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1
Espinosa, David. "“Restoring Christian Social Order”: The Mexican Catholic Youth Association (1913-1932)". Americas 59, n.º 4 (abril de 2003): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0037.
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[our goal] is nothing less that the coordination of the living forces of Mexican Catholic youth for the purpose of restoring Christian social order in Mexico …(A.C.J.M.’s “General Statutes”)The Mexican Catholic Youth Association emerged during the Mexican Revolution dedicated to the goal of creating lay activists with a Catholic vision for society. The history of this Jesuit organization provides insights into Church-State relations from the military phase of the Mexican Revolution to its consolidation in the 1920s and 1930s. The Church-State conflict is a basic issue in Mexico's political struggles of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, with the Church mobilizing forces wherever it could during these years dominated by anticlericalism. During the 1920s, the Mexican Catholic Youth Association (A.C.J.M.) was in the forefront of the Church's efforts to respond to the government's anticlerical policies. The A.C.J.M.’s subsequent estrangement from the top Church leadership also serves to highlight the complex relationship that existed between the Mexican bishops and the Catholic laity and the ideological divisions that existed within Mexico's Catholic community as a whole.
2
BUTLER, MATTHEW. "The Church in ‘Red Mexico’: Michoacán Catholics and the Mexican Revolution, 1920–1929". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, n.º 3 (julio de 2004): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904009960.
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This article recreates the everyday experiences of rural Catholics in Mexico during the Church–State crisis of the 1920s and the cristero revolt (1926–9) against Mexico's post-revolutionary regime. Focusing on the archdiocese of Michoacán in western Mexico, the article contends that the 1920s should be viewed not only as a period of political tension between Church and State, but as a period of attempted cultural revolution when the very beliefs of Mexican Catholics were under attack. It is then argued that the behaviour of many Catholics during the cristero revolt is best described not as overt counter-revolutionism, but as defensive cultural and spiritual resistance designed to thwart the state's secularising aims by reaffirming and reproducing proscribed Catholic rituals and practices in collaboration with the parish clergy. The article then examines Catholic strategies of resistance during the cristero revolt and their consequences, above all the parochialisation and laicisation of the Church.
3
Reyes, Sofía Crespo y Pamela J. Fuentes. "Bodies and Souls". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 36, n.º 1-2 (2020): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.243.
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This article examines debates about the bodies and souls of women prostitutes in Mexico City that confronted the revolutionary Mexican government with the Catholic Church in the 1920s. We analyze the philanthropic activities of women’s organizations such as the Damas Católicas through the Ejército de Defensa de la Mujer and the ways in which they engaged in political roles at a time of fierce political struggle between the Catholic Church and the Mexican government. For both the government and Catholic women, it was deemed necessary to isolate and seclude the prostitutes’ bodies to cure them of venereal diseases and rehabilite them morally. While the government interned them at Hospital Morelos, Catholic women established a private assistance network, as well as so-called casas de regeneración, where former prostitutes had to work to sustain themselves while repenting for their sins and receiving the sacraments. By exploring the tension-filled interaction about women prostitutes between the Mexican government and the Catholic Church, we seek to contribute to the understanding of sexuality and prostitution in Mexico City in the 1920s.
4
Stauffer, Brian. "The Routes of Intransigence:Mexico's ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage’ of 1874 and the Globalization of Ultramontane Catholicism". Americas 75, n.º 2 (abril de 2018): 291–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.181.
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In the fall of 1874, in the midst a particularly severe round of Church-state conflict, Mexico's archbishop, Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, introduced a novel weapon in the Catholic Church's struggle against liberal anticlericalism. He had sought and obtained a special dispensation from Pope Pius IX for all Mexicans to participate in a “spiritual pilgrimage,” a month-long exercise of mental travel, prayer, and contemplation that would figuratively transport the faithful out of Mexico's anticlerical milieu and into the purified air of Jerusalem, Rome, and other Old World holy sites, where they would pray for divine intercession on behalf of the embattled Church. The practice had been inaugurated a year earlier by lay Catholics in Bologna, as a response to the prohibition of mass pilgrimages in the flesh in the former Papal States. Labastida y Dávalos felt that spiritual pilgrimage could be especially effective in Mexico, where the anticlerical government of Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada had embarked on a radical program of secularization. In fact, the recently codified Laws of Reform had likewise prohibited acts of public religiosity in Mexico, attempting thus to suppress the myriad local processions and mass pilgrimages that helped to define Mexican Catholicism.
5
Kloppe-Santamaría, Gema. "The Lynching of the Impious". Americas 77, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.73.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the impact that religion had on the act of lynching and its legitimation in postrevolutionary Mexico. Basing its argument on the examination of several cases of lynching that took place after the religiously motivated Cristero War had ended, the article argues that the profanation of religious objects and precincts revered by Catholics, the propagation of conservative and reactionary ideologies among Catholic believers, and parish priests’ implicit or explicit endorsement of belligerent forms of Catholic activism all contributed to the perpetuation of lynching from the 1930s through the 1950s. Taking together, these three factors point at the relationship between violence and the material, symbolic, and political dimensions of Catholics’ religious experience in postrevolutionary Mexico. The fact that lynching continued well into the 1940s and 1950s, when Mexican authorities and the Catholic hierarchy reached a closer, even collaborative relationship, shows the modus vivendi between state and Church did not bring an end to religious violence in Mexico. This continuity in lynching also illuminates the centrality that popular – as opposed to official or institutional - strands of Catholicism had in construing the use of violence as a legitimate means to defend religious beliefs and symbols, and protect the social and political orders associated with Catholic religion at the local level. Victims of religiously motivated lynchings included blasphemous and anticlerical individuals, people that endorsed socialist and communist ideas, as well as people that professed Protestant beliefs and practices.
6
McCracken, Ellen. "Fray Angélico Chávez and the Colonial Southwest: Historiography and Rematerialization". Americas 72, n.º 4 (octubre de 2015): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.66.
