Literatura académica sobre el tema "Leonard Shortall"

What does music mean, if anything? The question is one of the hardy perennials of musical aesthetics, and there is no shortage of answers to it. Indeed, there is a plethora of seemingly unrelated answers. We can talk about music's internal structure, about its symmetries and directional motions, about patterns of implication and their realisation or lack of realisation; moving from ‘the music itself’ to listeners' reponses, approaches like this offer a psychological approach to meaning (and the work of Leonard Meyer and Eugene Narmour provide the best known examples). Or we can approach the music from the opposite direction, talking about the context of its creation, the context of its performance, and the context of its reception; here the assumption is that music acquires meaning through its mediation of society. Or again, we can oscillate between these two viewpoints, on the assumption that meaning arises from the mutual mediation of music and society. That is the central assumption of musical hermeneutics, whether we are applying this term to the work of Hermann Kretzschmar in the 1880s or that of Lawrence Kramer in the 1980s.

Kant’s natural philosophy in the Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science is heavily influenced by Newton’s Principia. However, a closer look makes it clear that Kant’s project has also been influenced by other thinkers. One of these thinkers is Leonard Euler. His work was of great influence for Kant, not only with regards to his view on space and inertia but on the relation between metaphysics and natural science in general. Even though Euler’s Physics built on Newton’s work, he differs from him in fundamental regards, leading to crucial developments inside classical mechanics. Here I will discuss the influence of Euler on the work of Kant and focus on Euler’s view on the two entangled problems of inertia and space. It will become clear that both Euler and Kant went through a development concerning these fundamental notions. After shortly highlighting the differences between Kant and Newton (1), I shall go through the development of important parts of Euler’s natural philosophy concerning the above mentioned themes. I intend to demonstrate that he, through his refutation of Wolffianism, became an advocate for the necessity of absolute space but also denied the existence of an internal force of inertia (2). After that I will show how Kant’s reading of Euler lead to crucial changes of his natural philosophy in particular and his philosophical enterprise in general. I therefore analyze Kant’s revision of his theory of space and inertia in his precritical writings. Building upon that, I will show the influence of these thoughts on his Metaphysical Foundations (3).

In a letter “To the Editorof the Times,” a G. S. Hatton of Brompton writes furiously in May 1850:[This afternoon] three ladies, a member of my family with two friends, visited the Society of Arts in John-street, Adelphi, having ridden all the way from their own doors in a private carriage. Shortly after they had entered the society's rooms, they noticed a tall man of a shabby genteel appearance, with an umbrella in his hand, who was studiously watching their movements, and every now and then placed himself in their way and pushed past them, much to their annoyance. As they were on the point of leaving, he came close to them, and they distinctly felt his umbrella rubbed against them. On regaining their carriage, two of them found the skirts of their dresses bespattered with a most filthy and disgusting semi-fluid, as if propelled from a syringe, emitting a most noisome and sickening odour, and at the same time effectually staining and damaging the material. The ladies have not the slightest shadow of a doubt but that the umbrella carried by this man was the vehicle of the abominable filth. (6)Immediately, certain interpretive possibilities present themselves. I am sure most of my readers are struck by the possibility of bawdy jokes about an ejaculating umbrella; twenty-first-century eyes will struggle to unsee the “disgusting semi-fluid,” “propelled [as if] from a syringe” out of the tip of the leering gent's loathsome umbrella. Is Mr Hatton using the umbrella as a euphemism? If so, is that not a rather odd way of masking a sexual assault in a national newspaper? Or is this a literal account of an unpleasant occurrence? If this is truly what happened, how can we determine whether the outraged Mr Hatton was aware of the sexual connotations that present themselves so easily to us? Our modern inexorable sexual reading of the sticky umbrella stems from two circumstances: the very real sexual menace posed by a stranger who rubs himself against women's skirts in a public place (nothing funny about that), and more than a hundred years of being conditioned to notice, and snigger at, elongated objects. Since the popularisation of Sigmund Freud's theories of dream interpretation, the umbrella has been repeatedly interpreted as an unconscious substitution for the male genitals. Freud specifically mentioned umbrellas in his 1916–17 publication ofA General Introduction to Psychoanalysis, along with trees, poles, firearms, pencils, nail files, etc. (Freud 154–55). It was perhaps this which led Katherine Mansfield to quip in 1917 of E. M. Forster's 1910 novelHoward's Endthat: “I can never be perfectly certain whether Helen was got with child by Leonard Bast or by his fatal forgotten umbrella. All things considered, I think it must have been the umbrella” (121). Mansfield's joke is on the umbrella as a phallic substitution. She equates Leonard's insecure grasp on middle-class respectability with a lack of sexual virility, while also casting aspersions on the probability of E. M. Forster's plot. But that is only half the joke. The other half of the joke is much older, that of the “fatal forgotten umbrella.” This refers back to a long tradition, as I shall show, of the unassuming umbrella as a catalyst, a plot engine with a will of its own which pitches its owner into social embarrassment, romantic entanglements or worse.

