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1

Kassam, Yussuf. "Julius Kambarage Nyerere." Prospects 24, no. 1-2 (1994): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02199019.

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2

Yates, Douglas. "Bjerk Paul. — Julius Nyerere." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 239 (September 17, 2020): 707–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.31896.

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3

Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Julius Nyerere à Zanzibar." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 118, no. 2 (2013): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.118.0061.

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4

Taylor, Ian. "Thabo Mbeki; Julius Nyerere." Round Table 106, no. 5 (2017): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2017.1371417.

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5

Ivaska, Andrew. "Paul Bjerk. Julius Nyerere." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (2021): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab219.

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6

Kamata, Ng’wanza. "Julius Nyerere: from a Territorial Nationalist to a Pan African Nationalist." African Review 46, no. 2 (2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340003.

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Abstract Africa has largely experienced two types of nationalism namely territorial nationalism and Pan Africanism. Both territorial and Pan African nationalism were anti-imperialists but the former’s mission was limited to attainment of independence from colonialism. Few nationalist leaders who led their countries to independence transcended territorial nationalism; one of them was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Nyerere was a Pan African nationalist although he began as a nationalist concerned with the liberation of his country Tanganyika. He spent most of his political life championing for Afri
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7

Monson, Jamie, Annie Smyth, and Adam Seftel. "Tanzania: The Story of Julius Nyerere." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 3 (2001): 707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097591.

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8

Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa, and Political Morality in Contemporary Tanzania." African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.3.

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Abstract:Since the 2000s, Tanzania has witnessed the return in the public sphere of a reconfigured version of Ujamaa as a set of moral principles embodied in the figure of the first president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. The persisting traces of Nyerere and Ujamaa are not so evident in actual political practices or economic policies, but rather in collective debates about politics and morality—in short, in contemporary imaginaries of the nation. Contributing to a long-standing discussion of the moral stature of Tanzania’s “father of the nation,” the article explores how and why a sha
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9

Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere the ethical foundation of his legacy." Round Table 89, no. 355 (2000): 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530050083442.

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10

Fedeo, Ignas. "Nyerere in Eyes of his Critics." ELS Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 4, no. 1 (2021): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/elsjish.v4i1.13135.

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There are a number of positive ideals about Mwalimu Julius Nyerere in the literatures. His ideals includes among others his devotion for peace, security, unity and democracy. However, the ideals do not limit the visibility of his negative traits. This paper specially examines the criticisms against Nyerere. The paper looks at the portrayal of Nyerere in number literatures from his critics. It examines the literatures against Nyerere in number of issues including his role in the decolonization struggle, the situation of democracy and individual freedom during his reign and his position towards
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11

Stöger-Eising, Viktoria. "Ujamaa Revisited: Indigenous and European Influences in Nyerere's Social and Political Thought." Africa 70, no. 1 (2000): 118–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.1.118.

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AbstractThe debate over the indigenous versus the European roots of ‘African democracy’ has regained importance recently. Using the critical tools of cultural anthropology, the social and political thought of Julius K. Nyerere from Tanzania is examined for its African and European sources. The most recurrent themes in his writings are ‘traditional African values’ and the centrality of ‘the traditional African family’. They constitute the core element of Ujamaa. The aim of this article is to show that Nyerere’s statements on African socialism and on African democracy are not merely rhetorical d
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12

Peter, Chris Maina. "Rights and duties of refugees under municipal law in Tanzania: examining a proposed new legislation." Journal of African Law 41, no. 1 (1997): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300009992.

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13

Yalley, Clarke Ebow, and Andrews Acquah. "Reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania: Intricacies for curriculum development in Africa." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 7 (2021): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10430.

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The central focus of this paper is to undertake a reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and these educational philosophies intricacies for curriculum development in Africa. The educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (Consciencism, Socialism, Africanism, Humanism, and Communism) as well as that of Julius Nyerere (Self-reliance and Liberation) were of importance to the distinct countries at the time yet, its relevance can still be felt and their foundational legacies within the educational front solidified and m
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14

Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere: Reflections on the Legacy of His Socialism." Canadian Journal of African Studies 33, no. 1 (1999): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486390.

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15

Gbadegesin, Olusegun. "Ujamaa: Julius Nyerere on the Meaning of Human Existence." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 17, no. 1 (1994): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.17.1.50.