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In the summer of 1924, townspeople recount, 14-year-old Manuel Chávez built models of colonial New Mexico mission churches in the dirt outside Our Lady of Guadalupe Church in the village of Peña Blanca. He was staying with the Franciscan friars after expressing his desire to enter the seminary, where he would become the first native New Mexico Hispano to be ordained a Franciscan priest in the centuries since the Spanish colonization. Still a boy, but one who was about to embark on a life-changing path, the small missions he playfully constructed in the dirt and staunchly protected foretold the strategy of rematerialization that would characterize his future: he would become a pioneering Franciscan historian who organized and interpreted the vast collection of Catholic Church documents from the colonial period in New Mexico through the twentieth century. The author of two dozen books and over 600 shorter works, Fray Angélico Chávez (1910–1996) was a visual artist, literary figure, historian, genealogist, translator, and church restorer—one of New Mexico's foremost twentieth-century intellectuals.
7
Rostas, Susanna. "From church to pyramid". Ciencias Sociales y Religión/Ciências Sociais e Religião 23 (31 de agosto de 2021): e021016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/csr.v23i00.14916.
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Sometime after coming to Mexico City in the early twentieth century, the Concheros gradually became involved in the growing cultural interest in the Aztec past. By the last decades, however, they found themselves in an antagonistic situation with those dancers who called themselves the Mexica who, although they performed the same dances, espoused mexicanidad a strong neo-nationalistic and neo-indianist ideology. The Mexica reject Spanish colonialism and have discarded the clearly Catholic ritual practices of the Concheros who habitually dance outside Churches: the Mexica’s preference is for pyramids. The article, using historical and fieldwork data, examines the growing use of archaeological sites as they have slowly been refurbished, focusing on two: Teotihuacan and Cholula. Importantly, in the last two decades, a gradual rapprochement between the Concheros and the Mexica has occurred as the overall ethos of the dance has been changing once again.
8
Hughes, Jennifer Scheper. "The Niño Jesús Doctor". Nova Religio 16, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2012): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2012.16.2.4.
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The last two decades have seen an accelerated production of novel devotions at the margins of the Catholic Church in Mexico. Celebration of Santo Niño Jesús Doctor, the infant Jesus dressed as a medical doctor, is one of the fastest-growing new religious expressions in contemporary Mexico. This paper takes this particularly productive moment as an opportunity to theorize novelty and innovation in Mexican religion. In spite of the increase in non-Catholic religious alternatives, including most importantly a range of novel Protestant expressions, I suggest the possibility that at the beginning of the twenty-first century Roman Catholicism is the primary field of religious innovation in Mexico, and that it frequently has been an important locus of innovation since its arrival in the New World. An analysis of devotion to this new manifestation of the infant Jesus reveals the cultural mechanisms that allow for and sustain religious innovation in Mexico.
9
Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943". Americas 62, n.º 4 (abril de 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0064.
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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society.By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.
10
Slawson, Douglas J. "The National Catholic Welfare Conference and the Church-State Conflict in Mexico, 1925-1929". Americas 47, n.º 1 (julio de 1990): 55–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006724.
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Established in 1919 to be the Catholic voice of America, to look after church interests, and to offset the political influence of the Protestant Federal Council of Churches, the National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC) was a voluntary association of the American hierarchy meeting annually in convention. It implemented decisions through an administrative committee of seven bishops which operated a secretariat, also known as the NCWC, located in Washington, D.C. This headquarters had five departments (Education, Lay Activities, Legislation, Press, and Social Action) each with a director and all under the supervision of Reverend John J. Burke, C.S.P., the general secretary of the administrative committee and its representative at the capital.
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Norget, Kristin. "Popular-Indigenous Catholicism in Southern Mexico". Religions 12, n.º 7 (14 de julio de 2021): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070531.
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This paper examines popular indigenous religiosity in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca in the 1990s, in the context of a “progressive” pastoral program formed within the campaign of the New Evangelization, and attuned to the region’s large indigenous population. Based on ethnographic research in an urban Oaxacan context, I offer an account of the popular Catholic ritualization of death which highlights its independence, and sensuous, material, collective orientation. I approach popular Catholicism as a field of potential tension, hybridity, and indeterminacy, encompassing the discourses and teachings of the Catholic Church in continuous interaction with people’s own sacred imaginaries and domestic devotional practices.
12
Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943". Americas 62, n.º 04 (abril de 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069856.
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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society. By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.
13
Lombera, Juan Manuel. "The Church of the Poor and Civil Society in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca, 1960s–2010s". Journal of Contemporary History 54, n.º 3 (28 de agosto de 2018): 640–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418781740.
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The progressive movement of the Catholic Church that flourished after the Second Vatican Council (1962–5) continues to exert a strong influence on Latin American politics and society. Moreover, we can now observe this movement’s influence in new areas: no longer apparent only in a strictly ecclesiastical sphere, its influence can now be felt within the ambit of civil society. This article analyzes and explains the evolution of ‘the church of the poor’ in Oaxaca from its sponsorship by the Catholic hierarchy starting in the early 1960s through its transformation into civil society organizations beginning in the 1990s.
14
Navarro, Carlos Garma. "Religious Change in Mexico: Perspectives from Recent Data". Social Sciences and Missions 24, n.º 1 (2011): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489411x557659.
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AbstractAccording to the 2000 Mexican Census, change to non-Catholic religions has actually slowed at the national level in Mexico, and the evidence appears to suggest that the efforts of the Catholic Church to stem the loss of followers to Protestant Pentecostal groups has had a certain amount of success in retaining believers. However, when scrutinized more closely, these results are open to a more varied interpretation. There remain important regional and social differences in the distribution of religious affiliation in the country, and predominately indigenous communities are still converting to non-Catholic religions at a strong rate. This is especially true in the southern state of Chiapas where Catholics are now a minority in various municípios (municipalities) with indigenous-majority populations. In this article, I consider what these differences mean and how they can be explained within the context of religious change in Mexico. Le recensement de la population mexicaine de l'année 2000 indique que le taux de conversion vers des religions non-catholiques a ralenti au niveau national, et les chiffres semblent indiquer que les efforts de l'église catholique pour endiguer la perte de croyants en faveur des églises pentecôtistes ont eu un certain effet. Toutefois, si on les regarde de plus près, ces résultats peuvent donner lieu à des interprétations plus variées et nuancées. Il reste en effet des différences régionales et sociales importantes dans la distribution des affiliations religieuses dans le pays, et des communautés principalement indigènes continuent à se convertir aux religions non-catholiques à un rythme élevé. Ceci est particulièrement vrai dans les états du sud du Chiapas où les catholiques sont devenus minoritaires dans différentes municipalités à population majoritairement indigène. Cet article considère la signification de ces différences et s'attache à les expliquer dans un contexte de transformation religieuse au Mexique.