BackgroundThe formation of antidrug-antibodies (ADA) may reduce treatment efficacy or provoke discontinuation due to adverse reactions. Subsequent alterations in the drugs’ pharmacodynamics, pharmacokinetics, safety, and efficacy are often unpredictable and can impede clinical discourse. Recent studies gave us some insights regarding the role of ADA formation against the monoclonal IL-12/-23 antibody ustekinumab (UST) and the impact of concomitant MTX treatment on immunogenicity in psoriatic arthritis (PsA) patients [1,2]. Valid measurement of ADA, particularly of neutralizing ADA (nADA) is essential to understand UST-associated immunogenicity and may help to predict clinical outcomes.ObjectivesTo examine the impact of concomitant MTX on UST-immunogenicity in patients with active psoriatic arthritis (PsA).MethodsPlasma samples were collected from a randomized controlled trial in patients with active PsA, treated with open UST and placebo-controlled methotrexate over a 52 weeks. We compared samples of 112 patients treated with either UST and MTX (n=58) or UST and placebo (n=54). Plasma samples were obtained shortly before UST injection at weeks 0, 4, 16, 40, and 52.Immunogenicity testing was performed as described by our group elsewhere [3], in a multitiered manner with ELISA and surface plasmon resonance analysis for the detection and quantification of ADA and UST, respectively. Neutralizing capacity was characterized in a cell-based assay. For statistical analysis, a two-way ANOVA with Sidak correction for multiple comparisons was used.ResultsOver the 52 weeks treatment period, 10 (18 %) of patients in the placebo cohort developed UST-specific ADA with one patient having non-neutralizing ADA, whereas 15 (27 %) subjects in the MTX cohort generated UST-specific ADA with 2 patients having non-neutralizing ADA. The ADA rates and concentrations at the different time points (Figure 1A, B) did not differ significantly between MTX and non-MTX users (p< 0.05). Furthermore, the presence of UST-specific ADA was not associated with decreased UST levels (Figure 1C).Figure 1.(A) ADA prevalence (%), (B) mean concentration (µg/ml) of confirmed ADA with 95%confidence interval and (C) mean UST concentration (µg/ml) with 95%confidence intervall in the MTX cohort (UST/MTX; n=58) and placebo cohort (UST/pbo; n=54) overall and with confirmed ADA (ADA+), respectively, at week (w) 0, 4, 16, 40, and 52.ConclusionThe presented data yielded no statistically significant difference in ADA detection between the two analyzed groups. Our findings suggest that concomitant MTX had no impact on UST immunogenicity in PsA patients.References[1]McInnes, I. B. et al. Efficacy and safety of ustekinumab in patients with active psoriatic arthritis: 1 year results of the phase 3, multicentre, double-blind, placebo-controlled PSUMMIT 1 trial. Lancet. 2013;382(9894):780-9.[2]Leonardi, C.L. et al. Efficacy and safety of ustekinumab, a human interleukin-12/23 monoclonal antibody, in patients with psoriasis: 76-week results from a randomised, double-blind, placebo-controlled trial (PHOENIX 1). Lancet, 371 (2008), pp. 1665-1674.[3]Mojtahed Poor, S. et al. Immunogenicity assay development and validation for biological therapy as exemplified by ustekinumab. Clin Exp Immunol. 2019;196(2):259-275.AcknowledgementsSorwe Mojtahed Poor received research support from the German Society of Rheumatology (DGRh e.V.)Disclosure of InterestsSorwe Mojtahed Poor: None declared, Marina Henke: None declared, Thomas Ulshoefer: None declared, Frank Behrens Grant/research support from: Janssen, Michaela Köhm Grant/research support from: Janssen, Harald Burkhardt: None declared, Susanne Schiffmann: None declared