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16

Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere: Reflections on the Legacy of his Socialism." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 33, no. 1 (1999): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1999.10751158.

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17

McHenry, Dean E. "Memorial: The African Studies Association Remembers Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere." ASA News 33, no. 1 (2000): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002021400019484.

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18

Nyerere, Julius. "Education in Tanzania." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (1985): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.v6233663243g8343.

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Educational philosophy and policy in Tanzania have undergone a transformation since the country gained its independence from British colonial rule in 1961. President Julius Nyerere describes their accomplishments and presents the dilemmas currently facing the new socialist government. He describes the literacy and teacher training programs and discusses the relationship between the country's educational policy and international economic conditions.
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19

Mueller, Susanne D., and A. B. Assensoh. "African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220329.

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20

Brennan, James R. "Julius Rex: Nyerere through the eyes of his critics, 1953–2013." Journal of Eastern African Studies 8, no. 3 (2014): 459–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.916557.

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21

Ofuasia, Emmanuel. "A Comparative Exploration of John Dewey’s and Julius Nyerere’s Concepts of Education and African Development." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 25, no. 2 (2020): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2019-25-2-7.

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Owing to the nearly tangible result in the quest toward inclusive development in Africa, there has been the clamour that perhaps the Social Sciences, charged with the responsibility of providing solace for the menace are no longer adequate. This is the axiomatic basis upon which this essay builds its argument as it aims to blaze a trail that is usually taken for granted in the discourse on development – pedagogy. Hence, via the methods of comparison and analysis, this essay discloses the nexus between John Dewey’s reconstructionism and Julius Nyerere’s educational model of self-reliance as a b
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22

Schneider, Leander. "Freedom and Unfreedom in Rural Development: Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa Vijijini, and Villagization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107304.

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23

Nativel, Didier. "Fouéré, Marie-Aude (ed.). — Remembering Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. History, Memory, Legacy." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 227 (September 1, 2017): 769–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.20908.

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24

Schneider, Leander. "Freedom and Unfreedom in Rural Development: Julius Nyerere,Ujamaa Vijijini, and Villagization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 344–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2004.10751289.

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25

Fatton, Robert. "The political ideology of Julius Nyerere: The structural limitations of “African socialism”." Studies in Comparative International Development 20, no. 2 (1985): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02718489.

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26

Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.

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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Ju
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27

Van Donge, Jan Kees. "The Arbitrary State in the Uluguru Mountains: Legal Arenas and Land Disputes in Tanzania." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 3 (1993): 431–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012027.

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When Julius Nyerere visited Mgeta in the Uluguru mountains while campaigning in 1987 for the chairmanship of what was then Tanzania's only party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (C.C.M.), he was confronted with a question relating to a long-running land dispute. Given that a national leader can expect to make little political capital from getting embroiled in such a controverty, Nyerere not surprisingly emphasised that he could not interfere with the work of the local primary court. It is doubtful, however, whether those present considered this a satisfactory reply as, in their experience, the administrat
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28

Askew, Kelly M. "Sung and Unsung: Musical Reflections on Tanzanian Postsocialisms." Africa 76, no. 1 (2006): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0002.

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ABSTRACTOn 14 October 1999, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the first president of the United Republic of Tanzania, died in a London hospital. In Tanzania, musical bands throughout the country reacted to the news by composing scores of lamentation songs (nyimbo za maombolezo) that mourned his passing and assessed his contributions to the country he helped to create. While elsewhere in the world Nyerere is affiliated with the ‘African socialist’ platform termed Ujamaa that he theorized in his political writings and instituted during his tenure as president, these lamentation songs are notably silent
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29

Uche, Chibuike. "The Nationalization of Lonrho’s Business Interests in Postcolonial Tanzania." Itinerario 40, no. 1 (2016): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000097.

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On June 2, 1978, the Tanzanian government under President Julius Nyerere ordered the British multinational corporation, Lonrho Limited, to leave the country. The “official reason” provided for this action was Lonrho’s “continued defiance of the United Nations mandatory sanctions against Rhodesia and the expansion of its business interests in South Africa.” Using newly available materials, mainly from the National Archives London, this paper attempts to document the rise of Lonrho in Tanzania up until the nationalization, the factors that influenced the compensation negotiations process between
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30

Becker, Felicitas. "Tanzania’s Authoritarian Turn." Current History 120, no. 826 (2021): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.826.189.

