Artículos de revistas: "Kashmiris"

1

Evans, Alexander. "Why Peace Won't Come to Kashmir". Current History 100, n.º 645 (1 de abril de 2001): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.645.170.

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An assortment of views are held about what different segments of Kashmiri society might want, if they could truly choose. But a solution to the problem of Kashmir remains in the hands of three distinct players: the Kashmiris, and the governments of India and Pakistan.

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2

Kumar, Dr Ramesh. "Kashmir Problem: Suggesting the Solutions". Think India 21, n.º 4 (14 de diciembre de 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v21i4.8448.

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Besides being the longest unsettled dispute in the World, Kashmir is also a nuclear flash-point between two of South Asia’s opponent countries, India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan, both nuclear powers have numerous times engaged in fighting over the Kashmir province. Most Kashmiris, on the other hand have been aggressive for their right of self-determination recognized by the UN for several decades. The promise made by the first Indian Prime Minister, Nehru which is also envisaged in the Instrument of Accord of 1947 to let Kashmiris resolve their future through a Plebiscite still eludes Kashmir. In the past two periods, the region has been witness to a lot of ferocity which has also strained the relations between Bharat and Pakistan. There have been numerous rounds of talks on Kashmir between governments of India and Pakistan. Sadly, there has not been any significant positive outcome in resolving this clash. The Kashmir dispute has been studied several times in terms of its impact, economical or political, on India, Pakistan and also Kashmir. A study throughout a Kashmiri viewpoint as to what the Kashmiris desire and how the two-decade long resist has affected their resolve for self-determination make for an appealing research. The purpose of this paper is analyzing the problem of Kashmir and suggesting the solution of this problem.

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3

Nasir, Noor Ul Ain, Haseeb ur Rehman Warrich y Noshaba Nargis. "Women used as Weapons of War in Conflict Zones: A Case Study of Indian Held Kashmir Post 1990". Global Social Sciences Review V, n.º III (30 de septiembre de 2020): 128–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-iii).14.

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This Qualitative in-depth study aimed to explore whether women are treated as a weapon of war in conflict zones. Women are exploited, and their feminity is used against them as a weapon, and Indian Army troops deployed in Indian occupied Kashmir are leaving no stone unturned to harm and disgrace the Kashmiri Community by raping and harassing their women. Women living in Indian Occupied Jammu and Kashmir are the main consideration. 11 in-depth interviews were conducted with the native Kashmiris living in Indian held Jammu and Kashmir. Ethno National Conflict theory was employed to further understand the entire scenario. Findings of the research study suggest that Kashmiris are suffering under the tranny and illegal oppression of the Indian army and the brutal policies. Women are indeed treated and ill-treated as a weapon of war in conflict zones like Kashmir, and ethnic cleansing has been a major goal of the India army in Indian held Kashmir.

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4

Junaid, Mohamad. "The Price of Blood". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2020): 166–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8186159.

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Abstract The discourse of loyalty produces tense predicaments for those living under counterinsurgency regimes. The essay explores this theme by analyzing the case of a Kashmiri woman who found herself in a political drama when she accepted “blood money” from the person accused of causing her husband's death. The woman's decision accompanied moral turmoil in her village, and rumors of her “betrayal” circulated. However, the turmoil threatened to go beyond this localized setting. It brought to fore the fraught implications of “loyalty” shaped by India's occupation in Kashmir, its nationalist staging of Kashmiris as the subversive other, and schisms within Kashmir's historical independence movement. By tracing how rumors of individual betrayal were laced onto narratives of political treason in the case, the essay reveals the counterinsurgency as the operative context of broken intimate and intercommunity relations in which the personal is always at the threshold of becoming intensely public.

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Bashir, Junaid, Anas Mahmud Arif y Owais Khan. "Kashmiri Crafts - A Fascination for Tourists". Global Regional Review VI, n.º II (30 de junio de 2021): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).06.

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Kashmir has different brightening prestigious expressions and specialities which have been famous for quite a long time for their fine work and magnificence. To be sure, Kashmiri speciality items are unbelievable. Artwork is the primary wellspring of pay for the Kashmiris. Speciality work or essentially make is a kind of embellished work hand made utilizing just basic apparatuses. Things made by large-scale manufacturing or using machines are not handiwork items. The Kashmiri specialists are consistently alive to the beautiful encompassing. It communicates a reaction to the excellence around the formation of an enormous assortment of pursuing or decorating flower themes interlaced into multifaceted examples. The art items are promoted in Asia as well as in European countries. This article is to portray the significance of Kashmiri craftsmanship and artworks from hundreds of years. It additionally portrays how Kashmiris are imaginatively and customarily associated with their conventional artwork. The center on the traditional heritage is built on neighborhood uniqueness on the one hand and social tourism on the other. Kashmir could be a visitor range and can win significant income from yearly visits, although the majority of tourists head for the greatly attractive coast during the summer and winter. In Kashmir, with its freezing winter when atmospheric conditions are semi-arctic, the artisans use their time at home as inventive knowledge in making art crafts of stunning excellence. Regal support empowered these painstaking works from early occasions till these items, light in weight and wealthy in workmanship, found attraction and magnetism for tourists, locals, and abroad.

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6

Nabi, Peer Ghulam y Muhammad Ammad Khan. "Kashmir Conflict: Tracing the History Suggesting the Solution". Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 1, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2014): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v1i1.280.