<p><em>In this issue of AMOR, we introduce Dr. Asma Amleh, our Editorial Board Member and discuss her role in improving our understanding of cancer.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p>According to Dr. Asma Amleh, her curiosity of science began when she was a child.<strong> </strong>“My fascination with science, and particularly applying the scientific method in research, started at a very young age while learning about the contributions of a famous Persian polymath and an important figure in the history of medicine, Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi, to the medical field through his observations and discoveries. I was also inspired by the laboratory techniques and experimental methods described by Jabir ibn Hayyan, a prominent Islamic alchemist and physicist,” she says.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p>For Dr. Amleh, developmental biology is a field that specifically fascinates her like no other. “Cancer itself, being development ‘gone wrong’, is equally as captivating as developmental biology itself,” says Dr. Amleh in an exclusive interview with AMOR. The Associate Professor of Biology at The American University of Cairo (AUC), Egypt, who now has a long-standing experience in the field of developmental biology, credits her supportive parents for her achievements in medical research. “I was constantly inspired by my father as a living example of how to seek knowledge and achieve my goals. My mother’s unconditional support and encouragement paved the path in my journey,” she says.</p><p> </p><p>Motivated by her interest in science and research, Dr. Amleh began her journey in this challenging field by enrolling to study BSc in Biology and Chemistry at The American University of Beirut (AUB), Lebanon, which is ranked first among the universities in Lebanon and is among the top 250 universities in the world by the QS World University Rankings. She then pursued her PhD in Biology at McGill University, Montreal, Canada, where she came under the tutelage of a renowned McGill University researcher and a celebrated developmental biologist, Dr. Paul Lasko. “I learned how to think and design experimental approaches through the Developmental Biology classes offered by Dr. Lasko,” says Dr. Amleh appreciatively of her professor, the recipient of 2014 <em>Prix du Québec</em>,<em> </em>which is the most prestigious award attributed by the Government of Quebec in all fields of culture and science.</p><img align="middle" src="/public/site/images/admin/Untitled.png" alt="" align="middle" /><p><em>Views of a Fetus in the Womb</em>, Leonardo da Vinci, ca. 1510 - 1512. The subject of prenatal development is a major subset of developmental biology.</p><p> </p><p>Upon completing her doctoral degree, Dr. Amleh went on to further her career at various institutions. She became a research fellow at the Laboratory of Cellular and Developmental Biology at the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK) in Bethesda, Maryland, as well as a research associate at the National Institutes of Health, also in Bethesda. Additional experience in the field also boosted her expertise when she worked as an instructor at the Department of Molecular Medicine, Institute of Biotechnology, at the University of Texas Health Science Center in Houston, and a senior research scientist at the Developmental Biology Program, Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in NY.</p><p> </p><p>Reflecting upon her experiences throughout her doctoral and postdoctoral research, Dr. Amleh says, “I have addressed fundamental questions related to mammalian embryonic development through a variety of projects including molecular genetics and cell culture systems.” She adds, “My ongoing and future research work plans will continue to pursue questions related to the molecular/cellular/developmental and differentiation processes.” Dr. Amleh’s research interests are focused on understand- ing the genetic control of normal and abnormal development in the mammalian system including the incidence of cancer. When discussing about the current trends in cancer research, she opined that developing rational personal/targeted therapy is very promising to develop new approaches that deal with the devastating disorder in a more effective way. “It has been suggested that personalized medicine is the right way to conquer cancer. With the fact that environmental factors play a significant role in cancer development and we are moving towards producing medication tailored to the individual patient based on the predicted response, complementary treatment becomes essential,” says Dr. Amleh.