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1

University of Madras. Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, ed. India and Southeast Asia in IOR: A crystal gazing. Chennai: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Madras, 2013.

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2

Lepeshinskiĭ, I. I︠U︡. Razvitie IKT-kompetentnosti studentov uchebnykh voennykh t︠s︡entrov v uslovii︠a︡kh integrat︠s︡ii bazovogo voenno-professionalʹnogo obrazovanii︠a︡: Monografii︠a︡. Omsk: Omskiĭ gos. tekhn. universitet, 2011.

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3

Viola, Giacomo. Storie della ritirata nel Friuli della Grande Guerra: Cîl e int, diari e ricordi dell'invasione austro-tedesca. Udine: P. Gaspari, 1998.

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4

Acțiunea politică și militară a României în 1919 in lumina corespondenței diplomatice a lui Ion I.C. Brătianu. București: Corint, 2001.

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5

Watts, Larry. În serviciul mareșalului: Mareșalul Ion Antonescu văzut de un ofițer din cabinetul său militar ca urmare a întrevederilor avute cu Larry Watts. München: J. Dumitru, 1985.

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6

Razov, Pavel y Sergey Evenko. The risks of social adaptation of servicemen transferred to the reserve, to the conditions of civilian life in Russia and strategies to overcome them. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1078930.

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It analyzes the risks of social adaptation to civil life in Russia — one of the main difficulties of servicemen transferred to the reserve — as well as strategies to overcome them. The urgency of studying this problem by sociologists due to the importance of sociological understanding of specific social adaptation of discharged military personnel and caused by the process problems, because their solution depends not only social and professional well-being of the social group, but also the status of the military in Russian society, the prestige of military service, much lower in the post-Soviet period. Designed for graduate students, researchers interested in the sociology of risk.
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7

Varol, Ozan O. Competition and Power. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0014.

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One-partyism refers to the capture of government institutions by a single political party. This chapter explores the institutions that may be available to promote the virtues of multipartyism in a budding democracy while combating the vices of one-partyism. Specifically it argues that the military may have an incentive to combat one-partyism and, in doing so, promote political pluralism. A dominant party can spell trouble for the military. If a political party becomes too strong, it can threaten the military, cut back the military’s powers, or slash the military’s economic and social privileges. In contrast, by curbing one-partyism, the military may achieve more autonomy. Like the judiciary, the military may find more comfort in the division of political powers that comes with political pluralism. The desire to bring down the dominant party a peg or two may serve as an incentive for the military to promote competition among political parties.
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8

Pattison, James. Military Assistance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198755203.003.0008.

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This chapter considers the case for military assistance to rebels and states. It first rejects three considerations that one might think provide sufficient reason to uphold an absolute prohibition on arming rebels. To that extent, it might (exceptionally) be permissible to arm rebels. The chapter argues, though, that arming rebels should generally be eschewed. This is because of the problems raised by the ‘Rebel-Risk Objection’, the ‘Escalation Objection’, and the ‘Diffusion Objection’. The chapter also argues that many of these objections apply to arming states. In doing so, it also largely repudiates the case for arming states against non-state actors engaged in aggression and mass atrocities.
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9

Stone, David R. The Military. Editado por Richard H. Immerman y Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0020.

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This chapter examines the military history of the Cold War. It explains that most military activities during this period were focused on apocalyptic nuclear war which never came and that the military aspects of the Cold War contributed to its end. The chapter suggests that while the military side of the Cold War did play a major role in ending the Cold War, it was not because of the policies of U.S. President Ronald Reagan, for there is little evidence that they were intended to produce moderation in Soviet leadership. It argues that reforms initiated by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came from the realization of the decay of Soviet military superiority and the increasing economic burden of defense spending.
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10

Beer, Yishai. Military Strategy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881146.003.0004.

