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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Labot Zionists"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 31 de julio de 2025

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1

Pappe, Ilan. "Israel at a Crossroads between Civic Democracy and Jewish Zealotocracy." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 3 (2000): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676454.

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Mainstream Zionism (now comprising both Labor and Likud) is increasingly being challenged by the Right and Left. Post-Zionism has exposed the intellectual fallacies underlying traditional Zionism's attempt to combine ethnic segregation with an open society, but it is the moral and ideological substitute offered by neo-Zionism, opting for ethnic segregation as an ultimate goal, that is mounting the real political challenge. This article argues that while mainstream Zionists will delineate the space of a future Israel (by drawing the borders in a settlement with the Palestinians), the neo-Zionis

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2

Biale, David. "Ehud Luz. Wrestling with an Angel: Power, Morality and Jewish Identity, trans. Michael Swirsky. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. 350 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (2005): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405380093.

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Perhaps no subject is more actual than the relationship of Zionism and the State of Israel to the exercise of military power. Ehud Luz's passionate cri de coeur appears, at first glance, to cover much the same ground as Anita Shapira's earlier Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948: both books analyze comprehensively the way Zionist thinkers, writers, and activists struggled with the moral limitations on the use of force and violence in the acquisition of Jewish sovereignty. But Shapira's focus is more on political history, while Luz treats primarily writers and rabbis, ranging

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3

Kafkafi, Eyal. "Segregation or Integration of the Israeli Arabs: Two Concepts in Mapai." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (1998): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066216.

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With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of British rule in Palestine, the nascent Zionist labor movement, shortly to become the backbone of the Zionist undertaking in Palestine, found itself confronted by a series of fundamental questions. The purpose of this paper is to show that there was never a consensus within the Zionist labor movement; that the leadership was divided on vital issues; that Israel's leader, David Ben-Gurion, represented only one approach within labor Zionism, and that even after his approach had prevailed, following drawn-out disputes, and he h

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4

Meiton, Fredrik. "The Radiance of the Jewish National Home: Technocapitalism, Electrification, and the Making of Modern Palestine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 4 (2015): 975–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000419.

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AbstractContrary to conventional wisdom, the history of the Palestine mandate and its power relations were not determined solely by a series of legal measures, beginning with the 1917 Balfour Declaration and ending with the UNGA partition resolution of 1947. Rather, the emergence of modern Palestine was a process significantly guided by global technocapitalism. Palestine was constituted on the basis of a successful Zionist pitch for the area as an economically viable territory—as an area of production and consumption and crucially also as an entity locatable in the global circulation of capita

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5

Cooper, Julie E. "In Pursuit of Political Imagination: Reflections on Diasporic Jewish History." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (2020): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0014.

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AbstractIn recent years, scholars of Jewish politics have invested political hopes in the revival of “political imagination.” If only we could recapture some of the imaginativeness that early Zionists displayed when wrestling with questions of regime design, it is argued, we might be able to advance more compelling “solutions” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet how does one cultivate political imagination? Curiously, scholars who rehearse the catalogue of regimes that Jews have historically entertained seldom pose this question. In this Article, I revisit a historical episode—the appropr

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6

Mashiach, Amir. "Changes in the Understanding of Work in Religious Zionist Thought: Rabbi T.I. Thau as a Case Study." Religions 9, no. 10 (2018): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100284.

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In Jewish religious texts, Torah study is placed at the top of the hierarchy of values. This suggests that work as such is of no religious significance; work is rather a prerequisite for the real essentials of life. The Mizrachi religious Zionist movement, founded in 1902 by R. Yitzhak Yaakov Reines (1839–1915), introduced a markedly different view. The movement upheld a concept of work as a religious value, not only an existential need. Later religious Zionist thinkers developed a dialectical notion of the mutual integration of the Torah and labor; this eventually became the motto of the Bnei

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7

Fuchs, Esther. "Labor Zionism in Cultural, Historical, and Political Perspective." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, no. 2 (1998): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400037214.