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Kashmir, once known for its mesmerizing beauty, peace and tolerance in the world, has now been seen as a bloody conflict zone, since 1989. Over the years, numbers of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) were taken by India and Pakistan, but all the initiatives fail to bring long-term peace in the region. This paper examines two questions: why Kashmiris chose to go for armed struggle against India and why peace building initiatives lead by India and Pakistan failed to bring long term peace in the region? The study will further try to analyze the interests of the different stakeholders in order to find a peaceful, acceptable, and achievable solution to the conflict region. On the basis of Stakeholder Analysis the paper argues that India and Pakistan need to go beyond existing non-engagement and occasional bilateral policy of negotiation to trilateral negotiation by engaging Kashmiri political leadership to get the win-win, peaceful resolution of the conflict. The absence of Kashmiris in any negotiation process will not bring long lasting solution to the region. JEL Classification Code: R5

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7

Mughal, Muhammad Ismail y Dr Shafiq Jullandhry. "Kashmir conflict and Indian Press: A Literature Review". Volume-04 Issue-2 04, n.º 02 (30 de septiembre de 2020): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v04-i02-16.

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A multi-cultural and multi-ethnic society of Indian state is ill informed about multifaceted reality of Kashmir conflict due to mediated and fabricated information conveyed through national media. Kashmiris perceive national media as biased and hiding public sentiments which further alienated Kashmiri public to the Indian state and nationalism. Little available literature on media portrayal of Kashmir only discussed Pak-India hostility, peace and war journalism or propaganda. This research is about the coverage of Kashmir conflict by Indian Press. Research proceeding reveals that there is little research studies directed toward this subject. This article review the published research work by academics and media professional collected through websites, research journal archives and catalogues. This research will guide researchers and media practitioners involved in the reportage of Kashmir conflict.

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8

Kaul, Nitasha. "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti-)Nationalism". Feminist Review 119, n.º 1 (julio de 2018): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0123-x.

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This article attempts to make sense of India's obsession with Kashmir by way of a gendered analysis. I begin by drawing attention to the historical and continuing failure of Indian democracy in Kashmir that results in the violent and multifaceted dehumanisation of Kashmiris and, in turn, domesticates dissent on the question of Kashmir within India. This scenario has been enabled by the persuasive appeal of a gendered masculinist nationalist neoliberal state currently enhanced in its Hindutva avatar. I focus on understanding how the violence enacted upon Kashmiri bodies is connected to feminised understandings of the body of Kashmir in India's imagination of itself as a nation state. I argue that the gendered discourses of representation, cartography and possession are central to the way in which such nationalism works to legitimise and normalise the violence in Kashmir. I conclude with a few reflections on how Kashmir is a litmus test for the discourse on (anti-)nationalism in contemporary India.

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9

Schaffer, Teresita C. "Putting the Kashmiris Into the Kashmir Issue". Asia Policy 3, n.º 1 (2007): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2007.0022.

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10

Zia, Ather. "Blinding Kashmiris". Interventions 21, n.º 6 (22 de abril de 2019): 773–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2019.1607527.

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11

Zutshi, Chitralekha. "Seasons of Discontent and Revolt in Kashmir". Current History 116, n.º 789 (1 de abril de 2017): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.789.123.

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Caught between two feuding countries, neither of which has truly incorporated Kashmir into its nationalist imagination or institutional structures, Kashmiris have developed their own nationalist narrative to assert their distinctiveness and desire for freedom.

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12

Hoffman, Bruce y Haley Duschinski. "Between Freedom and Justice: Popular Protest and Jurisdictional Contestation of Militarized Governance in Indian-Controlled Kashmir". Social & Legal Studies 29, n.º 5 (18 de febrero de 2020): 650–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919897370.

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In Indian-controlled Kashmir, local residents express aspirations for freedom from Indian-militarized governance even as they demand state accountability for pervasive everyday violence. Kashmiris negotiate this complexity through jurisdictional contestation, asserting alternative forms of authority to speak about law and develop strategies for justice and political transformation. Drawing from sociolegal literatures of jurisdiction and global legal pluralism, we analyze a Kashmiri community forum confronting institutional denial in a prominent case of sexual violence and murder involving state armed forces. We analyze how Kashmiri actors from diverse normative communities drew on popular understandings of law to claim competing forms of authority, give meaning to the case, and develop strategies of response. We also explore how participants, through the work of jurisdictional contestation, made global legal ideas locally meaningful and relied on jurisdictional myths of struggle and justice to motivate resistance and establish spaces of hope.

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13

Koul, Ajaz Nabi. "Forgotten “KANGRI” Related Severe Erythema Ab Igni". JMS SKIMS 19, n.º 2 (20 de diciembre de 2016): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33883/jms.v19i2.295.

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60 year old male resident of Kashmir who works on boats in scenic Dal lake of Kashmir and earns his livelihood by selling goods to tourists in this lake. He has to work in extreme cold conditions in the lake when temperatures touches minus 10 to 15 0 C. Sometimes the lake freezes into ice platform which at places is a meter thick. Centuries ago Kashmiris have invented “KANGRI” which is earthen ware pot decorated and protected with wickerwork. Wood charcoal is put inside this earthenware and lit. As the coal burns a layer of ash is put on burning coal to dampen the intensity of heat. To increase the intensity of heat a spatula like wooden or brass handle is attached to the “KANGRI” which exposes the burning coal under the ash layer to intensify the heat. This “KANGRI” can be used under long robe named PHERAN worn by Kashmiris during winter to keep themselves warm. JMS 2016; 19(2):88-89

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14

Ahmad, Hussam‐ud‐Din. "Kashmiris in Britain". Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 6, n.º 2 (julio de 1985): 460–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602008508715955.