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This chapter points at a paradox related to the gap between law and reality. Since it is the strategic level of war that mostly affects war’s conduct, one might have expected that the law of armed conflict—whose stated agenda is to humanize war’s arena—would focus upon it. The current law, however, generally ignores the strategic discourse and prefers to scrutinize the conduct of war through a tactical lens. This chapter challenges the current blind spot of the law: its disregard of the direct consequences of war strategy and the war aims derived from it. Ignoring reality by disregarding military strategy carries a humanitarian price that will be demonstrated in the prevailing law of targeting. The chapter asks of those who want to comprehensively reduce war’s hazards to think strategically—indeed, to face reality—and to leverage military strategy as a constraining tool.
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11

Forrest, Alan. Military Trauma. Editado por David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.022.

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The Old Regime army had been battered by serial defeats during the eighteenth century, and was open to proposals for reform. When 1789 came it was not army reforms that spread despair and trauma but the political situation created in the early years of the French Revolution: the assault on privilege, the ambivalent attitude of the king, the crisis of loyalty which this created for the officers, and the gaping void in the army’s ranks caused by desertion, emigration and the ideology of the Rights of Man. The defeats that followed the declaration of war added to despair, and it was only by resort to further traumatic measures—radicalizing recruitment, promoting officers from the ranks, and amalgamating the line army with the new volunteers, and ultimately the resort to Terror—that the fortunes of the army were turned around.
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12

McFate, Montgomery. Military Anthropology. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190680176.001.0001.

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In almost every military intervention in its history, the US has made cultural mistakes that hindered attainment of its policy goals. From the strategic bombing of Vietnam to the accidental burning of the Koran in Afghanistan, it has blundered around with little consideration of local cultural beliefs and for the long-term effects on the host nation's society. Cultural anthropology -- the so-called "handmaiden of colonialism" -- has historically served as an intellectual bridge between Western powers and local nationals. What light can it shed on the intersection of the US military and foreign societies today? This book tells the story of anthropologists who worked directly for the military, such as Ursula Graham Bower, the only woman to hold a de facto British combat command during WWII. Each faced challenges including the negative outcomes of exporting Western political models and errors of perception. Ranging from the British colonial era in Africa to the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Military Anthropology illustrates the conceptual, cultural and practical barriers encountered by military organizations operating in societies vastly different from their own.
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13

Lucas, George. Military Ethics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780199336890.001.0001.

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What significance does “ethics” have for the men and women serving in the military forces of nations around the world? What core values and moral principles collectively guide the members of this “military profession?” This book explains these essential moral foundations, along with “just war theory,” international relations, and international law. The ethical foundations that define the “Profession of Arms” have developed over millennia from the shared moral values, unique role responsibilities, and occasional reflection by individual members the profession on their own practices - eventually coming to serve as the basis for the “Law of Armed Conflict” itself. This book focuses upon the ordinary men and women around the world who wear a military uniform and are committed to the defense of their countries and their fellow citizens. It is about what they do, how they do it, what they think about it, how they behave when carrying out their activities, and how they are expected to behave, both on and off the battlefield (whether in, or out of, uniform) - and what everyone (and not just military personnel themselves) needs to know about this. The book also examines how military personnel are treated and regarded by those whom they have sworn to defend and protect, as well as how they treat and regard one another within their respective services and organizational settings. Finally, the book discusses the transformations in military professionalism occasioned by new developments in armed conflict, ranging counterinsurgency warfare and humanitarian military intervention, to cyber conflict, military robotics, and private military contracting. From China to Russia, author George Lucas effectively sheds light on today’s military ethics in existence throughout the world. What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.
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14

Bellamy, Alex J. Military Intervention. Editado por Donald Bloxham y A. Dirk Moses. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199232116.013.0030.