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García Ugarte, Marta Eugenia y Sergio Francisco Rosas Salas. "The Catholic Church in Mexico according to its historians (1960-2010)". Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 25 (1 de junio de 2016): 91–161. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/007.25.91-161.
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Grimes, Ronald L. y David M. Brugge. "Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico, 1694-1875". American Indian Quarterly 11, n.º 4 (1987): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184301.
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McCrea, Heather L. "On Sacred Ground: The Church and Burial Rites in Nineteenth-Century Yucatáán, Mexico". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 23, n.º 1 (2007): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2007.23.1.33.
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Throughout mid-nineteenth century epidemics of cholera, smallpox, and yellow fever, state and Church officials vied for control over the sacred terrain of cemetery management and burial regulations. Amidst sweeping national attacks on Church privilege, state officials crafted policies to contain contagion and undermine Church authority over the sacred realm of death. Between 1847 and 1855, mortality skyrocketed in Yucatáán from the dual calamities of disease and the civil war known as the Caste War. As the war unfolded and epidemics persisted, residents were drawn into a power struggle between emergent public health policies and long-practiced Catholic and Maya burial customs.
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Wasserman-Soler, Daniel I. "Lengua de los indios, lengua española:Religious Conversion and the Languages of New Spain, ca. 1520–1585". Church History 85, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2016): 690–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000755.
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This article examines the language policies of sixteenth-century Mexico, aiming more generally to illuminate efforts by Mexican bishops to foster conversions to Christianity. At various points throughout the colonial era, the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church propagated the use of Castilian among Amerindians; leaders of these institutions, however, also encouraged priests to study indigenous languages. That Spanish authorities appear to have never settled on a firm language policy has puzzled modern scholars, who have viewed the Crown and its churchmen as vacillating between “pro-indigenous” and “pro-Castilian” sentiments. This article suggests, however, that Mexico's bishops intentionally extended simultaneous support to both indigenous languages and Castilian. Church and Crown officials tended to avoid firm ideological commitments to one language; instead they made practical decisions, concluding that different contexts called for distinct languages. An examination of the decisions made by leading churchmen offers insight into how they helped to create a Spanish-American religious landscape in which both indigenous and Spanish elements co-existed.
19
Cummins, Victoria Hennessey. "The Church and Business Practices in Late Sixteenth Century Mexico". Americas 44, n.º 4 (abril de 1988): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006968.
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Historians have long been interested in shedding light on the numerous, habitual transactions that constitute economic life at its basic level. Yet, questions about how men transact business as individuals, and how they feel about it are largely unanswered by traditional political and bureaucratic records, perhaps because these activities were so commonplace to the society, so well-known and unremarkable to contemporaries as to obviate remark in the records. A study of the extensive records of the Roman Catholic Church, however, can shed light on this, and many other aspects of Spanish colonial society in Mexico.
20
FALLAW, BEN. "The Seduction of Revolution: Anticlerical Campaigns against Confession in Mexico, 1914–1935". Journal of Latin American Studies 45, n.º 1 (febrero de 2013): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12001216.
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AbstractDuring the Mexican Revolution, male revolutionaries in Mexico repeatedly tried to suppress confession by invoking the trope of the sexually predatory priest menacing weak, superstitious women. Campaigns against the rite resulted from long-standing gender divisions over the Church, fears of Catholic counter-revolution, and male revolutionaries' drive to modernise marriage as companionate and secular but still patriarchal. Although ultimately unsuccessful as policy, attacks on the confession strengthened radical anticlericalism. By equating masculinity with reason, nation and progress while painting femininity as vulnerable, fanatical and potentially treasonous, the campaigns subtly shaped gender roles and helped to consolidate post-revolutionary patriarchy.
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Butler, Matthew. "Keeping the Faith in Revolutionary Mexico: Clerical and Lay Resistance to Religious Persecution, East Michoacán, 1926-1929". Americas 59, n.º 1 (julio de 2002): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0067.
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This article analyses the character of local religious practice in the archdiocese of Michoacán during Mexico'scristerorebellion, and explores the relationship between ‘official’ and ‘popular’ religion under persecution. In particular, it shows how the Catholic clergy and laity reconstructed the religious life at parish level in an attempt to mitigate the effects of the revolutionary state's campaigns against the Church. For a variety of reasons, the significance of such passive resistance to the state, and the complexity of the interaction between the ecclesiastical elite and the Catholic laity, tend to be downplayed in many existing accounts. Perhaps unsurprisingly, many historians see cristero violence as the most important response to religious persecution, and therefore study it to the exclusion of alternative, less visible, modes of resistance. As for the Church, the hierarchy's wranglings with the regime similarly tend to overshadow the labours of priests and their parishioners under persecution. But the full range of popular experiences has also been deliberately compressed for ideological reasons. Many Catholic writers, for instance, seek to exalt the Church by describing a persecution of mythical ferocity. While Calles is likened to Herod, Nero, or Diocletian, the clergy and laity comprise a uniform Church of martyrs designate in revolt against a godless state. To achieve this instructive vision, however, a few exemplary martyrs—such as Father Pro and Anacleto González Flores—are allowed to stand for the whole mass of priests and believers, in the same way that Edmund Campion is revered as the protomartyr of the Elizabethan persecution in England. As a result, a stereotypical but politically serviceable image of a monolithic Church is perpetuated, an image which was recently institutionalised by the canonisation of 25 ‘cristero’ martyrs in May 2000.