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15

Gilani, Iftikhar. "Empowering the Kashmiris". Strategic Analysis 35, n.º 2 (8 de febrero de 2011): 312–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2011.542930.

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16

van der Molen, Thomas y Ellen Bal. "Staging "small, small incidents"". Focaal 2011, n.º 60 (1 de junio de 2011): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2011.600108.

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In this article, we reflect on the gendered contours of young Kashmiris’ dissident practices against the Indian military occupation of the Kashmir Valley. It is largely based on ethnographic research that coincided with the launch of an ongoing, predominantly nonviolent people’s movement in which youth have played a prominent role. The article shows how university students’ and young professionals’ “small activism” is entangled in the gendered dynamics of militarization and dissent, while underlining the threat posed by “security forces” to women’s “honor” and “dignity.” In the context of widespread societal anxiety about “dishonor,” young Kashmiris’ urge to reclaim dignity at once motivates them to practice dissent and narrows the scope for female dissidents’ capacity to act upon this drive overtly. The present case suggests that recent anthropological interest in global youth cultural practices may be supplemented with a recognition of local constraints on young people’s public opposition that arise in circumstances of (gendered) state oppression.

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17

Abdulla Al Mahmud. "The Inception of the Kashmir Crisis: Inquiries from a Historical Perspective (1931– 1947)". International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, n.º 2 (2 de junio de 2020): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss2pp196-213.

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In the context of the Indian subcontinent, politically and economically "Kashmir" is a significant region. Kashmir has been involved with the politics of the subcontinent since ancient times as a Vital Organ. Foreign powers have been influencing Kashmir politics in almost all ages. During the Muslim rule in the middle ages, Kashmir was known as a politically stable and economically prosperous region. However, during the rule of the Sikhs (1819-1846) and the Dogra kings (1846-1947), the general population of Kashmir was absorbed. At that time, 70 percent of the total population of Kashmir, despite being Muslim, has been deprived of their rights by a small number of rulers. India and Pakistan were created on the basis of religion in the Indian subcontinent. According to the British government's decision, Kashmir was deprived of its right to join India or Pakistan on the basis of the majority of the subcontinent's domestic states. The dream of independence for Kashmiris turned into a nightmare in the role of the last British representative, Lord Mount Batten, then Congress leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Kashmir's local representative Sheikh Abdullah, Pakistani leaders and King Maharaja Hari Singh in Kashmir. After World War II, when different regions of the world began to be liberated from the chain of imperialism, the occupation and oppression of Kashmir began again. Despite the postmodern era, the Kashmir crisis continues. This article seeks to find out where the main source of the Kashmir crisis that has been going on for decades, and what has worked behind it.

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18

Tavares, Rodrigo. "Resolving the Kashmir Conflict: Pakistan, India, Kashmiris and Religious Militants". Asian Journal of Political Science 16, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2008): 276–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185370802504316.

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19

Ranjan, Amit. "Christopher Snedden. Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris; Aman M. Hingorani. Unravelling the Kashmir Knot". Asian Affairs 48, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2017): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1271605.

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20

Ahmed, Musavir. "Ethnicity, Identity and Group Vitality: A Study of Burushos of Srinagar". Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 3, n.º 1 (28 de junio de 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/51.

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The study reports the findings of a survey undertaken to comprehend the factors that have enabled a group of around 350 Burushos to maintain their ethnic identity including their language after 125 years of their immigration to Kashmir in Jammu and Kashmir State of India. The group has been able to resist the assimilatory forces and has maintained itself as a distinct entity vis-a-vis the dominant Kashmiri host society. The study has drawn upon the empirical tool of ethnolinguistic vitality as a reflection of the group’s sustainability as a collective entity in terms of their ethnic as well as linguistic identity. The study also reveals the attitude of native Kashmiris towards the group as perceived by group members. This perceived attitude of the group members has been explained in terms of its bearing on the vitality and identity of the group. The study is based on 50 semi-structured questionnaires and four unstructured interviews. The questionnaire has been partly developed on the basis of six factors identified by UNESCO (2003) in the evaluation of ethnolinguistic vitality. The paper concludes that an ethnically small immigrant group can survive the assimilatory forces and maintain their ethnic identity even if the ethnolinguistic vitality of the group is quite low on most of the measurable factors.

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21

Chowdri, N. A. y M. A. Darzi. "Postburn scar carcinomas in Kashmiris". Burns 22, n.º 6 (septiembre de 1996): 477–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4179(96)00002-2.

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22

Hanif, Samia y Munawar Iqbal Ahmed. "'Half Widows and Half Mothers': Traumatic Voices of Women From the Literary Narratives of Jammu and Kashmir". Global Language Review V, n.º IV (30 de diciembre de 2020): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2020(v-iv).13.