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This article examines the role that military intervention can play in ending genocide and the political, moral, and legal debates that surround it. The first section briefly examines how genocides have ended since the beginning of the twentieth century, and explores the place of military intervention by external powers. The second section examines whether there is a moral and/or legal duty to intervene to end genocide. The third section considers the reasons why states intervene only infrequently to put an end to genocide despite their rhetorical commitments. Historically, once started, genocides tend to end with either the military defeat of the perpetrators or the suppression of the victim groups. Only military force can directly prevent genocidal killing, stand between perpetrators and their intended victims, and protect the delivery of lifesaving aid. But its use entails risks for all parties and does not necessarily resolve the underlying conflict.
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15

Varol, Ozan O. With Friends Like These. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses two questions: (1) Why might a military that once supported a dictatorship turn against it? and (2) Why would a military voluntarily choose to abandon the comfort and certainty of a dictatorship for the uncertain reality of democracy? It argues that democracy promotion is often not the principal driver of democratic coups. Rather, militaries stage coups primarily to depose a regime unfavorable to the military’s interests. If the regime doesn’t treat the military well, the soldiers may set aside their previous loyalty and identify more with the protesters’ grievances. Mistreatment can come in the form of low-level, outdated military equipment; costly and unpopular military conflicts; or military defeat, for which military officers may blame the political leadership. In addition, when the survival of a dictatorship is in serious doubt—when it’s clear that the regime is about to sink—the military may defect to avoid sinking along with it. And in deposing a dictator and assuming power during the resulting power vacuum, the military will position itself to reap the benefits of early defection.
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16

James, Kraska. 38 Military Operations. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198715481.003.0038.

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This chapter assesses the legal regime for military operations at sea under the UN Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC). It considers the rules that apply at the seam between peace and war, and how the provisions of the law of naval warfare interact with the law of the sea. It shows that the adoption of the LOSC did not entirely quell disagreements over the right to conduct military operations in areas under coastal State sovereignty or jurisdiction.
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17

Varol, Ozan O. Musical Chairs. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0008.

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This chapter contrasts the February 2011 coup in Egypt against Hosni Mubarak with the July 2013 coup against Mohamed Morsi. Although the two coups were of different kinds—one deposed a dictator and the other a democratically elected leader—the motivations of the coup leaders were similar. In both cases the military took advantage of popular uprisings to depose leaders who threatened its interests. The Muslim Brotherhood, the once humble partner of the Egyptian military, had turned into an ambitious and opportunistic opponent. It was positioned to pose a significant threat to the military, as demonstrated by Morsi’s purge of the military’s senior leadership with impunity. In response the military took advantage of the massive uprising against Morsi and deposed him.
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18

Krotz, Ulrich y Katerina Wright. CSDP Military Operations. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0051.

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Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) operations, while still novel, are rapidly becoming a vital means through which Europe projects physical power and influence beyond its borders. This chapter analyses the EU’s multilateral, intergovernmental military operations, examining where and how the EU has pursued its emerging strategic interests around the globe. It first surveys the history and politics of the thirteen CSDP mweilitary operations launched since 2003. It then dissects the nature and diversity of military missions. While the EU has deployed, on average, some 3,000 military troops around the world each day, operations have varied widely in their mandate, the number of troops involved, the number of participating member states, and the symmetry with which states support and staff these missions. The analysis underscores that CSDP operations will remain an integral part of European politics and Europe’s search for its role and place in twenty-first-century world politics.
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19

Flight Of Old Dog Int. Berkley, 1988.

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20

Varol, Ozan O. Love Ballads, Carnations, and Coups. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0001.

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This chapter sets the stage by introducing the democratic coup concept, using as an illustration the 1974 coup in Portugal that toppled the Estado Novo (New State) dictatorship. A democratic coup occurs when the domestic military, or a section of it, turns its arms against a dictatorship, temporarily takes control of the government, and oversees a transition to democracy. The transition ends with free and fair elections of civilians and the military’s retreat to the barracks. Of course a military coup itself is an undemocratic event. In a coup the military assumes power not through elections but by force or the threat of force. The term democratic refers to the regime type that the coup produces.
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21

Varol, Ozan O. The Enemy Within. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0012.