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Yaron Ezrahi, Robert Littell, Shimon Peres, and Myron J. Aronoff offer varying assessments of cultural, historical, and political aspects of Labor Zionism. They differ in purpose and tone. Aronoff’s scholarly analysis offers an anthropological approach to political processes and procedures in the Labor Party, brilliantly depicted as symbolic actions that often stifle rather than inspire a genuine and democratic debate. Broader in scope, Ezrahi’s cultural critique of Labor Zionist ideology focuses on its failure to recognize individualism as an integral part of a democratic framework. And Rober

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8

Mahalel, Adi. "The Tunnels and Chains in the Hebrew and Yiddish Works of Ayalti." Jewish Studies Quarterly 32, no. 2 (2025): 164–84. https://doi.org/10.1628/jsq-2025-0010.

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Bilingual writer Hanan Klenbort (1910–1992), known by his penname Ayalti, authored his first Yiddish novel »Bum« un keytn (»Boom« and Chains) in 1936. The novel sketched a blueprint for understanding the violence that erupted in Palestine just months after he finished writing. It framed the Labor Zionist settlements as anti-utopias, including in the sexual realm. Through examination of Ayaltis debut novels in Hebrew and Yiddish, this article shows the authors unusual linguistic transformation relative to his contemporaries. I will demonstrate how this linguistic shift was caused by the authors

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9

Getzoff, Joseph F. "Zionist Frontiers: David Ben-Gurion, Labor Zionism, and transnational circulations of settler development." Settler Colonial Studies 10, no. 1 (2019): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2019.1646849.

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10

Peretz, Don. "ZEEV STERNHELL, The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997). Pp. 432. $18.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (2001): 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801314071.

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The principal focus of Zeev Sternhell's screed is Labor Zionism, although like other Israeli so-called new historians, he touches on relations with the country's Arabs, tensions between the Ashkenazi elite and Sephardi under-class, the Yishuv and the Holocaust, and attitudes toward and perceptions of Diaspora Jewry. The author, whose professional field has been European history, mainly France and Italy, was motivated to undertake this study by “serious doubts” (p. ix) about the generally accepted ideas sanctioned by Israeli historiography and social science. Using his skills as a professional

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11

Mashiach, Amir. "Land, Work, and Redemption in the Religious-Zionist Philosophy of Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg)." Religions 14, no. 4 (2023): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040441.

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This article seeks to examine R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad’s outlook with regard to the Land of Israel, worldly labor, and redemption, as reflected in his teachings. R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg) (1893–1957) was born in Germany. He was one of religious Zionism’s main thinkers. He was a pediatrician, and since the establishment of Israel served as an Israeli diplomat in Scandinavia and Switzerland. R. Aviad thought that religious Zionism is the complete Judaism, that which combines Torah and labor, spirit, and matter—multi-dimensional. In addition, R. Aviad believed in natural redemption and hum

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12

Mashiach, Amir. "The Theological Sources of the Torah and Labor (Torah U’melakha) Yeshivas." Religions 14, no. 1 (2023): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010099.

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In this article, I seek to reveal the theological sources of the Israeli high school yeshivas designated “Torah U’melakha” (Torah and labor). High school yeshivas are schools for 9th–12th grade boys that offer religious studies in the first half of the day and secular studies, i.e., science and languages, in the second half. These schools serve mainly religious Zionist and modern orthodox society. Torah U’melakha yeshivas are high school yeshivas that are unique for combining vocational studies in the curriculum, such that graduates acquire a trade and can serve in the army and join the labor

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13

Glazer, Steven A. "Language of Propaganda: The Histadrut, Hebrew Labor, and the Palestinian Worker." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 2 (2007): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.25.

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This article examines the terminology used in the Hebrew Labor picketing campaign of the 1920s and 1930s. It considers the framework within which the Histadrut conceived its efforts——using metaphors of war, religion, morality, and medicine and illness——and surveys the terms used to describe the Palestinian worker. Finally, the language of Hebrew Labor opponents——grove owners and parties to the left of the mainstream Labor Zionists——is examined in the context of rebuttals to Histadrut claims and charges.

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14

Letwin, Michael, Suzanne Adely, and Jaime Veve. "Labor for Palestine: Challenging US Labor Zionism." American Quarterly 67, no. 4 (2015): 1047–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2015.0069.

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15

Lockman, Zachary. "Labor Zionism and Its Heirs." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (1987): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537099.