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This study is an attempt to explore the traumatic voices of women as half-mothers and half widows in the selected Kashmiri Anglophone fiction. Since the partition of the Indian Sub-continent, Kashmiris have been subjugated to violence and brutality under occupation. The lives of Kashmiri women have been worse, particularly during the 1990s, when the militancy increased because of hostile policies of the Indian government, which resulted in violence and brutality. Owing to their strength and resilience, the Kashmiri women have withstood the oppressive conditions. Compared to men, they have been at a loss while losing husbands and sons in a blind war of aggression and power. Using textual analysis and qualitative research paradigm, the study is based on Bashir's The HalfMother (2014) through the lens of La Capra's Acting out versus Working through and Caruth's Theory of Double Trauma. The study reveals that women are not only victims but also fighters.

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23

Lone, Fozia N. "THE CREATION STORY OF KASHMIRI PEOPLE: THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION". Denning Law Journal 21, n.º 1 (26 de noviembre de 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v21i1.339.

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If a group wishes to exercise the right to self-determination, they need to establish that they are a “people” within the international law definition, thereby triggering the ability to claim this right. Thus, the definition of the term “people” is the key in cases of self-determination and always posits difficult challenges. This article aims to determine whether the “Kashmiri people” could be identified as a group that fits within the contemporary non-exhaustive definition of people. Having ascended from the level of subjects of an autocratic rule to victims of human rights violations, are Kashmiris now in a position to exercise a right to self-determination?

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24

Hwang, Wonjune. "Kashmir as a Symbol of Pakistan: Why Violence in Kashmir Never Stop?" Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, n.º 1 (5 de julio de 2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i1.360.

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Kashmir has been a 'powder keg' in South Asia. In this region, India and Pakistan waged three all-out wars and numerous skirmishes. Kashmir has been occupied separately since 1947, but still, both sides claim the other’s occupation is illegal. Muslim Kashmiris, who are allegedly supported by Pakistan, continuously commit terrorist acts, and in return, Indian officials in Jammu and Kashmir violently suppress demonstrations and commit human right violations. After 9/11 in 2001, terrorists have become demonized and pardonless. This article focuses on analyzing the sources of violence and Pakistani intervention. The idea of this article is theoretically based on Volkan's chosen trauma and symbol of identity. Continuous massacres and discriminations in Kashmir committed by Hindu Indians have formed the identity of Pakistanis as the chosen trauma, and current discriminations and persecutions reactivate their fear and anger. Cessation of the violence must be the priority on Kashmir issue. For this, discriminations and persecutions should be suspended.

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Malik, Aatina Nasir. "Mapping children’s play and violence in Kashmir". Childhood 27, n.º 3 (9 de junio de 2020): 354–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568220923006.

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In Kashmir, the entrenchment of political violence in the everyday has marked a shift from understanding Kashmiris as passive receivers of violence to agentic beings; however, much attention has not been paid to the experiences of children. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in one of the downtown neighbourhoods in Srinagar, this article would look at the everyday of children by focusing on their game playing. Analysing two games, that is, Military-Mujahid and PUBG (Player Unknown’s Battlegrounds), the article highlights how playing blurs the lines between spectacular and everyday, and actual and virtual/imaginary, establishing itself as a part of children’s everyday reality.

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Hassan, Iffat y Peerzada Sajad. "Kangri: A boon or bane for Kashmiris". Indian Dermatology Online Journal 7, n.º 6 (2016): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2229-5178.193907.

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27

Navlakha, Gautam. "‘Kashmiris will not accept defeat in a hurry’". History and Sociology of South Asia 10, n.º 2 (21 de junio de 2016): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807516633618.

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Mukhtar, Shabnum. "History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir". Shanlax International Journal of Management 8, S1-Feb (26 de febrero de 2021): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/management.v8is1-feb.3774.

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After the independence of India in 1947, it got divided into two territories of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, which was a princely ruled state at that time, was in a state of confusion whether it should accede to India or Pakistan or stay sovereign. Hari Singh, the then Maharaja of Kashmir, felt it better to accede with India than Pakistan and signed the instrument of accession with India. The government of Pakistan resisted this accession as they were keen to add this region to their territory and thus started the Kashmir conflict. India and Pakistan have fought for more than seventy years over Kashmir. Wars over Kashmir resulted in eleven United Nations resolutions and two peace agreements, but the problem of Kashmir remained unsolved. For more than seventy years, India and Pakistan have driven a cycle of violence, retaliation, and exploitation in Kashmir, and this dispute over Kashmir has caused at least forty-seven thousand deaths and made Kashmir one of the most militarized1 regions of the earth and is still a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris have roused many times against oppression, tyranny, and occupation. There are umpteen historical documents of earlier times, where they have challenged numerous rulers for their ugly behavior, right from 1585, at the onset of the Mughal rule.This paper deals with the origin of the Kashmir conflict and historical and political background, and its effect on India and Pakistan.

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Schwartzberg, J. E. "Who are the Kashmiri People? Self-Identification as a Vehicle for Self-Determination". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, n.º 12 (diciembre de 1997): 2237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292237.

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Although self-determination is a right for all peoples, legally defining a people so that they can exercise that right is often difficult. So too is devising a means for establishing an optimal, politically viable governance system that will satisfy that right. In respect to the disputed erstwhile princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, whose independence neither India nor Pakistan will countenance, I suggest that those two powers agree instead to the establishment of a Kashmir Autonomous Region (KAR); that a People's Assembly be elected to enable population groups from all parts of Jammu and Kashmir to discuss various options for their future governance, within or outside the KAR; and that, following such discussions, a fair, internationally supervised plebiscite be held to determine which areas shall become part of the KAR and which shall be fully integrated into India and Pakistan. Thereby, those who consider themselves ‘Kashmiris' would become a self-defined people. The KAR, could straddle the line separating Indian-held and Pakistani-held areas. While it would have a single government, India and Pakistan would maintain nominal sovereignty over the portions of the KAR on their respective sides of the line.