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The armed forces serve as the iron fist of some dictatorships. For several reasons, a military whose primary mission is fighting the political enemy within is in a poor position to serve as a democratic catalyst. If the military has taken sides on domestic conflicts and is viewed as a partisan institution that enforces government policies—particularly unpopular ones—it risks cutting its ties to society. As a result the populace may outright reject the military’s attempts to promote democratic institution building. In contrast, a military that hasn’t been mired in domestic conflicts is more likely to be viewed as a legitimate state institution in an illegitimate state apparatus. In times of regime crisis, these militaries remain free of the stigma of having pushed people around. This credibility better allows the military to lead a democratic regime change.
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22

Freilich, Charles D. Nonmilitary Threats. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190602932.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 argues that diplomatic and demographic challenges are almost as dangerous to Israel’s future as military threats. Efforts to isolate and delegitimize Israel and constrain its freedom of military action have had mixed success. Israel has broader ties than ever, sanctions and boycotts have achieved little, and it continues to act militarily. Nevertheless, Israel’s international standing has deteriorated severely, and the nature and outcome of military operations have been affected. No issue has undermined Israel’s standing more than the settlement policy. Inexorable demographic trends, stemming from the control of the West Bank, threaten Israel’s Jewish and democratic character. Already today only a small majority of Israel and the West Bank are Jewish. Ongoing settlement undermines the viability of the “two-state solution” and the point of no return may be nearing. Demography also explains Israel’s reluctance to conduct ground maneuver, undermining its ability to achieve military decision.
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23

Freilich, Charles D. The Military Response Today. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190602932.003.0008.

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Chapter 7 assesses Israel’s military responses to the primary threats it now faces. It argues that Israel has gained overwhelming conventional superiority, but that it is unclear whether it could have effectively attacked Iran’s nuclear program. Israel has reduced terrorism to a level its society can tolerate, but it remains a strategic threat, nevertheless. Israel does not yet appear to have an offensive response to the Hezbollah and Hamas threats, at an acceptable price, requiring greater emphasis on defense. Conversely, there have been over 10 years of quiet with Hezbollah, partly because of the deterrence gained in 2006. Israel’s rocket defenses largely neutralized the Hamas threat during the 2014 operation, and if a similar lull is gained with Hamas, limited deterrence will have been achieved. The real challenge is Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal. Israel has become a global leader in cybersecurity but is concerned that its adversaries will narrow the gap.
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24

Sica, Emanuele. Military Repression, Civilian Resistance. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039850.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the events of the summer of 1943, when, in light of the escalation in attacks by local French Resistance fighters, the Italian repressive apparatus stepped up its campaign, alternating massive dragnets and more targeted arrests. It first provides an overview of Italian repression against the occupied population and the local Resistance fighters’ attacks on Italian soldiers. It then considers the intensification of violence in the French Riviera at the end of April 1943, even as commanders of the Fourth Army managed to rein in their subordinates. It also discusses how the Italian military’s low-profile approach irritated local irredentists and officials of the Commissione di Armistizio con la Francia (CIAF). It shows that the Italian Army was more intent on assessing what happened in the Italian peninsula than cohesively fighting the Resistance.
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25

Kleykamp, Meredith, Ryan Kelty y David R. Segal. Military Service in Midlife. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190260637.003.0027.

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This chapter examines the role of military experience on positive or negative development and functioning in early adulthood. It reviews the demographic composition of the military in the United States, with attention to the diversity of those who serve. It reviews how military service influences the transition to adulthood, now serving as a pathway toward, rather than an interruption of, adulthood. It summarizes the wealth of research connecting military service to midlife outcomes, with a special focus on how military experiences may generate positive growth and resilience. Although some who serve may experience trauma, military service can also provide material and psychosocial benefits, including post-traumatic growth. Notably, the benefits of military service tend to accrue most for individuals who come from more disadvantaged backgrounds, making the military a potentially important institutional setting for a successful transition to adulthood for those who need such supports the most.
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26

Fidell, Eugene R. 7. The military judiciary. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199303496.003.0008.