</p><p> </p><p>She further adds, “Complementary/alternative treatment such as following a special diet or using acupuncture may help in reducing the side effects of cancer treatment among other forms of treatment.” Dr. Amleh is currently focusing on exploring a novel non-conventional approach to reduce platinum-based drug resistance, which aims to improve the survival of cancer patients. “In my effort to tackle the shortfall of cancer chemotherapy treatment modality, I am also involved in a collaborative study with the metagenomic research team at AUC” says Dr. Amleh. “The collaborative project is aimed at identifying candidate sequences with potential anticancer activity by screening</p><p> </p><p>a metagenomic dataset, established at AUC and derived from the microbial community in several brine pools of the central Red Sea,” she adds.“Another area of study I’m working on is a collaborative effort with Canada’s Ryerson University, which is focused on characterizing the bioactivity of newly synthesized biomaterial intended for developing implants. This research puts my group at the interface with chemistry, physics, materials science, and medical science,” says the scientist.</p><p> </p><p>As a researcher with almost 20 years of experience in medical research, Dr. Amleh urged researchers to continually aim just beyond their current range. “I would recommend that researchers spend more time in exploring unconventional complementary or alternative approached in cancer treatments. There are no downsides to working in the research field. I just wish that the developing countries would allocate more money for research,” she concludes.</p><p> </p><p>Dr. Asma Amleh publishes her work entitled “The potential involvement of the cofactor of BRCA1 in hepatocellular carcinoma pathogenesis” in this issue of AMOR (page 224–235). </p>

Abstract Objectives This study explored chronic disease self-management over the monthly benefit cycle among primary food shoppers from households receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Methods In-depth interviews, participant observation and surveys were conducted with the primary food shopper of SNAP households (n = 18). Interviews and surveys were conducted in a clinical setting, at participants’ homes, and in food procurement settings including grocery stores, food pantries and soup kitchens. Results All households had at least one member with a chronic disease or condition; 5 with a diet-related chronic condition, 5 managing the chronic condition of a family member, and 13 with overweight or obesity. Households reported that the dietary demands of managing chronic illnesses were expensive and mentally taxing. Food and financial shortfalls at the end of the benefit cycle, as well as reliance on charitable food assistance programs, often had negative impacts on chronic disease self-management. Conclusions Drawing from nearly 50 hours of in-depth qualitative interviews with SNAP participants, this study highlights the dual cognitive burden of poverty and chronic disease and elucidates the particular challenges of food procurement and maintenance of diet quality throughout the benefit month faced by SNAP households with diet-related chronic diseases. Interventions targeted at reducing the cost of medically appropriate, healthy foods may help to improve chronic disease self-management within SNAP populations. Funding Sources This work was supported by the University of Pennsylvania Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics, the University of Pennsylvania Graduate and Professional Student Assembly Provost Award for Interdisciplinary Innovation, the NIH NIDDK Pediatric Endocrine Fellowship Training in Diabetes Research, and the Investment for the Future Initiative in Community Practices, University of Pennsylvania School of Nursing. The sources of financial support had no role in the design, analysis, or writing of this abstract.