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Mehdi, Syed Eesar. "Serving the Militant’s Cause: The Role of Indo-Pak State Policies in Sustaining Militancy in Kashmir". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, n.º 2 (23 de julio de 2020): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020939012.

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The essay explores three recently published books on the origins of militancy in Kashmir. In short, they all find that two causal factors are responsible for the insurgency’s ability to endure. First, the unending muscular security policy of India coupled with its explicit integrationist approach that triggered alienation by squeezing the democratic space of Kashmiris. Second, the role played by Pakistan in strongly backing the menagerie of militant groups for weakening political and territorial control of India over Kashmir. These books rely on a series of case studies of the different militant groups that have operated in Kashmir: most notably, Al-Fatah, the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), Hizbul Mujahedeen (HM) and Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT). The emergence of Al-Fatah and JKLF was an offshoot of New Delhi’s iron-fist approach compounded with the dwindling of democratic space. Pakistan played a major role in the creation of HM and LeT by invoking Islam and Muslim identity as mobilising factors. These books, in their own different ways, identify a teleological shift in the thinking, strategies and operations of the militant groups, and this essay tries to extrapolate this by outlining the key markers of distinction between the old and new militancy.

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Koul, Rakesh Kumar, Shagufta Parveen, Padma Lahdol, Prof Samia Rasheed y Nisar A. Shah. "PREVALENCE AND RISK FACTORS OF GASTROESOPHAGEAL REFLUX DISEASE (GERD) IN ADULT KASHMIRI POPULATION". International Journal of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences 10, n.º 8 (1 de agosto de 2018): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22159/ijpps.2018v10i8.25894.

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Objective: The study was conducted with the objective of studying the prevalence of gastroesophageal reflux disease (GERD) and to study various factors associated with it in adult Kashmiri population.Methods: It was a community based prospective cross-sectional observational study conducted by the Department of Medicine and Gastroenterology, GMC Srinagar over a period of 24 mo upon native Kashmiris from urban as well as rural areas as a study group. A total of 2600 subjects above the age of 18 y were studied and the overall prevalence of disease was calculated and also the associated (risk) factors were looked for.Results: The overall prevalence of 20.3% was seen in the study population with female gender being more prone to the development of disease (p<0.001). Other factors of greater significance included body mass index (BMI), smoking, physical activity, intake of spicy foods, posture after meals, dinner to sleep time, non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID) intake and some underlying ailments like asthma and history of abdominal surgery.Conclusion: The overall prevalence of GERD in Kashmiri community is 20.3% with females being more prone with a definite role of factors like BMI, smoking, physical activity, posture after meals, dinner to sleep time interval, intake of spicy foods, drugs and also the co-morbidities.

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Perveen, Rukhsana, Ahmad Ali Shahid, Muhammad Shafique, Muhammad Shehzad y Muhammad Akram. "Kashmiris phylogenetic depictions through uniparental and biparental genetic markers". International Journal of Legal Medicine 134, n.º 4 (1 de junio de 2019): 1311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00414-019-02082-5.

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Ahsan, Muhammad, Shahid Nawaz y Muhammad Asif. "Indo-Pak Relations in Ideological Perspective after 9/11: Critical Discourse Analysis of Nawa-i-Waqt; A Pakistani Urdu Newspaper". Global Mass Communication Review VI, n.º II (30 de junio de 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2021(vi-ii).01.

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The objective of this work was to utilize the critical discourse analysis in the reporting and coverage of Indo-Pak relations from an ideological perspective after 9/11. The critical discourse analysis of local, international, and business news, editorials, articles, columns, and letters to the editor published in Nawa-i-Waqt, a Pakistani Urdu Newspaper, is carried out. The overall purpose of the study was to critically analyze lexical choices, rhetorical devices and the dominant themes reported after 9/11 from August 1st, 2008 to January 31, 2009, the peak time of terrorist attacks in Pakistan. In the present study, it has been noticed that the Urdu newspaper Nawa-i-Waqt reports and publishes more news, editorials, columns, and articles regarding this hot aspect. The CDA of lexical items reported and published in the daily Nawa-i-Waqt revealed the use of victimization and generalization in the coverage of Indian Occupied Kashmir. Similarly, Nawa-i-Waqt newspaper also exclusively focused and reported the historical narrative of the government of Pakistan and its efforts to convey the frightful condition of Kashmir and Kashmiris to the nations of the world and engage them to resolve this longstanding dispute.

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Jadhav, Dhanaji Mukund Rao, Aiswarya Krishnan y Devi S. Vijay. "Constitutional and Political Intricacies Involved in Abrogation of Article 370". Revista Gestão Inovação e Tecnologias 11, n.º 4 (16 de septiembre de 2021): 5306–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/revistageintec.v11i4.2563.