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Judicial independence is such a given in democratic countries that it tends to be taken for granted, but judicial independence is even more vulnerable in the context of military justice because of the inherently insular nature of such systems. ‘The military judiciary’ considers the issues that may affect judicial independence. A key issue is terms of office, or lack of them. Another aspect that can influence the independence of military trial judges is the fundamental question of who appoints them. Should they be appointed by the armed forces or the defense ministry or should they be appointed by civilians outside the defense establishment? The appellate review system is also discussed.
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27

Reid, Richard. Warfare and the Military. Editado por John Parker y Richard Reid. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199572472.013.0006.

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This chapter explores the evolution and characteristics of scholarly writing on the history of African warfare and military organization. Beginning with an overview of the challenges involved in reconstructing Africa’s violent past, the paper deals with war in the deeper past before focusing on the nineteenth century, an era in which it is argued Africa experienced a revolution in military affairs. Violence and military structures took new forms in the twentieth century, from colonial armies to modern armed struggle aimed at the overthrow of authoritarian regimes. Throughout, the chapter proposes new avenues for research, including making ever closer connections between violence, politics, and economy over the longue durée.
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28

Partis-Jennings, Hannah. The Military-Peace Complex. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474453325.001.0001.

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This book focuses on the military and statebuilding components of the international project in Afghanistan since 2001. It posits and discusses the military-peace complex as a framework for understanding the international project in Afghanistan, pointing to the sliding together and collapse between military and peace actors, mandates, and ideational frameworks. Focusing on the role of gender as well as material and spatial entanglements, the author argues that military and peace work in the liberal mode cannot be logically separated but rather are co-constituted and operate in a dynamic relationship to each other with fluid and shifting boundaries. Based on original interviews and wider research, the book offers a holistic way of viewing the international project in Afghanistan, drawing attention to its under-noticed elements, and providing a new way of understanding its politics.
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29

Freilich, Charles D. The Changing Military Threat. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190602932.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 argues that the military threat Israel faces has changed dramatically. Attacks by Arab armies are now the least likely, and the overall threat has diminished. Israel’s conventional superiority led its adversaries to adopt a decades-long strategy of attrition designed to lead to Israel’s collapse. Iran is the most sophisticated adversary Israel has ever faced, its ongoing nuclear program the greatest threat. Hezbollah’s rockets are the primary immediate threat. Iran, Hezbollah, and Syria now constitute one joint front. They and Hamas believe that the home front is Israel’s Achilles heel, which allows them to offset its military superiority, and it has become the primary battlefield, leading to wars of mutual deterrence and destruction. Hamas’s Gaza is the embodiment of Israel’s fears of a Palestinian state. Terrorism is a strategic threat, swaying elections and negotiations. A large regional conventional buildup is underway. Cyberattacks now pose one of the greatest threats.
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30

University, National Defense y Larry Wentz. An ICT Primer: Information and Communication Technologies for Civil-Military Coordination in Disaster Relief and Stabilization and Reconstruction. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012.

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31

Cockayne, James. Private Military and Security Companies. Editado por Andrew Clapham y Paola Gaeta. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199559695.003.0025.

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This chapter addresses several issues concerning private military and security companies (PMSCs), including the legitimacy of their involvement in armed conflict, the protections afforded to PMSC personnel, and the privileges they enjoy. It examines the accountability of states for the conduct of PMSCs. It then discusses the application of international law to and by PMSCs and their personnel.
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32

Beer, Yishai. Military Professionalism and Humanitarian Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881146.001.0001.