22
NAPOLITANO, VALENTINA. "Between 'traditional' and 'new' Catholic church religious discourses in urban, Western Mexico". Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1998): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.1998.tb00128.x.
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Truitt, J. "Courting Catholicism: Nahua Women and the Catholic Church in Colonial Mexico City". Ethnohistory 57, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2010): 415–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-004.
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Blancarte, Roberto. "Closing Comment: “Personal Enemies of God: Anticlericals and Anticlericalism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1915-1940”". Americas 65, n.º 4 (abril de 2009): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0110.
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In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.
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Taylor, William. "Our Lady in the Kernel of Corn, 1774". Americas 59, n.º 4 (abril de 2003): 559–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0059.
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Marian apparitions and miraculous images in Mexico inevitably bring to mind one renowned figure — Our Lady of Guadalupe and its shrine at Tepeyac in the Valley of Mexico. Guadalupe is, indeed, a touchstone to the history of Catholicism and popular devotion in Mexico, and Mexico is a special case of a religious image becoming the main symbol for an emerging nation. As Jeannette Rodríguez recently wrote, “To be of Mexican descent is to recognize the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe.” But devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe has a history. This image has not always been, and in some ways still is not, the dominant symbol throughout Mexico, and the location of its principal shrine on the edge of Mexico City is as much a key to its importance as is its association with the oldest Marian apparition officially recognized by the Catholic Church. Dozens of different shrines to other miraculous images have captured the hearts of thousands, sometimes millions of followers in Mexico. They still do.
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Butler, Matthew. "Sotanas Rojinegras: Catholic Anticlericalism and Mexico's Revolutionary Schism". Americas 65, n.º 4 (abril de 2009): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0108.
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As the recent clashes in Mexico City's metropolitan cathedral show, it is not just clericalism that is making an apparent comeback in post-priístaMexico: clericalism's faithful alter ego, anticlericalism—provoked to violence when clanking church bells disturbed a political rally in thezócaloin November 2007—is also stirring anew. This dialectical affinity between rival ideological traditions goes back a long way, as historic clashes over church bells—auditory symbols of institutional jurisdiction and influence—remind us: and yet, as Alan Knight points out, neither the terrain, nor the terms, of the dispute between clericalism/anticlericalism have been mapped out with enough clarity by Mexicanist historians. The 1910-40 revolution, for instance, is associated with various anticlericalisms— be it the protestant variety studied by Jean-Pierre Bastian; the constitutionalists' liberal clerophobia, irrupting circa 1914; masonic, spiritist, or popular anticlericalisms; or the “socialist” god-burning of the 1930s which climaxed in the iconoclasm studied by Adrian Bantjes. This trajectory— from priest-baiting to dechristianization within a generation—makes it tempting to posit an irreligious revolution, whose anticlericalism was a precursory form of mature godlessness. Some revolutionaries, like Tomás Garrido Canabal in Tabasco, encouraged such a conflation by using anticlerical restrictions—especially state licensing of priests, enshrined in constitutional Article 130—in a vindictive and secularizing way: squeezing the clergy so hard that priests were eradicated, not just rubber-stamped by the state. Such figures clearly hoped that persecuting priests would fatally minebelief: the day would come, Adalberto Tejeda hoped in 1926, when religion would expire and churches become places of recreation for apostate Indians. The Roman Catholic clergy, meanwhile, was fond of denouncing anticlericals as deicides, if not devils, and reinforced its own position by encouraging the association of anticlericalism with anti-Catholicism in the minds of the faithful.
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BUTLER, MATTHEW. "Revolution and the Ritual Year: Religious Conflict and Innovation in Cristero Mexico". Journal of Latin American Studies 38, n.º 3 (19 de julio de 2006): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06001131.
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This article analyses Catholic responses to persecution of the Church by the Mexican state during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926–9) and seeks to make a new contribution to the revolt's religious history. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues, Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative cultic model premised on a revitalised lay religion. The article then focuses on changes and continuities in lay – clerical relations, and on the new religious powers of the faithful, now empowered to celebrate ‘white’ masses and certain sacraments by themselves. The article concludes that persecution created new spaces for lay religious participation, showing the 1910–40 Revolution to be a period of religious, as well as social, upheaval.
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TREJO, GUILLERMO. "Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico". American Political Science Review 103, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990025.
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This article suggests that a society's religious market structure can explain whether religion is “the opium of the people” or a major source of dissident secular mobilization. I present a simple model explaining why under monopolistic conditions, Catholic clergy in Latin America ignored the religious and social needs of poor rural indigenous parishioners but, when confronted by the expansion of U.S. mainline Protestantism, became major institutional promoters of rural indigenous causes. Catholic indigenous parishioners empowered by competition demanded the same benefits their Protestant neighbors were receiving: social services, ecclesiastic decentralization, and the practice of religion in their own language. Unable to decentralize ecclesiastic hierarchies, and facing a reputation deficit for having sided with rich and powerful elites for centuries, Catholic clergy stepped into the secular realm and became active promoters of indigenous movements and ethnic identities; they embraced the cause of the Indians as a member retention strategy and not in response to new doctrinal ideas emanating from Vatican II. Drawing on an original data set of indigenous mobilization in Mexico and on life histories and case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal effect of religious competition on the creation of the social bases for indigenous ethnic mobilization.
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Greenleaf, Richard E. "Persistence of Native Values: The Inquisition and the Indians of Colonial Mexico". Americas 50, n.º 3 (enero de 1994): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007165.