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Original Article 370 of the Indian Constitution is temporary, transitional. Special Provision of the State of J&K, This provision grants J&K an autonomous status. In contrast, Article 35A is incorporated into the constitution in 1954, grants special rights and privileges to state citizens. Since its inception, Article 370 has been considered a controversial provision in the constitution. It has been politicized in one or another way. The abrogation of Article 370 cannot be viewed in isolation, as it has proximity with historical, political, and constitutional dimensions. The abrogation of Article 370 is a key issue so far as the autonomy of the people of J&K is a concern. The mode and manner in which Article 370 has been abrogated and the procedure adopted for making Article 370 virtually ineffective is of great concern from the constitutional law point of view. The alarming terrorism in Kashmiris is a persistent threat to the unity and integrity of the nation and Indian democracy. Undoubtedly human rights violation of Kashmiri people through militant has always been an issue of great concern for Indian patriotism. In furtherance to the unity and integrity of the nation and to resolve the issue of Jammu and Kashmir with intent to have uniform opportunities of development, all the states, including Jammu and Kashmir, the Article 370 has been abrogated. Even though this decision was a courageous attempt on the government's part, it is not free from wide controversies. This paper examines the constitutional and political dimensions of the abrogation of Article 370 and its impact on the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The research paper examines the political, social, and legal intricacies, including the logical insight into how abrogation was politically judicious; however, the constitutionality is debatable. Paper squarely covers the historical, political, and constitutional dimensions of the abrogation of Article 370 and examines it from a constitutional point of view. The researchers have pertinently tried to analyze and evaluate the abrogation of Article 370 as a political necessity on the touchstone of constitutional principle and have correlated it with human rights.

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Muhammad Ramzan, Dr. Abdul Karim Khan y Dr. Ihsan Ullah Khan. "Stylistic Analysis of Shadab Zeest Hashmi’s Poem “You are chained”". Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 2, n.º 1 (11 de marzo de 2021): 280–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol2-iss1-2021(280-285).

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This paper aims at analyzing Shadad Zeest Hashmi’s poem ‘You are chained’ with a special focus on the foreground. The tools of foregrounding i.e. parallelism and deviation are surfaced that attract the attention of the reader for hidden messages related to the socio-political scenario of Pakistan, Kashmir, and India. Thus the miserable plight of the Kashmiris is encompassed through stylistic devices which are peculiar to Hashmi’s poetry. Foregrounding is the tool through which one can analyze a piece of literature having so many deviations and code-switching. The main aim of the study is to bring to the fore the local poets writing in English. The research is based on this intention to strike the attention of new researchers to criticize as well as to appreciate our local poets for their encouragement. On the other hand, research on Pakistani literature in English is an emerging area of investigation that is why, it is hoped, that this paper will prove to be an encouraging step ahead for future scholars.

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ZUTSHI, CHITRALEKHA. "Whither Kashmir Studies?: A Review". Modern Asian Studies 46, n.º 4 (20 de junio de 2011): 1033–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000345.

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AbstractThis paper explores the current state of the field of Kashmir Studies and argues that, whilst scholarship on Kashmir has come a long way since the decades after Indian independence and partition, the political situation in the region continues to cast a long shadow over writings on Kashmir. Nevertheless, and despite the continued difficulties associated with research within Kashmir, a new generation of scholars has emerged at the turn of the twenty-first century, whose writings transcend geographical and political determinism as well as the discourse of Kashmiri exceptionalism, to present Kashmir as a complex, but not unique, entity, that has been shaped by multiple influences. In addition, this scholarship explores the ideas that have given Kashmir a particular shape in our imaginations, through analysis of a variety of sources, including poetry, art, film, and oral histories. A lot remains to be done, however, particularly in the field of Kashmir's medieval and pre-modern history, and in the application of theoretical approaches such as borderlands to the region's past and present.

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Abid, Muhammad. "Postcolonial Subalternization of Kashmiris in Arundhati Roy’s The Ministry of Utmost Happiness". Pakistan Social Sciences Review 5, n.º II (30 de junio de 2021): 655–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2021(5-ii)51.

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Gul, Sumeer, Samrin Nabi, Samina Mushtaq, Tariq Ahmad Shah y Suhail Ahmad. "Political Unrest and Educational Electronic Resource Usage in a Conflict Zone, Kashmir (Indian Administered Kashmir): Log Analysis as Politico Analytical Tool". Bilgi Dünyası 14, n.º 2 (31 de octubre de 2013): 388–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15612/bd.2013.128.

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Electronic resource usage has proved as one of the best decision making tools in the library setups. Electronic resource usage in relation to the political disturbance can act as one of the tools to highlight the impact of political disturbance on educational setups in general and the electronic resource usage in particular. The study takes a serious look in the electronic resource usage in Kashmir and the impact of unrest on it. The paper highlights a relational platform between education and conflict studies. How conflict affects the electronic resource usage in a conflict zone has been highlighted in the study. Transaction logs in the form of COUNTER Report deliberating the usage of Project Muse journal titles at University of Kashmir were analyzed to know the extent of usage of e-resources by the academia of Kashmir during the time of conflict from a time period of January 2008- December 2010. Peace has a great role to play in the development of any community from every aspect. Political disturbance hampers the educational sector to a greater extent. The usage logs helped to reveal the actual picture of academic behaviour of Kashmiris in the time of conflict. The study clearly reflects that political disturbance has a negative effect on the educational sphere in general and electronic resource usage in particular. The study was confined to the analysis of the transactions logs generated from Project Muse at University of Kashmir. The study can lay a base for the policy makers associated with education to take some immediate and curative steps that can control the devastating effects on the academia caused because of frequent disturbances in the valley of Kashmir. The study is an eye opener for the academicians and the policy makers in Kashmir. The study will be helpful in visualizing the utility of log analysis in reflecting the ill effects of political disturbance on academic circles. The paper is first of its kind trying to link education and conflict studies of a politically simmering area, Kashmir. The research can further be extended to analyze the impact of political normalcy on the academia of Kashmir. How normalcy acts as an indicator of enhanced e-resource usage can be studied.