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This book seeks to revitalize the humanitarian mission of the international law governing armed conflict, which is being frustrated due to states’ actual practice. In order to achieve its two aims—creating an environment in which full abidance by the law becomes an attainable norm, thus facilitating the second and more important aim of reducing human suffering—it calls for the acknowledgment of realpolitik considerations that dictate states’ and militaries’ behavior. This requires recognition of the core interests of law-abiding states, fighting in their own self-defense—those that, from their militaries’ professional perspective, are essential in order to exercise their defense. Internalizing the importance of existential security interests, when drawing the contours of the law, should not automatically come at the expense of the core values of the humanitarian agenda—for example, the distinction rule. Rather, it allows more room for the humanitarian arena. The suggested tool to allow for such an improved dialogue is the standards and principles of military professionalism. Militaries function in a professional manner; they respect their respective doctrines, operational principles, fighting techniques, and values. Their performances are not random or incidental. The suggested paradigm surfaces and leverages the constraining elements hidden in military professionalism. It suggests a new paradigm in balancing the principles of military necessity and humanity, it deals with the legality of a preemptive strike and the leveraging of military strategy as a constraining tool, and it offers a normative framework for introducing deterrence within the current contours of the law.
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33

Pugliatti, Paola. Shakespeare and the ‘Military Revolution’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806899.003.0007.

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This chapter recounts how developments in the technology of battle had by Shakespeare’s time caught up with even the relatively resistant, cavalry-oriented English nobility. Outlining these technical advances, it discovers numerous moments in Shakespeare indicative of popular responsiveness to war and its new face. Alone among English writers, it was Shakespeare who (repeatedly) termed cannon-fire ‘devilish’; and the chapter demonstrates how different characters in 1Henry IV are on the turn in the long evolution from (equestrian) medieval chivalry, through (treacherous, infantry-deployed) gunpowder weapons, to the perfumed post-militarist courtier. It notes Shakespeare’s staged presentation of conscription as farcically at odds with the official theory of a voluntarism for able-bodied adults. Two soldiers miserably questioning the ethics of war the night before Agincourt prove well apprised of the Christian just war theory—yet Williams shrewdly contests its exculpation of royal leaders from responsibility for their subjects’ deaths.
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34

Kumar, Ann. Indonesian Historical Writing after Independence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199225996.003.0029.

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This chapter discusses Indonesian historical writing after independence. At the time Indonesia became independent, knowledge of academic history-writing was virtually non-existent. Indonesian elites then faced the postcolonial predicament of having to adopt Western nationalistic approaches to history in order to oppose the Dutch version of the archipelago’s history that had legitimized colonial domination. Soon after independence, the military took over and dominated the writing of history in Indonesia for several decades. Challenges to the military’s view of history came from artistic representations of history, and from historians—trained in the social sciences—who emphasized a multidimensional approach balancing central and local perspectives. However, it was only after 2002 that historians could openly criticize the role of the military.
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35

Beehner, Lionel, Risa Brooks y Daniel Maurer, eds. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535493.001.0001.

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This book explores contemporary civil-military relations in the United States. Much of the canonical literature on civil-military relations was either written during or references the Cold War, while other major research focuses on the post-Cold War era, or the first decade of the twenty-first century. A great deal has changed since then. This book considers the implications for civil-military relations of many of these changes. Specifically, it focuses on factors such as breakdowns in democratic and civil-military norms and conventions; intensifying partisanship and deepening political divisions in American society; as well as new technology and the evolving character of armed conflict. Chapters are organized around the principal actors in civil-military relations, and the book includes sections on the military, civilian leadership, and the public. It explores the roles and obligations of each. The book also examines how changes in contemporary armed conflict influence civil-military relations. Chapters in this section examine the cyber domain, grey zone operations, asymmetric warfare and emerging technology. The book thus brings the study of civil-military relations into the contemporary era, in which new geopolitical realities and the changing character of armed conflict combine with domestic political tensions to test, if not potentially redefine, those relations.
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36

McFarland, Craig, Robert H. Burch y Christopher V. Maani. Anesthesia in the Military Setting. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190495756.003.0031.