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The Holy Office of the Inquisition in colonial Mexico had as its purpose the defense of Spanish religion and Spanish-Catholic culture against individuals who held heretical views and people who showed lack of respect for religious principles. Inquisition trials of Indians suggest that a prime concern of the Mexican Church in the sixteenth century was recurrent idolatry and religious syncretism. During the remainder of the colonial period and until 1818, the Holy Office of the Inquisition continued to investigate Indian transgressions against orthodoxy as well as provide the modern researcher with unique documentation for the study of mixture of religious beliefs. The “procesos de indios” and other subsidiary documentation from Inquisition archives present crucial data for the ethnologist and ethnohistorian, preserving a view of native religion at the time of Spanish contact, eyewitness accounts of post-conquest idolatry and sacrifice, burial rites, native dances and ceremonies as well as data on genealogy, social organization, political intrigues, and cultural dislocation as the Iberian and Mesoamerican civilizations collided. As “culture shock” continued to reverberate across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Inquisition manuscripts reveal the extent of Indian resistance or accommodation to Spanish Catholic culture.
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Gonzales, Michael J. "Imagining Mexico in 1921: Visions of the Revolutionary State and Society in the Centennial Celebration in Mexico City". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, n.º 2 (2009): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.2.247.
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In September of 1921, the government of Alvaro Obregóón organized a lavish commemoration of the centennial of Agustíín de Iturbide's ouster of Spanish authority and the creation of Mexico. The occasion gave the administration the opportunity to present its image of the revolutionary state and society within the context of historical memory and public policy. The official program promoted economic and social programs rooted in nineteenth-century liberalism, as well as a new cultural vision that portrayed contemporary indigenous culture as integral to Mexican national identity. The occasion also gave conservatives the opportunity to present a counternarrative of Mexican history in newspaper articles and editorials that championed Iturbide, the Catholic Church, and Mexico's Spanish heritage. The organization of cultural and sporting events also showcased traditional and popular culture. En Septiembre de 1921, el gobierno de Alvaro Obregóón organizóó una celebracióón para conmemorar el centenario de la expulsióón de la monarquíía españñola por parte de Agustíín de Iturbide y del nacimiento del Estado mexicano. La ocasióón permitióó al réégimen presentar su imagen como Estado revolucionario dentro del contexto de la memoria históórica y políítica púública. La agenda oficial promovíía programas econóómicos y sociales basados en el liberalismo del siglo diecinueve, y en una políítica nueva que presentaba a las culturas indíígenas contemporááneas como parte integral de la identidad mexicana. La celebracióón tambiéén dio a los conservadores la oportunidad de presentar una interpretacióón de la historia mexicana que iba en contra de la oficial. ÉÉsta fue presentada en artíículos y editoriales de perióódicos que celebraban a Iturbide, la iglesia catóólica y la herencia españñola en Mééxico. La organizacióón de eventos culturales y deportivos tambiéén revelóó aspectos centrales de la cultura tradicional y popular.
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Hagler, Anderson. "Exhuming the Nahualli: Shapeshifting, Idolatry, and Orthodoxy in Colonial Mexico". Americas 78, n.º 2 (abril de 2021): 197–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.135.
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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between ritual specialists, nanahualtin or nahualistas (pl.) and nahualli or nahual (sing.), and healing practices, adding context to the social roles they fulfilled and the range of feats they performed. The cases examined here reveal that nanahualtin operated as intellectuals in their communities because of their ability to control animals, prognosticate, and heal or harm individuals at will. Some nanahualtin shapeshifted from humans to animals while others possessed animal companions. The elevated status of nanahualtin led commoners to seek their advice, which conflicted with the established orthodoxy of the Catholic Church. Because clergymen championed the sacraments as the best way to access the divine, non-orthodox rituals performed in mountains, rivers, and caves were derided as idolatrous devil worship.The 11 criminal and Mexican Inquisition cases examined here range from 1599 to 1801. Two seventeenth-century cases (1678 and 1685) and one eighteenth-century case (1701) contain Nahuatl phrases and testimonies from Chiapas and Tlaxcala, respectively. The cases from Chiapas demonstrate the use of Nahuatl as a vehicular language outside the central valley of Mexico. This article examines the gender of the animals into which ritual specialists transformed as an emergent category from trial records, which provides insight into Catholic officials’ understanding of the nahualli. Last, this study notes social divisions between rural and urban clergy regarding the power of nanahualtin and the efficacy of their magic.
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González Pérez, María De Jesús. "Minar el principio de laicidad: discurso de la Iglesia Católica sobre la homosexualidad en México". La Manzana de la Discordia 8, n.º 2 (31 de marzo de 2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v8i2.1539.
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Resumen: Con base en una investigación histórico-sociológica este artículo ofrece un ejercicio refl exivosobre la postura que sostiene la Iglesia católica enMéxico frente al tema de la homosexualidad. El análisisdel discurso resulta útil para comprender la concepciónque tiene dicha institución religiosa acerca de estaorientación sexual. A través de la expresión verbal setiende a confi gurar una determinada representaciónde las personas. El discurso tiene la capacidad no sólode expresar un pensamiento, sino también de asignarsignifi cados, construir escenarios mentales y socialesque pueden reproducirse. Los pronunciamientos de lajerarquía católica respecto a la cuestión homosexual,pueden incidir en conductas como la exclusión o ladiscriminación, debido a la fuerza de la palabra ya la exhibición de sus aparatos enunciativos. Estopuede minar el principio de laicidad, en rasgos que loconstituyen como la convivencia social, el respeto a losderechos humanos y a la soberanía de los individuos,sobre todo, en ámbitos cruciales de la vida humana,como la elección de sus relaciones afectivas y sexuales.Palabras clave: discurso, Iglesia Católica,homosexualidad, laicidad.Undermining the Principle of Secularism.Discourse of the Catholic Church on Homosexualityin MexicoAbstract: On the basis of historico-sociologicalresearch this article offers a refl ective exercise on theposition the Catholic Church in Mexico holds on theissue of homosexuality. Discourse analysis is useful forunderstanding the concept of that religious institutionabout this sexual orientation. Verbal expression tends toset a specifi c representation of people. Speech has theability not only to express a thought, but also to assignmeanings, mental and social scenarios that can bereplicated. The Catholic hierarchy’s pronouncements onthe issue of homosexual behavior can affect the exclusionor discrimination because of the power of words and thedisplay of their expository devices. This may underminethe principle of secularism, in such aspects as socialcoexistence, respect for human rights and sovereignty ofindividuals, especially in a crucial area of human life, thechoice of affective and sex relationships.Key words: speech, Catholic Church, homosexuality,secularism.