In an article in the Sunday Tasmanian shortly after the deaths of Melbourne teenagers Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier in 2007, Tasmanian Catholic Schools Parents and Friends Federation president Bill Button claimed: “Parents are concerned because all of a sudden their child, if they have access to a computer, can turn into an Emo” (qtd. in Vowles 1).For a few months in 2007, the dangers of emo and computer use were significant themes in Australian newspaper coverage. Emo, an abbreviation of the terms “emocore” or “emotional hardcore”, is a melodic subgenre of punk rock music, characterised by “emotional” or personal themes. Its followers, who adopt a look that includes black stovepipe jeans, dyed black hair and side-parted long fringes, might merely have been one of the many “tribes” (Bennett 605) that characterise contemporary youth culture. However, over an approximately five-month period in 2007, the deaths of three teenagers in two separate incidents—the murder Carly Ryan in February and the suicides of Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier in April—were linked to the emo subculture and to the social networking site MySpace, both of which were presented as dangerous and worrying developments in contemporary youth culture.This paper explores the media discourse surrounding emo and social networking technologies via a textual analysis of key reports and commentary pieces published in major metropolitan and national newspapers around the times of the three deaths. Although only a small selection of the 140-odd articles published Australia-wide is discussed here, those selected are indicative of broader trends in the newspaper coverage, and offer a means of examining how these incidents were constructed and understood within mainstream media discourse.Moral panics in relation to youth music and subculture are not uncommon in the news and other media (Cohen; Goode and Ben-Yehuda; Redhead; Rose 124-145; Weinstein 245-263; Wright). Moral panics related to social networking technologies have also been subject to academic study (Hinduja and Patchin 126; Livingstone 395; Marwick). In these cases, moral panic is typically understood as a force of normalisation and social control. The media discourses surrounding the deaths of the three young women possessed many of the features of moral panic described in this literature, including a build-up of concern disproportionate to “real” risk of harm (see Goode and Ben-Yehuda 33-41). But while emo youth were sometimes constructed as a straightforward “folk devil” (Cohen 11) or “enemy” (Goode and Ben-Yehuda 31) in need of clear sanctions—or, alternatively, as victims of a clear folk devil or enemy—the “problem” of emo was also framed as a product of much broader problems of youth culture.Connections between emo, MySpace, the deaths of the three young women were only ever tenuously established in the news reports and commentaries. That the stories appeared to be ultimately concerned with a broader group of (non-subculturally affiliated) young people suggests that this coverage can be seen as symptomatic of what John Hartley describes—in the context of reporting on young people more generally—as a “profound uncertainty in the textual system of journalism about where the line that defines the boundary of the social should be drawn” (17). The result is a “cultural thinking-out-loud” (Hartley 17) in which broader cultural anxieties are expressed and explored, although they are not always clearly articulated. While there were some attempts in these reports and commentaries on the three “emo deaths” to both mobilise and express specific fears (such as the concern that computer access can turn a child “into an Emo”), the newspaper coverage also expressed broader anxieties about contemporary youth culture. These can be described as anxieties about disclosure.In the cases of Carly Ryan, Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier, these were disclosures that were seen as simultaneously excessive and inadequate. Specifically, the newspaper coverage focused on both the dangers of young people’s disclosures of traditionally private material, and the ways in which the apparent secrecy of these disclosures made them inaccessible to adult authorities who could otherwise have “done something” to prevent the tragedies from occurring.Although some of these concerns were connected to the specificities of emo subcultural expression—the “excessive” emotionality on display and the impenetrability of subcultural imagery respectively—they were on the whole linked to a broader problem in contemporary youth culture that was seen to apply to all young people, whether or not they were emo-identified. Specifically, the deaths of Carly Ryan, Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier provided opportunities