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Military anesthesia provides many unique and challenging situations, particularly in the current age of unconventional warfare. The role of the anesthesia provider has been redefined throughout American warfare, and it will continue to evolve alongside the U.S. military and its global involvement. Providers must learn to adapt to their environments and improvise care according to the conveniences available while maintaining standards that ensure the best possible care to military personnel. As emerging data and technologies become available, the practice of combat anesthesia will almost certainly change in order to continue providing a high level of care to the military community.
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37

Allon, Niv. Writing, Violence, and the Military. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841623.001.0001.

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The books examines Eighteenth Dynasty images of reading and writing with the aim of understanding how members of the elite conceptualized literacy, and how, in turn, they identified themselves with regards to it. Inspired by the approach taken by New Literacy Studies, this inquiry emphasizes the study of the social practices that involve reading and writing. This line of inquiry reveals a dynamic negotiation between various concepts of literacy among the Eighteenth Dynasty elite, who associated writing with accounting and list-making, as well as with violence and law. Building on the work of Bruno Latour and Stephen Greenblatt, the book furthermore studies the representation of literacy as a social phenomenon. This investigation suggests that in contrast most of the elite, military officials chose to represent themselves engaged in writing as a way of negotiating their place in relation to others within and without the military. Haremhab, the commander in chief who later ascended the throne is perhaps the epitome of this phenomenon, and his biography allows us to follow his path from military man to king. A close investigation of his texts and monuments reveals his unique views regarding reading and mainly writing that involve piety and historiography. Examining representations of literacy in this time period reveals, therefore, a fascinating change in the cultural history of ancient Egypt. It allows us to, moreover, to explore the relationships between art and society in ancient Egypt, between patrons and the groups they form, and the place of literacies in ancient societies.
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38

Waggoner, Edward. The Bible and the Military. Editado por Paul C. Gutjahr. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190258849.013.40.

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This chapter explores three ways that “the Bible” and the military interrelate in America. Editions of the Bible targeted for distribution among American military personnel have taken a number of different material forms. Military-edition Bibles are material objects that tell stories in which God, divine revelation, the military, and the nation acquire meanings together. Military Bibles also function as “place-holders” for “religion,” in broader disagreements about the role of religion in American public institutions. Finally, narratives about American distribution of Bibles to nations abroad—with, through, or after US military action—convey views about America’s power and purpose in the world, and what religion has to do with it.
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39

Echevarria, Antulio J. 1. What is military strategy? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199340132.003.0001.

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Military strategy is the practice of reducing an adversary’s physical capacity and willingness to fight, and continuing to do so until one’s aim is achieved. It takes place in wartime and peacetime and may involve using force, directly or indirectly, as a threat. Military strategy is often divided into four components: ends (objectives), ways (courses of action), means (resources), and risk. The practice of military strategy is described along with military power, which is augmented by nine “principles of war”: objective, maneuver, surprise, mass, economy of force, offensive, security, simplicity, and unity of command. A general will likely use combinations of military strategies, linking them into a series of operations or campaigns.
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40

Lindsay, Jon R. Information Technology and Military Power. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749568.001.0001.