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16

Chazan, Meir. "Culture in the Histadrut, 1930-1945." Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 34 (December 1, 2020): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a103.

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The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this p

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17

Mousavi, Hamed. "LABOR ZIONIST IDEOLOGY AND THE FOUNDATION OF ISRAELI FOREIGN POLICY." Asian Affairs 50, no. 3 (2019): 384–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1638151.

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18

Flikke, Rune. "Writing ‘naturecultures’ in Zulu Zionist healing." Nordic Journal of Science and Technology Studies 2, no. 1 (2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/njsts.v2i1.2131.

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<div>In this article my primary aim is to argue for an ontological and phenomenological approach to studying healing rituals within the African Independent Churches in South Africa. Through ethnographic evidence I will argue that the healing rituals are misrepresented in more traditional epistemologically tuned studies, and suggest that a better understanding is to be achieved through a focus on Latour’s ‘natures-cultures’ or Haraway’s ‘naturecultures’, thus showing how health and well-being are achieved through a creative process which continuously strive to break down any distinction o

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19

Hanieh, Adam. "From State-led Growth to Globalization: the Evolution of Israeli Capitalism." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 4 (2003): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.4.5.

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This article examines the development of the Israeli capitalist class and the role played by the state apparatus in that development. In contrast to analyses claiming that Israel was a "socialist-type" economy prior to the mid-1980s, it argues that the Labor Zionist movement fostered the emergence of an indigenous capitalist class by encouraging the growth of private capital through key conglomerates initially tied to the state. Following the 1985 Economic Stabilization Plan, these conglomerates were placed in private hands linked with large foreign capital. Israel's recent incorporation into

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20

Shamis, Asaf J. "Nation versus State: A Comparative Inquiry into A. D. Gordon’s and Hannah Arendt’s Social and Political Thought and Their Views of the Jewish State." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 3 (2023): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918855.

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Abstract: The paper offers a first comparison and critical review of the social and political theories of German-Jewish political thinker Hannah Arendt and Russian-born Zionist thinker Aaron David (A. D.) Gordon. Bringing these two thinkers into conversation sheds light on their distinctive human ontologies and competing theories of labor that led them, in turn, to critically assess modern politics. Subsequently, the analysis identifies the two thinkers’ opposing conceptual trajectories as underpinning their competing perspectives on the Jewish state. Whereas Arendt’s commitment to upholding n

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21

Kaisar, Ilan. "Mobilizing American Jewish liberals to support labor Zionism." Journal of Israeli History 15, no. 3 (1994): 231–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531049408576042.

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22

Kemp, Adriana, and Rebeca Raijman. "Christian Zionists in the Holy Land: Evangelical Churches, Labor Migrants, and the Jewish State." Identities 10, no. 3 (2003): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890390228883.

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23

Mashiach, Amir. "“The Complete Matter and Not Half the Matter”: Torah and Work in the Teachings of R. Moshe Avigdor Amiel." Religions 16, no. 4 (2025): 498. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040498.

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This article examines Rabbi Moshe Avigdor Amiel’s concept of “Torah and Work” (Torah va’avoda) as a central tenet of Religious Zionism. Rabbi Amiel, a prominent ideologue of the Mizrahi movement who served as Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv (1936–1945), viewed the integration of spirituality and materiality as representing complete Judaism. Using Hegelian dialectics, Amiel explained his approach: the thesis (spirit) and antithesis (matter) unite to form a synthesis (complete Judaism). He argued that exile transformed Jewish identity from a multidimensional biblical identity to a one-dimensional rabbin

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24

Matan Boord. "Creating the Labor-Zionist Family: Masculinity, Sexuality, and Marriage in Mandate Palestine." Jewish Social Studies 22, no. 3 (2017): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.22.3.02.

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25

Kaminer, Matan. "The Agricultural Settlement of the Arabah and the Political Ecology of Zionism." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (2021): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821001021.

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AbstractAgricultural settlement geared to capitalist commodity production and accompanied by massive ecological interventions has historically been central to the Zionist colonial project of creating a permanent Jewish presence in the “Land of Israel.” The hyperarid southern region known as the Central Arabah is an instructive edge-case: in the 1960s, after the expulsion of the bedouin population, cooperative settlements were established here and vegetables produced through “Hebrew self-labor,” with generous assistance from the state. In the 1990s the region was again transformed as the import

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26

De Vries, David. "Productive Clerks: White-Collar Productivism and State-Building in Palestine's Jewish Community, 1920–1950." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (1997): 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114889.