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Adnan, Atif, Allah Rakha, Anum Noor, Mannis van Oven, Arwin Ralf y Manfred Kayser. "Population data of 17 Y-STRs (Yfiler) from Punjabis and Kashmiris of Pakistan". International Journal of Legal Medicine 132, n.º 1 (17 de mayo de 2017): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00414-017-1611-9.

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Anjum, Ovamir. "Editorial". American Journal of Islam and Society 35, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2018): vii—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.844.

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Can we justify scholarship in apocalyptic times? “Across the world, genocidalstates are attacking Muslims,” reads the title of an opinion piece bysociologist Arjun Appadurai, “Is Islam really their target?”1 “As Israel incarceratesPalestinians and Myanmar drives out its Rohingyas, a reflectionon the predicament of ethnic and racial biominorities,” reads the by-line.Welcome to the club, I thought. For decades, this has been the questionMuslims have asked themselves. The piece ends with little great insight,but it is the banality of the observation, one made by an Indian-Americansociologist, not an al-Qaeda operative ready to blow things up in revenge,that caught my attention. The banality of Muslim blood, that is.Palestine is being shot and bled to death by a fanatic ethno-religious,nationalist, colonizing, apartheid state. We are Palestine. The Rohingya arebeing burned, raped, and annihilated by another ethno-religious, nationaliststate. Rohingyan mothers are birthing en masse the children of theirMyanmar rapists. We are Rohingya. The Kashmiris and millions of IndianMuslims are being deprived daily of their dignity, humanity, and life by yetanother religiously-inspired ethnic nationalism. We are Kashmiris. In China,Uighur Muslim men are being exterminated, held in torture and brainwashingcamps, while their women are forced to cohabitate with Chinesemen.2 In all four cases, an ancient religion has been conscripted to provideidentity, unity, passion, and even the narrative to justify the carnage, somebordering on genocide. A secular, enlightened Europe is pulverizing itsMuslim minorities, minorities that are there only because their lands wereinvaded, exploited, divided, and left to rot under ruined institutions andpuppet regimes propped up by the very same Europeans who cannot tolerateMuslims in their midst. And now, China, the emerging superpower,surpasses them all in its systematic extermination of its Muslim populationor identity. We Muslims (ought to) know better than to blame all Jews, ...

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Shafqat, Sahar. "Pakistan in 2020". Asian Survey 61, n.º 1 (enero de 2021): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.183.

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Pakistan began the year with the military establishment having tightened its grip on political institutions, but as the year progressed, opposition parties sought to reassert themselves and challenged both the PTI government and military leaders. Political movements took center stage as religious extremists as well as regionalist movements drew strength from the challenges to the PTI government. Feminists demanded action after a series of sexual assaults, and religious minorities continued to be targeted by violence. The COVID pandemic upended the economy, which was already straining under low growth and high debt and deficit conditions. Foreign relations provided many challenges as the government sought to target India for its mistreatment of Kashmiris, while the Pakistan–China relationship remained strong.

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Butt, Manzoor. "The Recent Surge in the Freedom Movement of Kashmiris and the Role of Pakistan". Middle East Journal of Business 11, n.º 4 (2016): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5742/mejb.2016.92829.

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Afzal Mir, M., Farooq Mir, Triloke Khosla y Robert Newcombe. "The relationship of salt intake and arterial blood pressure in salted-tea drinking Kashmiris". International Journal of Cardiology 13, n.º 3 (diciembre de 1986): 279–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0167-5273(86)90115-4.

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Qadri, Muhammad Ahmed, Rooh Ul Amin Khan y Muhammad Abbas. "Comparative Analysis of Pak-Indo Press Role toward Annexation of Special Status of Kashmir: From War to Peace Perspective". Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, n.º 2 (5 de junio de 2021): 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i2.157.

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Indo-Pak Conflict on the territory of Kashmir started with Pakistan’s released in August 1947. At that time all the states were given the choice of choosing India or Pakistan. The then princely states rulers had to make their option. There have been some preliminaries, they said when selecting both states; one is the geographical proximity and the one was for the public ambition. In October 1947, given the fact that Kashmir was predominantly Muslim state that opted for the state of Pakistan, while the Kashmir’s Maharaja chose India in support. This choice was perceived by the Pakistani government as fraudulent, unfair and entirely unrecognized judgement. Furthermore, the religious orientation of more Kashmiri inhabitants can be seen as another factor in this conflict (Qumber, Ishaque and Shah 2017). This study aims to explore framing from war to peace-journalism after the Indian attempt of August 5, 2019, to annex the special status of Kashmir, in two English elite newspapers i.e. Daily Dawn, a Pakistani newspaper and the other is Hindustan Times an Indian Newspaper. The study explores news stories on front page along with editorials of these newspapers to understand how these newspapers covered and framed the issue?

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Khan, Muhammad Tayyab y Abdul Hameed Khan Abbasi. "کشمیر میں مطالعۂ قرآن کا ارتقاء: تحقیقی مطالعہ". FIKR-O NAZAR فکر ونظر 58, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 9–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/fn.v58i2.1089.

