustrating how gay pornography genres and ideologies referenced through these works enforce their intended meaning, as defined by the artist. A sexual act such as bukkake, as wandsinhand astutely notes, acts as a universal sign and “automatically generates a narrative for the image without anything really needing to be detailed”. Barthes argues that such a “relation between thing signified and image signifying in analogical representation” is unlike language, which has a much more ‘arbitrary’ relationship between signifier and signified (272). Bukkake and the Assertion of Masculine Power in Merlin Merlin (2008–12) is a BBC reimagining of the Arthurian legend that focuses on the coming-of-age of Arthur and his close bond with his manservant Merlin, who keeps his magical identity secret until Arthur’s final stand in the iconic Battle of Camlann. The homosexual potential of Merlin and Arthur’s story—and of magic as a metaphor for homosexuality—is something slash fans were quick to recognise. During question time at the first Merlin cast appearance at the London MCM Expo in October 2008—just one month after the show’s pilot first aired—a fan asked Morgan and James, who portray Merlin and Arthur, is Merlin “meant to be a love story between Arthur and Merlin?” James nods in jest. Wandsinhand, who is most active in the Teen Wolf (2011–present) fandom, has produced two Merlin slash manips to date, a 2013 Merlin/Arthur and a 2012 Arthur/Percival, both untitled. The Merlin/Arthur manip (see Figure 1) depicts Merlin bound and on his knees, Arthur ejaculating across his face and on his chest. Merlin is naked while Arthur is partially clothed in chainmail and armour. They are both bruised and dirty, Arthur’s injuries suggesting battle given his overall appearance, while Merlin’s suggesting abuse, given his subordinate position. The setting appears to be the royal stables, where we know Merlin spends much of his time mucking out Arthur’s horses. I am left to wonder if perhaps Merlin did not carry out this duty to Arthur’s satisfaction, and is now being punished for it; or if Arthur has returned from battle in need of sexual gratification and the endorsement of power that comes from debasing his manservant. Figure 1: wandsinhand, Untitled (Merlin/Arthur), 2013, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Both readings are supported by Arthur’s ‘spent’ expression of disinterest or mild curiosity, while Merlin’s face emotes pain: crying and squinting through the semen obscuring his vision. The artist confirms this reading in our interview: “Arthur is using his pet Merlin to relieve some stress; Merlin of course not being too pleased about the aftermath, but obedient all the same.” The noun ‘pet’ evokes the sexual connotations of Merlin’s role as Arthur’s personal manservant, while also demoting Merlin even further than usual. He is, in Arthur’s eyes, less than human, a sexual plaything to use and abuse at will. The artist’s statement also confirms that Arthur is acting against Merlin’s will. Violence is certainly represented here, the base models having been ‘marked up’ to depict sexualisation of an already physically and emotionally abusive relationship, their relative positioning and the importation of semen heightening the humiliation. Wandsinhand’s work engages characters in sadomasochistic play, with semen and urine frequently employed to degrade and arouse—“peen wolf”, a reference to watersports, is used within his Teen Wolf practice. The two wandsinhand works analysed in this present article come without words, thus lacking a “linguistic message” (Barthes 273–6). However even so, the artist’s statement and Arthur’s stance over “his pet Merlin” mean we are still able to “skim off” (270) the meanings the image contains. The base models, for example, invite comparison with the ‘gay bukkake’ genre of gay pornography—admittedly with a single dominant male rather than a group. Gay bukkake has become a popular niche in North American gay pornography—it originated in Japan as a male–female act in the 1980s. It describes a ritualistic sexual act where a group of dominant men—often identifying as heterosexual—fuck and debase a homosexual, submissive male, commonly bareback (Durkin et al. 600). The aggression on display in this act—much like the homosocial insistency of men who partake in a ‘circle jerk’ (Mosher 318)—enables the participating men to affirm their masculinity and dominance by degrading the gay male, who is there to service (often on his knees) and receive—in any orifice of the group’s choosing—the men’s semen, and often urine as well. The equivalencies I have made here are based on the ‘performance’ of the bukkake fantasy in gay niche hazing and gay-for-pay pornography genres. These genres are fuelled by antigay sentiment, aggression and debasement of effeminate males (see Kendall). I wish here to resist the temptation