for the expression of anxieties that the private lives of young people were becoming increasingly “unknowable” to adult authorities, and, hence, that youth culture itself was increasingly “unknowable”.The Case of Carly RyanIn February 2007, the body of 15-year-old Carly Ryan was found in Horseshoe Bay at Port Elliot, just south of Adelaide. Several weeks later, a 48-year-old man and his 17-year-old son were arrested for her murder. The murder trial began January 2009, with the case still continuing at the time of writing. In the early reports of her death, particularly in Adelaide’s Advertiser, Ryan’s MySpace page was the focus of much discussion, since the teenager was understood to have presented an image of herself on the site that left her vulnerable to predators, including to one of her alleged killers with whom she had been regularly communicating in the weeks leading up to her murder (Littlely, Salter, and Wheatley 4; Hunt 2; Wheatley 4).The main report in The Advertiser, described Ryan’s MySpace page as “bizarre” and as “paint[ing] a disturbing picture of a world of drugs and sex” (Littlely, Salter and Wheatley 4). Ryan was reported as listing her interests as “drugs, smoking, music and sex”, to have described herself as “bisexual”, and to have uploaded images of a “girl injecting herself, a woman with a crucifix rammed down her throat and a woman with her lips stitched together” (Littlely, Salter, and Wheatley 4).Attempts were made to link such “graphic” imagery to the emo subculture (Littlely, Salter, and Wheatley 1; see also O’Donohue 5). The imagery was seen as subcultural insofar as it was seen to reflect a “bizarre teenage ‘goth’ and ‘emo’ world” (Littlely, Salter, and Wheatley 1), a world constructed both as dangerous (in the sense that her apparent involvement in subcultural activities was presented as “disturbing” and something that put her at risk of harm) and impenetrable (in the sense that subcultural imagery was understood not simply as harmful but also as “bizarre”). This linking of Ryan’s death to the emo and goth subcultures was done despite the fact that it was never clearly substantiated that the teenager did indeed classify herself as either “emo” or “goth”, and despite the fact that such links were contested by Ryan’s friends and family (see: “Gothic Images” 15; Riches 15).The repeated linking, then, of Ryan’s death to her (largely unconfirmed) subcultural involvement can be seen as one way of containing the anxieties surrounding her apparently “graphic” and “inappropriate” online disclosures. That is, if such disclosures can be seen as the expressions of a minority subcultural membership, rather than a tendency characteristic of young people more generally, then the risks they pose may be limited only to subcultural youth. Such a view is expressed in comments like Bill Button’s about computer use and emo culture, cited above. Research, however, suggests that with or without subcultural affiliation, some young users of MySpace use the site to demonstrate familiarity with adult-oriented behaviours by “posting sexually charged comments or pictures to corroborate their self-conception of maturity”—irrespective of whether these reflect actual behaviours offline (Hinduja and Patchin 136, 138). As such, this material is inevitably a construction rather than a straightforward reflection of identity (Liu).On the whole, Ryan’s death was presented as simultaneously the product of a dangerous subcultural affiliation, and an extreme case of the dangers posed by unsupervised Internet use to all young people, not just to those emo-identified. For example, the Sunday Mail article “Cyber Threat: The New Place Our Kids Love to Play” warned of the risks of disclosing too much personal information online, suggesting that all young people should restrict access to private information only to people that they know (Novak 12).Such reports reflect a more widespread concern, identified by Marwick, that social networking sites lower cultural expectations around privacy and encourage young people to expose more of their lives online, hence making them vulnerable to potential harm (see also De Souza and Dick; Hinduja and Patchin). In the case of Carly Ryan, the concern that too much (and inappropriate) online disclosure poses dangers for young people is also subtended by anxieties that the teenager and her friends also did not disclose enough information—or, at least, did not disclose in a way that could be made comprehensible and accessible to adult authorities.As a result, the so-called “graphic” material on Ryan’s MySpace page (and on the pages of her friends) was described as both inappropriately public and inappropriately hidden from public view. For example, a report in The Advertiser spoke of a “web of secret internet message boards” that “could potentially hold