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Taylor, William B. "PLACING THE CROSS IN COLONIAL MEXICO". Americas 69, n.º 02 (octubre de 2012): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500001978.
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In 1960 the May 3 feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross was removed from the liturgical calendar of the Catholic Church in order to reduce the number of major feasts and to focus devotion to the Holy Cross on September 14, the day commemorating its Exaltation. For many Mexicans, this change was more distressing than papal authorities had anticipated. People from various walks of life and places were not inclined to give up this favorite feast day, which they felt was a lifeline to well-being here and now and the promise of salvation hereafter. For them it was an essential practice, not a vestigial one Workers in the building trades were conspicuous dissenters. Virtually every construction site in Mexico must have its protective cross, to be decorated and honored on May 3. And communities all over Mexico, especially in rural towns and villages, celebrated the day by decorating their special crosses in public and private places, attending mass, praying for rain and an abundant harvest, and celebrating with food, drink, fireworks, music, and dancing. For many, it was the only Day of the Holy Cross they had known. To steer clear of a prolonged dispute over popular traditions of faith, Mexican bishops successfully appealed to Rome for May 3 to remain a major feast there.
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Taylor, William B. "PLACING THE CROSS IN COLONIAL MEXICO". Americas 69, n.º 2 (octubre de 2012): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0089.
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In 1960 the May 3 feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross was removed from the liturgical calendar of the Catholic Church in order to reduce the number of major feasts and to focus devotion to the Holy Cross on September 14, the day commemorating its Exaltation. For many Mexicans, this change was more distressing than papal authorities had anticipated. People from various walks of life and places were not inclined to give up this favorite feast day, which they felt was a lifeline to well-being here and now and the promise of salvation hereafter. For them it was an essential practice, not a vestigial one Workers in the building trades were conspicuous dissenters. Virtually every construction site in Mexico must have its protective cross, to be decorated and honored on May 3. And communities all over Mexico, especially in rural towns and villages, celebrated the day by decorating their special crosses in public and private places, attending mass, praying for rain and an abundant harvest, and celebrating with food, drink, fireworks, music, and dancing. For many, it was the only Day of the Holy Cross they had known. To steer clear of a prolonged dispute over popular traditions of faith, Mexican bishops successfully appealed to Rome for May 3 to remain a major feast there.
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Kaup, Monika. "“¡Vaya Papaya!”: Cuban Baroque and Visual Culture in Alejo Carpentier, Ricardo Porro, and Ramón Alejandro". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, n.º 1 (enero de 2009): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.1.156.
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Cuba assumes a special place in the genealogy of the latin American Baroque and its twentieth-century recuperation, ongoing in our twenty-first century—the neobaroque. As Alejo Carpentier has pointed out (and as architectural critics confirm), the Caribbean lacks a monumental architectural baroque heritage comparable with that of the mainland, such as the hyperornate Churrigueresque ultrabaroque of central Mexico and Peru (fig. 1). Nevertheless, it was two Cuban intellectuals, Alejo Carpentier and José Lezama Lima, who spearheaded a new turn in neobaroque discourse after World War II by popularizing the notion of an insurgent, mestizo New World baroque unique to the Americas. Carpentier and Lezama Lima are the key authors of the notion of a decolonizing American baroque, a baroque that expressed contraconquista (counterconquest), as Lezama punned, countering the familiar identification of the baroque with the repressive ideology of the Counter-Reformation and its allies, the imperial Catholic Iberian states (80). Lezama and Carpentier argue that the imported Iberian state baroque was transformed into the transculturated, syncretic New World baroque at the hands of the (often anonymous) native artisans who continued to work under the Europeans, grafting their own indigenous traditions onto the iconography of the Catholic baroque style. The New World baroque is a product of the confluence (however unequal) of Iberian, pre-Columbian, and African cultures during the peaceful seventeenth century and into the eighteenth in Spain's and Portugal's territories in the New World. The examples studied by Lezama and Carpentier are all from the monumental baroque sculpture and architecture of Mexico, the Andes, and Brazil's Minas Gerais province: the work of the Brazilian mulatto artist O Aleijadinho (Antônio Francisco Lisboa [1738–1814]; see fig. 2 in Zamora in this issue) and the indigenous Andean artist José Kondori (dates unknown; see fig. 1 in Zamora), central Mexico's Church of San Francisco Xavier Tepotzotlán (fig. 1), and the folk baroque Church of Santa María Tonantzintla (see fig. 3 in Zamora), to mention a few landmarks and names.
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Delpar, Helen. "Frank Tannenbaum: The Making of a Mexicanist, 1914-1933". Americas 45, n.º 2 (octubre de 1988): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006782.
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On April 19, 1914—two days before the seizure of Vera Cruz by United States marines—North American radicals gathered at Carnegie Hall in New York City to protest the expected use of force against Mexico by the administration of Woodrow Wilson. One of the speakers, William (“Big Bill”) Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World, threatened a nationwide general strike should the United States go to war against Mexico, and the crowd approved a resolution condemning any act of armed intervention.But the Mexican crisis was not the only issue that aroused the crowd at Carnegie hall. A second resolution was approved which denounced the imprisonment of a young immigrant called Frank Tannenbaum, who had recently been sentenced to a year in the penitentiary for participating in an illegal assembly. On March 4 — his twenty-first birthday — Tannenbaum had led an “army of the unemployed” into the Roman Catholic Church of St. Alphonsus on West Broadway and had demanded shelter. His arrest that night and subsequent trial had become acause célèbreamong liberals and radicals who believed that he had been the victim of a miscarriage of justice.
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Chowning, M. "The Catholic Church and the Ladies of the Vela Perpetua: Gender and Devotional Change in Nineteenth-Century Mexico". Past & Present 221, n.º 1 (18 de octubre de 2013): 197–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtt015.