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SummaryJewish clerks during the Zionist state-building period were intensively engaged in the social construction of productivity, and in turning the latter into a mechanism of social restraint. The clerks' productivism and concern with social utility was manifested in the reproduction of accepted Zionist physiocratic and constructivist notions of productivity, as a strategy in the politics of status; in the modernist transformation of the understanding of productivity to suit their own occupational terminology; in the prescription of the necessary qualities of the productive clerk; and in rea

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27

Pötzl, Viktoria. ""Across borders stretches the worker's hand. And class at last destroys the fatherland": Klara Blum/Zhu Bailan's Search for Equality." Feminist German Studies 40, no. 2 (2024): 58–82. https://doi.org/10.1353/fgs.2024.a954604.

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Abstract: Klara Blum (1904–71) is one of numerous marginalized Jewish authors whose life and writing have significantly expanded our understanding of labor activism and women's rights. In order to gain insight into Blum's personal journey, this article draws upon a variety of sources, including newspaper articles, novellas, and poetry. It traces her experiences from her hometown of Czernowitz through Vienna, Moscow, and China and considers how her understanding of labor activism within the context of Zionism, socialism, communism, and feminism evolved. I argue that Blum did not simply replace

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28

Shlaim, Avi. "The Iron Wall Revisited." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 2 (2012): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.80.

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More than a decade after the publication of his acclaimed The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World, Avi Shlaim returns to Ze'ev Jabotinsky's theory as a framework for understanding Israel's Arab policies, this time focusing on the post-1967 period. The author revisits the theory's formulation by the leader of Revisionist Zionism in 1923 and its near total convergence with the (unacknowledged) strategy followed by Labor Zionism. Examining each Israeli government since 1967, he shows that all zealously followed stage one of Jabotinsky's strategy (constructing an “iron wall” of unassailable milit

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29

Mashiach, Amir. "Ontological Theology in Religious Zionism—Rabbi Y.M. Harlap as a Case Study." Religions 11, no. 7 (2020): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070352.

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The present study sets out to shed light on R. Yaakov Moshe Harlap (1882–1951), Kabbalist, head of the Merkaz Ha-Rav yeshivah, in his understanding of ontological theology—material labor, meaning the basic life pattern, in which one gets up daily in the morning and goes to “work.” Did R. Harlap see labor as no more than a need and an obligation incumbent upon man to provide for his family? Or did he, perhaps, see labor as a religious value, an outgrowth of the theology he upheld? The conclusion is that work in the teaching of R. Harlap is not only needed to earn a living, but part of the multi

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30

Khalaf, Issa. "The Effect of Socioeconomic Change on Arab Societal Collapse in Mandate Palestine." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 1 (1997): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064175.

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Between December 1947 and the first four months of 1948, the fabric of a centuries-old Palestinian Arab society unraveled with astounding rapidity, producing 750,000 refugees. The collapse occurred within the context of widespread socioeconomic disruption and dislocation among peasants and migrant and urban workers. The eroding socioeconomic foundation severely weakened this lower stratum's defense against Zionist settlement, colonial state policies, and military pressures. Beginning in late Ottoman times and throughout the British Mandate period (1918–48), the agrarian social economy had been

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31

Rubin, Adam. "Converging Alternatives: The Bund and the Zionist Labor Movement, 1897–1985 (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 27, no. 1 (2008): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.0.0290.

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32

Shelef, Nadav. "Testing the Logic of Unilateral Withdrawal: Lessons from the History of the Labor Zionist Movement." Middle East Journal 61, no. 3 (2007): 460–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.3.14.

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The combination of pessimism regarding the possibility of a negotiated settlement and a recognition that maintaining the status quo in the Occupied Territories is impossible has led leading Israeli policymakers to advocate a policy of unilateral withdrawal. This policy is at least partially based on the assumption that nationalist movements inevitably adapt to externally imposed realities. However, as this article demonstrates, even the famously pragmatic Labor Zionist movement did not shift its vision of the appropriate borders of their state in response to externally imposed territorial limi

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33

Harris, Gregory. "The Ethno-Religious/Class Solidarity Dialectic: A Case Study on Labor Zionism." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 6, no. 8 (2008): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v06i08/42507.