of labelling the acts described above as deviant. As is a common problem with anti-pornography arguments, to attempt to fix a practice such as bukkake as deviant and abject—by, for example, equating it to rape (Franklin 24)—is to negate a much more complex consideration of distinctions and ambiguities between force and consent; lived and fantasy; where pleasure is, where it is performed and where it is taken. I extend this desire not to label the manip in question, which by exploiting the masculine posturing of Arthur effectively sexualises canon debasement. This began with the pilot when Arthur says: “Tell me Merlin, do you know how to walk on your knees?” Of the imported imagery—semen, bruising, perspiration—the key signifier is Arthur’s armour which, while torn in places, still ensures the encoding of particular signifieds: masculinity, strength and power. Doggystyle and the Subversion of Arthur’s ‘Armoured Self’ Since the romanticism and chivalric tradition of the knight in shining armour (see Huizinga) men as armoured selves have become a stoic symbol of masculine power and the benchmark for aspirational masculinity. For the medieval knight, armour reflects in its shiny surface the mettle of the man enclosed, imparting a state of ‘bodilessness’ by containing any softness beneath its shielded exterior (Burns 140). Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival manip (see Figure 2) subverts Arthur and the symbolism of armour with the help of arguably the only man who can: Arthur’s largest knight Percival. While a minor character among the knights, Percival’s physical presence in the series looms large, and has endeared him to slash manip artists, particularly those with only a casual interest in the series, such as wandsinhand: Why Arthur and Percival were specifically chosen had really little to do with the show’s plot, and in point of fact, I don’t really follow Merlin that closely nor am I an avid fan. […] Choosing Arthur/Percival really was just a matter of taste rather than being contextually based on their characterisations in the television show. Figure 2: wandsinhand, Untitled (Arthur/Percival), 2012, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Concerning motivation, the artist explains: “Sometimes one’s penis decides to pick the tv show Merlin, and specifically Arthur and Percival.” The popularity of Percival among manip artists illustrates the power of physicality as a visual sign, and the valorisation of size and muscle within the gay community (see Sánchez et al.). Having his armour modified to display his muscles, the implication is that Percival does not need armour, for his body is already hard, impenetrable. He is already suited up, simultaneously man and armoured. Wandsinhand uses the physicality of this character to strip Arthur of his symbolic, masculine power. The work depicts Arthur with a dishevelled expression, his armoured chest pressed against the ground, his chainmail hitched up at the back to expose his arse, Percival threading his unsheathed cock inside him, staring expressionless at the ‘viewer’. The artist explains he “was trying to show a shift of power”: I was also hinting at some sign of struggle, which is somewhat evident on Arthur’s face too. […] I think the expressions work in concert to suggest […] a power reversal that leaves Arthur on the bottom, a position he’s not entirely comfortable accepting. There is pleasure to be had in seeing the “cocky” Arthur forcefully penetrated, “cut down to size by a bigger man” (wandsinhand). The two assume the ‘doggystyle’ position, an impersonal sexual position, without eye contact and where the penetrator sets the rhythm and intensity of each thrust. Scholars have argued that the position is degrading to the passive party, who is dehumanised by the act, a ‘dog’ (Dworkin 27); and rapper Snoop ‘Doggy’ Dogg exploits the misogynistic connotations of the position on his record Doggystyle (see Armstrong). Wandsinhand is clear in his intent to depict forceful domination of Arthur. Struggle is signified through the addition of perspiration, a trademark device used by this artist to symbolise struggle. Domination in a sexual act involves the erasure of the wishes of the dominated partner (see Cowan and Dunn). To attune oneself to the pleasures of a sexual partner is to regard them as a subject. To ignore such pleasures is to degrade the other person. The artist’s choice of pairing embraces the physicality of the male/male bond and illustrates a tendency among manip producers to privilege conventional masculine identifiers—such as size and muscle—above symbolic, nonphysical identifiers, such as status and rank. It is worth noting that muscle is more readily available in the pornographic source material used in slash manips—muscularity being a recurrent component of gay pornography (see Duggan and McCreary). In my interview with manip artist simontheduck, he describes the difficulty he had sourcing a base image “that complimented the physicality of the [Merlin] characters. […] The actor that plays Merlin is fairly thin while Arthur is pretty built, it was difficult to find one. I even had to edit Merlin’s body down further in the end.” (personal correspondence, used with permission) As wandsinhand explains, “you’re basically limited by what’s available on the internet, and even then, only what you’re prepared to sift through or screencap yourself”. Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival pairing selection works in tandem with other artistic decisions and inclusions—sexual position, setting, expressions, effects (perspiration, lighting)—to ensure the intended reading of the work. Antithetical size and rank positions play out in the penetration/submission act of wandsinhand’s work, in which only the stronger of the two may come out ‘on top’. Percival subverts the symbolic power structures of prince/knight, asserting his physical, sexual dominance over the physically inferior Arthur. That such a construction of Percival is incongruent with the polite, impeded-by-my-size-and-muscle-density Percival of the series speaks to the circumstances of manip production, much of which is on a taste basis, as previously noted. There are of course exceptions to this, the Teen Wolf ‘Sterek’ (Stiles/Derek) pairing being wandsinhand’s, but even in this case, size tends to couple with penetration. Slash manips often privilege physicality of the characters in question—as well as the base models selected—above any particular canon-supported slash reading. (Of course, the ‘queering’ nature of slash practice means at times there is also a desire to see such identifiers subverted, however in this example, raw masculine power prevails.) This final point is in no way representative—my practice, for example, combines manips with ficlets to offer a clearer connection with canon, while LJ’s zdae69 integrates manips, fiction and comics. However, common across slash manip artists driven by taste—and requests—rather than connection with canon—the best known being LJ’s tw-31988, demon48180 and Tumblr’s lwoodsmalestarsfakes, all of whom work across many fandoms—is interest in the ‘aesthetics of canon’, the blue hues of Teen Wolf or the fluorescent greens of Arrow (2012–present), displayed in glossy magazine format using services such as ISSUU. In short, ‘the look’ of the work often takes precedent over canonical implications of any artistic decisions. “Nothing Too Serious”: Slash Manips as Objects Worth Studying It had long been believed that the popular was the transient, that of entertainment rather than enlightenment; that which is manufactured, “an appendage of the machinery”, consumed by the duped masses and a product not of culture but of a ‘culture industry’ (Adorno and Rabinbach 12). Scholars such as Radway, Ang pioneered a shift in scholarly practice, advancing the cultural studies project by challenging elitism and finding meaning in traditionally devalued cultural texts and practices. The most surprising outcome of my interviews with wandsinhand was hearing how he conceived of his practice, and the study of slash: If I knew I could get a PhD by writing a dissertation on Slash, I would probably drop out of my physics papers! […] I don’t really think too highly of faking/manip-making. I mean, it’s not like it’s high art, is it? … or is it? I guess if Duchamp’s toilet can be a masterpiece, then so can anything. But I mainly just do it to pass the time, materialise fantasies, and disperse my fantasies unto others. Nothing too serious. Wandsinhand erects various binaries—academic/fan, important/trivial, science/arts, high art/low art, profession/hobby, reality/fantasy, serious/frivolous—as justification to devalue his own artistic practice. Yet embracing the amateur, personal nature of his practice frees him to “materialise fantasies” that would perhaps not be possible without self-imposed, underground production. This is certainly supported by his body of work, which plays with taboos of the unseen, of bodily fluids and sadomasochism. My intention with this article is not to contravene views such as wandsinhand’s. Rather, it is to promote slash manips as a form of remix culture that encourages new perspectives on how slash has been defined, its connection with male producers and its symbiotic relationship with gay pornography. I have examined the ‘semiotic significance of selection’ that creates meaning in two contrary slash manips; how these works actualise and resist canon dominance, as it relates to the physical and the symbolic. This examination also offers insight into this form’s connection to and negotiation with certain ideologies of gay pornography, such as the valorisation of size and muscle. 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