vital clues to investigating detectives” but which “have been blocked by their creators to everyone but [Ryan’s] tight-knit group of friends” (Littlely, Salter, and Wheatley 1). This “web of secret internet message boards” was, in fact, MySpace pages set to “private”: that is, pages accessible to approved friends only.The privacy settings on profiles are thus presented as an obfuscatory mechanism, a refusal on the part of young people to disclose information that might be of assistance to the murder case. Yet these young people were conforming to the very advice about online safety provided in many of the news reports (such as the article by Novak) and echoed in material released by the Australian Government (such as the Cybersmart Guide for Families): that is, in order to protect their privacy online, they should restrict access to their social networking profiles only to friends that they know.This contradictory message—that too much disclosure online poses safety risks, while conservative approaches to online privacy are evidence of secrecy and obfuscation—expresses a rather tangled set of anxieties about contemporary youth culture. This is part of the “cultural thinking-out-loud” that Hartley characterises as a feature of news reporting on youth more generally. The attempt to make sense of an (apparently motiveless) murder of a young woman with reference to a set of contemporary youth cultural practices that are described as both dangerous and incomprehensible not only constructs technology, subculture and young people as problems to be “fixed”, but also highlights the limited ways through which mainstream news coverage comes to “know” and understand youth culture.Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier: The “MySpace Suicide Girls” News reporting on Carly Ryan’s death presented youth culture as a disturbing and dangerous underworld hidden from adult view and essential “unknowable” by adult authorities. In contrast, the reports and commentaries on the deaths of Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier only a few months later sought to subsume events that may otherwise have been viewed as inexplicable into categories of the already-known. Gater and Gestier were presented not as victims of a disturbing and secret underground subculture, but a more fully knowable mainstream bullying culture. As a result, the dangers of disclosure were presented differently in this case.In April 2007, the bodies of 16-year-old friends Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier were found in bushland on the outskirts of Melbourne. The pair was understood to have hanged themselves as part of a suicide pact. Like the reporting on Carly Ryan’s death, anxieties were raised, particularly in the Melbourne papers, about “teenagers’ secret world” in which “introspective, lonely, misunderstood and depressed” young people sought solace in the communities of emo and MySpace (Dubecki 3).Also similar was that the dangers posed by emo formed part of the way this story was reported, particularly with respect to emo’s alleged connection to self-harming practices. The connections between the emo subculture and the girls’ suicides were often vague and non-specific: Gater and Gestier’s MySpace pages were described as “odes to subculture” (Dowsley 73) and their suicides “influenced by youth subcultures” (Dubecki and Oakes 1), but it was not clearly substantiated in the reports that either Gater or Gestier identified with the emo (or any) subculture (see: Dubecki 3).It was similarly the case that the stories connected the deaths of Gater and Gestier to personal disclosures on MySpace. In contrast to the reporting on Carly Ryan’s murder, however, there were fewer concerns about inappropriate and overly personal disclosures online, and more worries that the teenagers’ online disclosures had been missed by both the girls’ friends and by adult authorities. The apparent suicide warning messages left on the girls’ MySpace pages in the months leading up to the their deaths, including “it’s over for me, I can’t take it!” and “let Steph and me be free” (qtd. in Oakes 5), were seen as evidence of the inaccessibility of young people’s cries for help in an online environment. Headlines such as “Teen Cries for Help Lost in Cyberspace” (Nolan 4) suggest that the concern in this case was less about the “secrecy” of youth culture, and more about an inability of parents (and other adult authorities) to penetrate online youth culture in order to hear disclosures made.As a consequence, parents were encouraged to access these disclosures in other ways: Andrea Burns in an opinion column for the Sunday Herald Sun, for example, urged parents to open the lines of communication with their teenagers and not “leave the young to suffer in silence” (108). An article in the Sunday Age claimed