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34

Taub, Liat. "The Struggle of Women Workers in the Paving and Construction Industries, 1920-1940: Belonging, Differentiation, and Power-Building." Iyunim Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 41 (December 10, 2024): 36–61. https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-41a172.

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In the 1920s and 1930s, women in the urban Yishuv fought for their inclusion in the paving and construction industries. This was one of the most prominent struggles of women, which pitted them against market forces, conservative attitudes, and the efforts to preserve male dominance that had pushed women to the margins. Their goal was to integrate within the centers of economic activity and social mobility. The successes and failures of this struggle, presented here for the first time, are a significant part of the history of the gender struggle narrative, the paving and construction industries

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35

Siegman, Jeremy A. "“Super-Israel”: The Politics of Palestinian Labor in a Settler Supermarket." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 4 (2018): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.9.

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A careful examination of Palestinian service work in Israeli settlements and of everyday settler-Palestinian contact demonstrates how these encounters play a key role in normalizing the presence and dominance of settlers in the occupied West Bank. Based on ethnographic fieldwork at a settlement supermarket, this article shows that Palestinians are called upon to perform customer service in a setting where they are not only subjugated but are also coerced to help create the ultranationalist climate of their occupiers' holidays. In addition to being compelled to normalize Israeli dominance, Pale

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Lockman, Zachary. "Land, Labor and the Logic of Zionism: A Critical Engagement with Gershon Shafir." Settler Colonial Studies 2, no. 1 (2012): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2012.10648824.

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37

Cohen, Mitchell. "Labor Zionism, the State, and Beyond: An Interpretation of Changing Realities and Changing Histories." Israel Studies Review 30, no. 2 (2015): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2015.300202.

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38

Armstrong, Karen. "The Holiness of Jerusalem: Asset or Burden?" Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 3 (1998): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537831.

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Since the 1967 war, Jerusalem and the Jewish holy places have acquired a new centrality even in the traditionally secular Labor Zionist vision. After noting a parallel shift toward religiosity among the early Christians following the excavation of the Holy Sepulchre, the author discusses the connection between sacred relics and identity as well as the impulse to demolish rival artifacts and claims. Drawing numerous examples from history and scripture to illustrate her points, the author traces the city's changing importance to the three faiths over the centuries, correlating the intensity of f

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39

Mahalel, Adi. "Yiddish, Scholarship, and Neoconservatism." AJS Review 44, no. 1 (2020): 119–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000916.

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After World War II, interest in Yiddish literature, and in Yiddish culture more broadly, began to develop beyond immigrant and Yiddishist spheres in America. Encompassing both popular and academic works, and some in between, this interest was driven by various impulses, some political, from the Left, including from communists, fellow travelers, the labor Left, and others, and some only indirectly political. And there emerged, unexpectedly, a conservative strain of interest. This article will examine the conservative approach to Yiddish studies and some of the ways it manifested itself in schol

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40

Mogannam, Jennifer. "Feminist Intifada." Radical History Review 2024, no. 148 (2024): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846907.

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Abstract Highlighting twenty-first-century Palestinian feminist formations, this essay chronicles a trajectory of over a century of women’s organizing that led to the contemporary moment. The essay argues that women and feminist praxis have been exemplified in each moment of Palestinian intifada, though national anticolonial liberation politics did not always accommodate feminist language or ideas. Palestinian women have played an instrumental role in each phase of contestation and community organizing against colonial, military, and state formations. Whether creating a women’s front, making s

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41

Ben-Ephraim, Shaiel. "From strategic narrative to strategic culture: Labor Zionism and the roots of Israeli strategic culture." Comparative Strategy 39, no. 2 (2020): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2020.1718988.

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42

Katz, Yossi, and Shoshana Neuman. "Women's Quest For Occupational Equality: The Case Of Jewish Female Agricultural Workers in Pre-State Israel." Rural History 7, no. 1 (1996): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000959.