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Felix, Reto y Karin Braunsberger. "I believe therefore I care". International Marketing Review 33, n.º 1 (8 de febrero de 2016): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imr-07-2014-0216.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of intrinsic religious orientation (IRO) on environmental attitudes (EA) and green product purchases (GPP) in Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – The study uses structural equation modeling to analyze the survey results of 242 consumers from Northern Mexico. Findings – The results of the study show a significant influence of EA on purchasing green products. In addition, the findings suggest that consumers with higher levels of IRO have a higher propensity to buy environmentally-friendly products, but do not show more favorable attitudes toward the environment than less-religious consumers. Research limitations/implications – The study relies on a convenience sample from Northern Mexico. Further, the study relies on self-reported measures of green product purchase (GPP) and future research should incorporate real purchases of green products in addition to self-reported measures. Practical implications – The findings of the study imply that marketers and policy makers striving to increase the purchasing of green products should try to induce positive attitude changes concerning the protection of the natural environment and the effectiveness of buying green products. Social implications – Since religiosity in Mexico influences the purchasing of green products positively, policy makers may reflect on what parts of current Catholic social norms could be leveraged to promote green behaviors among the general Mexican population. Social institutions and change agents, such as the Church and its representatives, may be central to achieving behavioral compliance to environmentally-friendly doctrines. Originality/value – Investigating the factors that influence consumers’ environmentally-friendly attitudes and behaviors in emerging economies is imperative for attenuating the negative environmental consequences of economic growth and consumption.
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Fallaw, Ben. "Varieties of Mexican Revolutionary Anticlericalism: Radicalism, Iconoclasm, and Otherwise, 1914–1935". Americas 65, n.º 4 (abril de 2009): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0106.
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Two days before Easter 1916, a teacher in the Mérida ferrocarrilleros’ school demolished a pine statue of Saint Joseph with an axe to show “it was simply a monkey on a stick (un tucho de palo)”; students then hacked up smaller icons before approving parents. During the Cristiada, General Eulogio Ortíz ate consecrated hosts with carnitas de puerco in a public market in Zacatecas. Constitutionalist military proconsuls in 1914-15, leftist regional caudillos of the 1920s, and federal educators and some provincial strongmen during the Maximato (1931-35) all believed anticlericalism would build a new nation; these three waves of attacks against the Catholic clergy proved to be decisive moments in revolutionary state formation. At no point, however, did revolutionaries agree on either means or ends. Radicals favored the destruction of the Church (if not organized religion entirely). Their reliance on iconoclasm—literal as well as metaphorical—also distinguished them. Some iconoclastic radicals hoped their attacks would help create a humanistic, post-Christian belief system. More moderate anticlericals advocated less destructive and more persuasive measures, including using education and the law to weaken and/or reform Catholicism. Some moderates promoted alternative creeds; others hoped to remake the Catholic Church in Mexico. Certainly iconoclasts and reformers did collaborate at times, but they also clashed, as in the rancorous debates over the “religious question” at the Querétaro Constitutional Convention and again when anticlerical Reds and moderate Whites battled during the early 1930s.
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Díaz, Soledad, Ellen Hardy, Gloria Alvarado y Enrique Ezcurra. "Acceptability of emergency contraception in Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. 2 - Facilitating factors versus obstacles". Cadernos de Saúde Pública 19, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2003): 1729–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-311x2003000600017.
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A multi-center study was performed in Brazil, Chile, and Mexico to identify factors that may facilitate or hinder the introduction of emergency contraception (EC) as well as perceptions concerning emergency contraceptive pills. Background information on the socio-cultural, political, and legal context and the characteristics of reproductive health services was collected. The opinions of potential users and providers were obtained through discussion groups, and those of authorities and policymakers through semi-structured interviews. Barriers to introduction included: perception of EC as an abortifacient, opposition by the Catholic Church, limited recognition of sexual and reproductive rights, limited sex education, and insensitivity to gender issues. Facilitating factors were: perception of EC as a method that would prevent abortion and pregnancy among adolescents and rape victims; interest in the method shown by potential users as well as by some providers and authorities. It appears possible to reduce barriers through support from segments of society committed to improving sexual and reproductive health and adequate training of health care providers.
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Padden, Robert. "The Catholic Church in Mexico. Historical Essays for the General Reader. By Paul V. Murray (México, D. F.: Privately printed, 1965. Pp. 398.)". Americas 23, n.º 2 (abril de 2004): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/980596.
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Poole, Stafford. "‘El Yndio Mas Venturoso’: A Spanish Guadalupan Drama of the Early Nineteenth Century". Americas 73, n.º 2 (abril de 2016): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.36.
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The Catholic missionaries who first brought Christianity to New Spain (colonial Mexico) were often very creative and innovative in their teaching methods. They used various audiovisual devices and, often without realizing it, built on preconquest and pre-Christian concepts, a form of unconscious syncretism. It is widely accepted that the missionary enterprise began in 1524 with the arrival of “The Twelve,” the first Franciscan missionaries. Their initial decision that evangelization would be carried on in the native languages, not Spanish, was crucial and had become Church policy by the eighteenth century. They were aided in this by the fact that Nahuatl, the Aztec language, served as a lingua franca, especially in commerce and diplomacy, throughout the central plateau and as far south as Guatemala. The Franciscans, and later the Jesuits, produced grammars (artes), dictionaries, sermonaries, catechisms, miracle stories, and even religious drama in Nahuatl. The adaptation of Nahuatl to the Latin alphabet was enthusiastically received by the native peoples who left us chronicles, town council records, censuses (with valuable information on baptisms and polygamy), lawsuits, and other documentation. With all this, we have been able to open a new window on colonial life.
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Arceo, Alfredo. "The Identity of University Social Responsibility on the Websites of the Universities of the Autonomous Region of Madrid (Spain) and the State of Puebla (Mexico), As a Tool of Grassroots Public Diplomacy". American Behavioral Scientist 62, n.º 3 (20 de septiembre de 2017): 391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217732476.