developmental similarities between toddlers and teenagers necessitated increased parental involvement in the lives of teens (Susan Sawyer qtd. in Egan 12). Of course, as Livingstone notes, part of the pleasure of social networking sites for young people is the possibility of escape from the surveillance of parental authority (396). Young people’s status as a social category “to be watched” (Davis 251), then, becomes challenged by the obvious difficulties of regular parental access to teenagers’ online profiles. Perhaps acknowledging the inherent difficulties of fully “knowing” online youth culture, and in turn seeking to make the Gater/Gestier tragedy more explicable and comprehensible, many of the articles attempted to make sense of the apparently unknowable in terms of the familiar and already-known. In this case, the complexities of Gater and Gestier’s deaths were presented as a response to something far more comprehensible to adult authorities: school bullying.It is important to note that many of the articles did not follow government recommendations on the reporting of suicide as they often did not consider the teenagers’ deaths in the context of depression or other mental health risks (see: Blood et al. 9). Instead, some reports, such as the Neil McMahon’s story for The Sydney Morning Herald, claimed that the girls’ deaths could be linked to bullying—according to one friend Stephanie Gestier was “being bullied really badly” at school (1). Others simply assumed, but did not substantiate, a connection between the deaths of the two teenagers and the experience of bullying.For instance, in an opinion piece for The Australian, Gater and Gestier’s deaths are a segue for discussing teenage bullying more generally: “were Gater and Gestier bullied?” writer Jack Sargeant asks. “I do not know but I imagine they were” (10). Similarly, in an opinion piece for the Herald Sun entitled “Why Kids Today Feel so ‘Emo’”, Labor MP Lindsay Tanner begins by questioning the role of the emo subculture in the deaths of Gater and Gestier, but quickly shifts to a broader discussion of bullying. He writes: “Emos sound a lot like kids who typically get bullied and excluded by other kids [...] I’m not really in a position to know, but I can’t help wondering” (Tanner 21).Like Sargeant, Tanner does not make a conclusive link between emo, MySpace, suicide and bullying, and so instead shifts from a discussion of the specifics of the Gater/Gestier case to a discussion of the broader problems their suicides were seen to be symptomatic of. This was assisted by Tanner’s claims that emo is simply a characteristic of “kids today” rather than as a specific subcultural affiliation. Emo, he argued, “now seems to reflect quite a bit more than just particular music and fashion styles”: it is seen to represent a much wider problem in youth culture (Tanner 21).Emo thus functioned as a “way in” for critics who perhaps found it easier to (initially) talk about suicide as a risk for those on the cultural fringe, rather than the adolescent mainstream. As a result, the news coverage circled between the risks posed by subcultural involvement and the idea that any or all young people could be at risk of suicide. By conceiving explicit displays of emotionality online as the expression of bullied young people at risk of suicide, otherwise ambiguous disclosures and representations of emotion could be made knowable as young people’s cries for (parental and adult) help.ConclusionIn the newspaper reporting and commentary on the deaths of Carly Ryan, Jodie Gater and Stephanie Gestier, young people are thought to disclose both too much and not enough. The “cultural thinking-out-loud” (Hartley 17) that characterised this type of journalism presented young people’s disclosures as putting them at risk of harm by others, or as revealing that they are at risk of self harm or suicide. At the same time, however, these reports and commentaries also expressed anxieties that young people do not disclose in ways that can be rendered easily knowable, controllable or resolvable by adult authorities. Certainly, the newspaper coverage works to construct and legitimise ideals of parental surveillance of teenagers that speak to the broader discourses of Internet safety that have become prominent in recent years.What is perhaps more significant about this material, however, is that by constructing young people as a whole as “emotional people” (Vowles 1) in need of intervention, surveillance and supervision, and thereby subsuming the specific concerns about the emo subculture and social networking technologies into an expression of more generalised concerns about the “unknowability” of young people as a whole, the newspaper coverage is, in John Hartley’s words, “almost always about something else” (16). 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