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For a time, Tanzania enjoyed a reputation for mostly free elections and public debate. But after President John Magufuli was elected in 2015, he introduced measures to stifle the media and tilt the electoral playing field in favor of the longtime ruling party. The turn toward authoritarianism is not due to any one personality or stereotypical “mad dictator,” however (notwithstanding Magufuli’s pandemic denialism, which may have cost him his life). It is part of the legacy of the early postcolonial period and the revered founding president, Julius Nyerere, who set the foundations of one-party r
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31

Mulenga, Derek C. "Mwalimu Julius Nyerere: a critical review of his contributions to adult education and postcolonialism." International Journal of Lifelong Education 20, no. 6 (2001): 446–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02601370110088436.

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32

Snyder, Katherine A. "Being of ‘One Heart’: Power and Politics Among the Iraqw of Tanzania." Africa 71, no. 1 (2001): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2001.71.1.128.

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AbstractThis article explores local understandings of and experience with democracy in an Iraqw community in northern Tanzania. At independence, President Julius Nyerere in his development of a one-party state, argued that democracy in this new nation state would be modelled on that which is found in indigenous, pre-colonial political systems. In the Iraqw homeland, pre-colonial ‘democracy’ was expressed in elders’ councils in which male elders made decisions on behalf of the rest of the community. Differences of opinion were voiced but eventually the group would come to one opinion to achieve
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33

Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Recasting Julius Nyerere in Zanzibar: the Revolution, the Union and the Enemy of the Nation." Journal of Eastern African Studies 8, no. 3 (2014): 478–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.918313.

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34

Žák, Tomáš František. "Applying the weapon of theory: comparing the philosophy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah." Journal of African Cultural Studies 28, no. 2 (2015): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2015.1053798.

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35

Askew, Kelly M. "Building a peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the establishment of sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 1 (2017): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2016.1274125.

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36

Ottaway, Marina. "Opposition Parties and Democracy in South Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501383.

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In the heydays of African socialism, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere declared that socialism was a state of mind. It was, it turned out, the state of mind of some intellectuals, but neither of the mass of the population nor of those in a position to turn an ideal into a political and economic system. In the early 1990s, democracy was sweeping through the continent—as the state of mind not only of a few intellectuals but of a larger segment of the population, although by no means all. It was revulsion against the abuses and human rights violations perpetrated by single party and military reg
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37

Lal, Priya. "Paul Bjerk. Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964 ." American Historical Review 121, no. 5 (2016): 1790–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.5.1790.

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38

Mare, D. "Joseph ki-zerbo et le panafricanisme." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v6i1.4.

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Joseph Ki-Zerbo a mené sa vie entière dans le combat panafricaniste. Son parcours panafricain s’est consolidé à travers des rencontres à son initiative personnelle mais aussi grâce à des occasions avec les grands panafricanistes de renom comme le « prophète » Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere etc. Il arriva à joindre l’acte à la parole par exemple en allant prêter main forte à Sékou Touré en 1958, en ayant travaillé à exhumer le passé de l’africain. L’Afrique doit être libérée, et cette libération se fera obligatoirement de façon panafricaine ou elle n’aura jamais
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39

Bakari, Edith, and Gasto Frumence. "Challenges to the implementation of International Health Regulations (2005) on Preventing Infectious Diseases: experience from Julius Nyerere International Airport, Tanzania." Global Health Action 6, no. 1 (2013): 20942. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/gha.v6i0.20942.

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40

Luke, David Fashole, and Stephen P. Riley. "The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 1 (1989): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015676.

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The fact that Sierra Leone is one of Africa's little-known states is an acknowledgement of its marginalisation and reversal of fortunes since independence from Britain in 1961. But this observation is also a reminder that under colonial rule, Sierra Leone had received considerable notoriety for several reasons: an important naval base, commercial centre, and seaport; a hot-bed of political agitation and perennial challenge to British authority; and a centre of education – the so-called ‘Athens of West Africa’.1 In more recent times, however, Sierra Leone jas not caught the attention of interna
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41

Vähäkangas, Auli. "Religious Diversity in Praxis." Mission Studies 31, no. 2 (2014): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341332.