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There is a common belief that Israeli women have achieved gender equality over and above that attained in America and European countries. Evidence cited to support this is the fact that women routinely serve in the Israeli army and the country elected a woman, Golda Meir, as prime minister. Equality between men and women is claimed to date back to the days at the beginning of the century when both sexes worked shoulder to shoulder in road construction and land reclamation (Bernstein, 1992: 2). The years 1904–14 and 1919–23, known in Zionist history as the Second and Third Aliyah (waves of immi

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43

Roth, Brad R. "Implementing “Two Peoples, One Future”: Conceptualizing Mutual Self-Determination in Israel-Palestine." europa ethnica 80, no. 1-2 (2023): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2023-12-79.

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The prevalent conception of the Israel-Palestinian “peace process” has long outlived any expectation for its success, and has provided cover for Israel’s de facto capacity to dictate terms. That framework fetishizes the two-state solution, mistaking the means (partition) for the end (mutual self-determination), while conceptually fragmenting the Palestinian political community so as to deprive it of its equal standing. Practical, moral, and legal considerations require nothing less than a re-imagining of the project of Jewish self-determination in Israel/ Palestine to accommodate the realizati

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Sela, Ronen. "The HaZor'im Organization: Religious Pioneers in the Lower Galilee between 1937–1947." Moreshet Israel 19, no. 1 (2021): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/mi/19-1/6.

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The HaZor’im settlement in the Lower Galilee, associated with the HaPo’el HaMizraḥi movement, was founded by religious pioneers from Europe. This article demonstrates that members of the HaZor’im organization were unable to fully realize their dream of combining the study of Torah with working the soil in the Land of Israel – “Torah and Labor” – that they had envisioned when they were on the training farm in Europe. Much has been written about the pioneering settlements of the secular labor movement, but there has been relatively little research about the pioneering religious settlements. This

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Abramitzky, Ran. "Lessons from the Kibbutz on the Equality–Incentives Trade-off." Journal of Economic Perspectives 25, no. 1 (2011): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.25.1.185.

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The first kibbutzwas established southwest of the Sea of Galilee in 1910, but the vast majority of kibbutzim were established in the 1930s and 1940s, shortly before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. Founders aimed to create a “new human being” who cared about the group more than about himself, a homo sociologicus who would challenge the selfish homo economicus. This idealistic view can explain many of the key features of kibbutzim: equal sharing in the distribution of income; no private property; a noncash economy; communal dining halls where members ate their meals together; high p

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Hellinger, Moshe. "The Tension Between Universal and Particular Orientations within Religious Zionism and its Consequences: The “Torah and Labor” Movement as a Test Case." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 11, no. 1 (2008): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007008784870530.

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Frantzman, Seth J. "“They Will Take the Country from Us”: Labor Zionism, the Origins and Legacy of the “Other” in Israeli Mass Media, and Hegemonic Narratives." Digest of Middle East Studies 23, no. 1 (2014): 156–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12042.

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Lockman, Zachary. "Labor Zionism and Its Heirs: Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Arabs: From Peace to War. . Shabtai Teveth. ; Sharon: An Israeli Caesar. . Uzi Benziman." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (1987): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1987.16.2.00p0052r.

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Fuks-Mansfeld, Rena. "GORNY, YOSEF. Converging Alternatives. The Bund and the Zionist Labor Movement, 1897–1985. [SUNY series in Israeli Studies.] State University of New York Press, Albany 2006. xiii, 309 pp. $27.95." International Review of Social History 52, no. 02 (2007): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007032968.

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Peled, Yoav. "FROM SAFE HAVEN TO MESSIANIC REDEMPTION: THE ASCENDANCE OF RELIGIOUS-ZIONISM." Politics and Religion Journal, June 25, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1601127p.

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On June 13, 2021, Naftali Bennet was sworn in as Israel’s first ever Religious-Zionist Prime Minister. Although Bennet’s political party, Yamina (Rightward), currently has only seven seats in the Knesset (out of 120), and he heads a shaky coalition government, his election as Prime Minister symbolizes the progress made by Religious-Zionism towards achieving a hegemonic position in Israeli society. Historically, Religious-Zionism had been a junior partner in the historic bloc which sustained the hegemony of the Labor Zionist movement over the Zionist settlement project. However, the Arab-Israel

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