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The identity of the universities is one more piece to consider inside the puzzle of the grassroots public diplomacy. University social responsibility is not well exploited on university websites. This is the main conclusion we have reached following a comparative study of the websites of the universities of the Autonomous Region of Madrid (Spain) and those of the universities of the State of Puebla, including public, private, and Catholic Church institutions. All the universities of the Madrid region and 92.5% of those consulted in the State of Puebla have a website, but none of them gives an explicit reference on its homepage that operations are performed within all occupational aspects in accordance with the realm of university social responsibility. It would therefore be fair to say that there is no evidence of optimal exploitation of university social responsibility on the websites. When this must be considered as one element that it is necessary to include in the communicative frame of reference to obtain mutual understanding, stable, and beneficial relations for all the parts.
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Matovina, Timothy M. "Seeds of Struggle/Harvest of Faith: The Papers of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe Catholic Cuarto Centennial Conference on the History of the Catholic Church in New Mexico ed. by Thomas J. Steele, S.J., Paul Rhetts and Barbe Awalt". Catholic Historical Review 85, n.º 2 (1999): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1999.0109.
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Suárez, Hugo José. "New Forms of the Relationship between Politics and Religion". Latin American Perspectives 43, n.º 3 (19 de febrero de 2016): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16629643.
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Beginning in the 1960s, new forms of living the faith emerged in Latin America that linked it with a political dimension. The Catholic Church changed its pastoral orientation, and ecclesiastical base communities were established as part of an “option for the poor.” The reflection that accompanied this process was known as liberation theology. By the end of the 1970s these communities were organizing conferences, publications, and theological reflections with strong international links and included hundreds of believers both in the countryside and in the city. During the following two decades, they were active participants in the construction of leftist political alternatives. While a minority pastoral practice today, they continue to hold national gatherings and maintain their international contacts. In-depth interviews with three members of ecclesiastical base communities in a working-class neighborhood in Mexico City show how these individuals have built their socio-religious practice and their religious beliefs. Their experience is part of a global reconstitution of belief systems in Mexico that affects all of the salvation enterprises in their various expressions. A partir de la década de los sesenta, nuevas formas de vivir la fe surgieron en América Latina que las asociaron con una dimensión política. La Iglesia Católica Romana cambió su orientación pastoral, y las comunidades eclesiales de base nacieron como parte de una “opción por los pobres”. Se conocía la reflexión que acompañó a este proceso como teología de liberación. Para finales de los setenta estas comunidades estaban organizando congresos, publicaciones, y reflexiones teológicas con fuertes lazos internacionales, comprendiendo centenares de creyentes tanto en la campiña como en la ciudad. Durante las siguientes dos décadas, fueron participantes activas en la construcción de alternativas políticas de izquierda. Si bien es una práctica pastoral minoritaria hoy en día, continúan convocando reuniones nacionales y mantienen sus contactos internacionales. Entrevistas a fondo con tres miembros de comunidades eclesiales de base en un barrio obrero en la ciudad de México demuestran cómo estos individuos han construido su práctica socio-religiosa y sus creencias religiosas, que implican una comprensión de Dios no como juez sino como aliado. Su experiencia forma parte de una reconstrucción de sistemas de creencias en México que afecta a todas las entidades salvíficas en sus varias expresiones.
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DePalma, Margaret C. "Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico. By James H. Defouri. Edited by Thomas J. Steel, S.J. Rock Hill, SC: Yucca Tree Press, 2003. Pp. xiv, 239. Illustrations. Notes. Index. $25.00 cloth." Americas 61, n.º 04 (abril de 2005): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069509.
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DePalma, Margaret C. "Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico. By James H. Defouri. Edited by Thomas J. Steel, S.J. Rock Hill, SC: Yucca Tree Press, 2003. Pp. xiv, 239. Illustrations. Notes. Index. $25.00 cloth." Americas 61, n.º 4 (abril de 2005): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0071.
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Cummins, Victoria Hennessey. "Imperial Policy and Church Income: The Sixteenth Century Mexican Church". Americas 43, n.º 1 (julio de 1986): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007120.
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The long-traditional view of the Roman Catholic Church in Spanish America as a monolithic, wealthy, and all powerful institution has been gradually modified by successive studies over the last thirty years. From these examinations emerges the picture of a complex institution characterized by diversity, and internal conflict. New research continues to enlarge and clarify understanding of the Church's role as an institution of the Spanish empire.What follows will, in highlighting the colonial Church's relationship to the Spanish crown, add to this view of it as a complex and diverse institution. An examination of crown policy with regard to Church finance in the sixteenth century shows that the episcopal hierarchy of the Mexican colonial Church had a subordinate relationship to the crown in the era of the Counter Reformation. Rather than a strong Church influencing the crown, what emerges is the portrait of a relatively weak, dependent institution, supported by the king. The secular church hierarchy had only enough power to carry out its function and serve as a counterpoint to the religious orders, not enough to achieve financial independence on its own. The basis for this relationship lies in the patrimonial nature of Castilian government and its dominant position over the Church hierarchy because of the Patronato Real.
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Butler, Matthew y Kevin D. Powell. "Father, Where Art Thou? Catholic Priests and Mexico's 1929 Relación de Sacerdotes". Hispanic American Historical Review 98, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 2018): 635–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7160347.
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Abstract This article studies an ecclesiastical census, the Relación de sacerdotes, that was compiled by the Secretariat of the Interior during Mexico's Cristero War in 1929. We propose that this statistical device ultimately helped the Catholic Church and the Portes Gil government to plot a way out of the religious crisis. It did so by providing a mutually acceptable means for priests to register with the postrevolutionary state and by providing a discursive mechanism for the Catholic clergy to present itself to the regime as a national, less Rome-oriented body. The Relación can therefore give historians insights into the contingent and bureaucratic ways that revolutionary and ecclesiastical elites renegotiated the contours of Mexico's secular order. The second half of the article contains an analysis of the Relación. There we argue that the Relación offers a kind of prosopographical and political snapshot of the Mexican clergy during the Cristero Rebellion.
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Miller, Daniel R., Jay P. Dolan y Gilberto M. Hinojosa. "Mexican Americans and the Catholic Church, 1900-1965." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, n.º 4 (noviembre de 1996): 755. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517953.
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