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A Kashmiri scholar, Yousuf Teng, has recently discovered a manuscript of the Qur’ān along with its Persian translation by Fathullah Kashmiri which dates back to 1237 A.D., indicating that the study of the Qur’ān had begun in Kashmir even before the advent of Islam there. A number of Kashmiri scholars, thereafter, have contributed to the field of Qur’ānic studies in languages such as Arabic, Persian, English, Urdu, Punjabi, Kashmiri, Pahari, and Gojri. However, despite the abundance of material on the subject, there have been very little academic works dedicated to its growth in Kashmir. This articles attempts to outline the evolution of Qur’ānic studies in Kashmir by tracing the written material on the subject from the past seven centuries.

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Rehman, Shams y Virinder S. Kalra. "Transnationalism from below: initial responses by British Kashmiris to the South Asia earthquake of 2005". Contemporary South Asia 15, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2006): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930601098059.

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Muhammad Sheeraz, Muhammad Awais Bin Wasi,. "“THE STRATEGY AND PSYCHOLOGY OF RESISTANCE IN A CONTEMPORARY KASHMIRI NOVEL IN URDU”". Psychology and Education Journal 58, n.º 1 (15 de enero de 2021): 5135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.2070.

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The sociopolitical milieu of post-1989 Kashmir heavily influenced the creative imagination. Multiple literary narratives have recounted the everyday life in Kashmir which is often seen as South Asia’s nuclear flash point.Severalliterary works have also been brought out in the Urdu language. In this paper, drawing uponBarbara Harlow’s framework of resistance literature and Jeanette Lawrence and Agnes Dodds’s theorization of the psychology of resistance, we argue that Nayeema Ahmad Mehoor’s Urdu novelDahshat Zadiis an example of Kashmiri resistance literature.Thepaper is also an attempt to understand how the contemporary Kashmiri writing in Urdu is linked with the broader resistance movement in Kashmir. Reconciling the representative strategy of resistance literature, as proposed by Harlow and others, with those employed by a Kashmiri writer, the study suggests that the patterns and purposes of resistance are often similar across the linguistic and geographical divides.

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Misri, Deepti. "Dark Ages and Bright Futures". Public Culture 32, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 539–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-8358710.

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This article examines the shape of time for those living in Indian-occupied Kashmir, focusing particularly on two calendars that became embroiled in a “calendar war” in Indian-occupied Kashmir in the year 2017. The first was the annual calendar of the Jammu and Kashmir Bank, which proudly featured twelve “talented youth[s]” of the state. The second was a “countercalendar” circulated online by the anonymously run pro-azadi (self-determination) Facebook group Aalaw, featuring a rather different image of Kashmiri youth. Situating these calendars against a larger backdrop of visual representations of time in occupied Kashmir, this article examines how each calendar mobilized narratives about the past, present, and future in Kashmir, narratives that were negotiated through competing gendered images of youth via rhetorics of ability and disability. The article takes up the tensions between two strands of disability studies: liberal approaches that emphasize the celebration of disability and biopolitical critiques that foreground the violent production of debilitation, to consider how Kashmiri visual production suggests a vision of crip futures for those now living with disabilities in Kashmir.

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Tremblay, Reeta Chowdhari. "Kashmir's Secessionist Movement Resurfaces: Ethnic Identity, Community Competition, and the State". Asian Survey 49, n.º 6 (1 de noviembre de 2009): 924–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.924.

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The May 2008 Jammu & Kashmir government's decision to transfer 99 acres of land to a Hindu shrine reignited the Kashmiri nationalist movement. This essay argues that Kashmiri ethnonationalist aspirations remain entrenched among the Valley's Muslim population and that electoral participation is no guarantee of attenuated ethnonationalist demands.

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Iqbal, Sehar. "Through Their Eyes: Women and Human Security in Kashmir". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, n.º 2 (28 de julio de 2021): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017483.

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‘Women’s responsibilities call upon them to function in many spheres of human experience … (and so) their perspective on human security is comprehensive, including factors overlooked by the state security paradigm’ (Reardon, 2010a, The gender imperative: Human security vs state security, Routledge, p. 16). Recognising this, the following research article records threats to human security in Kashmir as seen from the point of view of a representative cross-section of Kashmiri women. It argues that in the context of the Kashmir valley, no discussion of security is complete without broadening the perspective from state security to human security. Again, no analysis of human security in Kashmir is complete without taking into account Kashmiri women’s experience of human security threats. The lived experiences of women in Kashmir and their perspectives should be at the heart of any human security analysis. This article aims at recording these threats faced by Kashmiri women in their daily lives, using a case study model. It records the lived experiences of 20 women from different ethnicities, religions, regions and locations within the valley. In doing so, it acknowledges not only the constraints of the case study model but also the centrality of women’s rights to identify and confront the threats to their conceptions and experiences of security. It limits itself to the Kashmir valley where the worst of the violence has occurred since 1989. Twenty women from seven districts—Srinagar, Pulwama, Budgam, Kulgam, Anantnag, Baramulla and Kupwara—have been interviewed over a 6-month period. In order to understand diverse conceptions and experiences of threats to human security, care was taken to include women from diverse ethnic and religious communities. The study covers Sikh, Sunni and Shia Muslim, Gujjar, Pahari and Kashmiri Pandit women.

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