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The discussion on religious diversity is strongly linked to the discussion on religion in the public sphere. The heritage of the first president of Tanzania Julius Nyerere and his Ujamaa socialism is that religions belong to the private sphere and following this idea the official census of Tanzania does not include religious affiliation even today. This study analyses the role of volunteers who provide assistance to dying patients in the Selian Hospice and Palliative Care Programme in Arusha, Tanzania. The aim of this study was to analyze how the nomination process influenced the involvement o
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42

Askew, Kelly M. "Les villages tanzaniens ujamaa 40 ans plus tard." Anthropologie et Sociétés 32, no. 1-2 (2008): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018885ar.

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RésuméEntre 1967 et 1977, quelque 10 millions de Tanzaniens ont été déplacés de leur terre affermée et regroupés dans des villagesujamaa(littéralement,familyhood) bâtis par suite d’une décision gouvernementale, donnant lieu ainsi à l’un des plus vastes programmes de réinstallation de l’histoire. Le président Julius Nyerere, « père » et philosophe du socialisme tanzanien, a justifié la villagisation en alléguant qu’elle permettrait d’améliorer la prestation de services de base à la population, tels que des cliniques médicales, des écoles et de l’eau potable. Or, dans la foulée de l’abandon prog
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43

GIBLIN, JAMES. "NYERERE AND FREEDOM - Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964. By Paul Bjerk . Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2015. Pp. xvii + 374. $120.00, hardback (ISBN 9781580465052)." Journal of African History 58, no. 2 (2017): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000202.

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44

ECKERT, ANDREAS. "REGULATING THE SOCIAL: SOCIAL SECURITY, SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE STATE IN LATE COLONIAL TANZANIA." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009880.

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This essay discusses British discourses and efforts to regulate social policy in both urban and rural areas in late colonial Tanzania. It focuses mainly on questions of social security and especially on the vague concept of social welfare and development, which after the Second World War became a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonial people. The British were very reluctant about implementing international standards of social security in Tanganyika, mainly due to the insight that the cost of providing European-scale benefits could not be borne by the colonial regime
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45

Liberato, Ermelinda. "Resumen de Libro: Julius Nyerere. Africa’s titan on a global stage. Perspectives from Arusha to Obama, de Mazrui, Ali & Mhando, Linda (2013)." Sapientiae 6, no. 1 (2020): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37293/sapientiae61.12.

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46

ODHIAMBO, ATIENO. "African Political Leaders: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah and Julius K. Nyerere. By A. B. ASSENSOH. Malabar, FL: Krieger, 1998. Pp. xx + 200. $19.50 (ISBN 0-89464-911-6)." Journal of African History 41, no. 3 (2000): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700447833.

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47

ODHIAMBO, E. S. ATIENO. "African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere. By A. B. ASSENSOH. Malabar FL: Krieger, 1998. Pp. 220. $19.50, paperback (ISBN 0-89464-911-6)." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (2003): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703518552.

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48

Kerr, David. "'Maisha yetu ya kila siku kama vile movie': Fantasy, desire and urban space in Tanzanian music videos." Journal of African Cinemas 11, no. 3 (2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00018_1.

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Abstract An explosion of creative practices in music, film and video production followed the liberalization of the Tanzanian media in the early 1990s. Concerned about cultural imperialism, Tanzania's first president Julius Nyerere had resisted allowing television in mainland Tanzania and consequently the first licence was only granted in 1994. Following the establishment of the first TV station there has been a proliferation of TV station and online platforms circulating the new genre of popular music videos. During the last decade, new media spaces, including continent-wide TV channels such a
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49

Melchiorre, Luke. "Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964 by Paul Bjerk. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2015. Pp. xvii + 374, $120.00 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (2018): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1800040x.

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50

Blasingame, Tom. "Survive, Revive, Thrive: Chapter 10—Anchors Aweigh." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 07 (2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0721-0005-jpt.

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It Is Time To Leave Port Education is not a way to escape poverty; it is a way of fighting it.—Julius Nyerere, Tanzanian president, 1922–1999 As the COVID-19 pandemic subsides in most parts of the world, and as a global society we commit ourselves to its control and eradication everywhere, it is time for our “ship” to leave port. As we pull up our anchor (“anchors aweigh” means the anchor is off bottom and the ship is free to move), we must accept that there are risks out there, but we must get back to the task of exploration and production of oil and gas as never before. As I predicted in thi
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