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Militaries with state-of-the-art information technology sometimes bog down in confusing conflicts. To understand why, it is important to understand the micro-foundations of military power in the information age, and this is exactly what this book gives us. As the book shows, digital systems now mediate almost every effort to gather, store, display, analyze, and communicate information in military organizations. The book highlights how personnel now struggle with their own information systems as much as with the enemy. Throughout this foray into networked technology in military operations, we see how information practice shapes the effectiveness of military performance. The quality of information practice depends on the interaction between strategic problems and organizational solutions. The book explores information practice through a series of detailed historical cases and ethnographic studies of military organizations at war. The book explains why the US military, despite all its technological advantages, has struggled for so long in unconventional conflicts against weaker adversaries. This same perspective suggests that the US retains important advantages against advanced competitors like China that are less prepared to cope with the complexity of information systems in wartime. The book argues convincingly that a better understanding of how personnel actually use technology can inform the design of command and control, improve the net assessment of military power, and promote reforms to improve military performance. Warfighting problems and technical solutions keep on changing, but information practice is always stuck in between.
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41

Waldman, Simon A. y Emre Caliskan. Breaking the News. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668372.003.0005.

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This chapter explains the severe and systemic restrictions of the press during the period of military tutelage. However, despite the armed forces being removed from political life, press censorship intensified during the AKP period. Under military tutelage, the press was severely curtailed, even compromised. While the erosion of the military’s power is good for democracy, freedom of expression did not improve. Instead of allowing the media to flourish, the government has manipulated it, co-opted it or attacked it fervently and furiously. The lack of a free and fair press in Turkey represents a significant democratic deficit. Not only does it avoid government accountability and erode a check on the power of the government, but it also highlights severe restrictions on freedom of expression. The fear and self-censorship of the media diminishes the internal debate on Turkish politics and the direction of the country, and it is a reflection of the state of affairs in Turkey as a whole.
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42

Dwyer, Maggie. Soldiers in Revolt. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876074.001.0001.

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Soldiers in Revolt examines the understudied phenomenon of military mutinies in Africa. Through interviews with former mutineers in Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, and The Gambia, the book provides a unique and intimate perspective on those who take the risky decision to revolt. This view from the lower ranks is key to comprehending the internal struggles that can threaten a military's ability to function effectively. Maggie Dwyer's detailed accounts of specific revolts are complemented by an original dataset of West African mutinies covering more than fifty years, allowing for the identification of trends. Her book shows the complex ways mutineers often formulate and interpret their grievances against a backdrop of domestic and global politics. Just as mutineers have been influenced by the political landscape, so too have they shaped it. Mutinies have challenged political and military leaders, spurred social unrest, led to civilian casualties, threatened peacekeeping efforts and, in extreme cases, resulted in international interventions. Soldiers in Revolt offers a better understanding of West African mutinies and mutinies in general, valuable not only for military studies but for anyone interested in the complex dynamics of African states.
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43

Beer, Yishai. Revitalizing the Concept of Military Necessity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881146.003.0002.

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This chapter revisits the in bello necessity principle. It challenges the current dichotomy between the two pillars—mistakenly assumed to be polar opposites—of the law of armed conflict: necessity and humanity. It embraces the idea that a well-trained military has an inherent interest in enhancing its operational effectiveness and constraining unnecessary brutality. The exercise of brute force by militaries, though common, reflects professional incompetency. The prevailing law of armed conflict, generally ignores the constraining effect of the necessity principle, which was originally intended to allow only the minimally necessary use of force on the battlefield. Consequently, the prevailing law places the burden of restricting the exercise of brute military force upon humanitarian considerations. Humanitarianism alone, however, cannot deliver the goods and substantially reduce war’s hazards. This chapter therefore calls for the transformation of the military’s actual or potential self-imposed professional constraining standards into a revised legal standard of necessity.
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44

Sakul, Kahraman. Military Engineering in the Ottoman Empire. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781845861209.003.0008.

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The Ottoman Empire was largely self-sufficient in the materials of gunpowder warfare, apart from tin. In the Danube and Mediterranean basins it had access to a culture of technological transfer not least from French and Walloon deserters whom the Habsburgs did not always pay regularly. Ottoman architects such as the great Sinan Aga were mathematically informed and expected to cover secular, religious and military tasks. A centralised regime sustained a small imperial engineering corps. Its modernisation after 1720 was impeded not by prejudice but by fiscal, political and military over-extension.
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45

Clark, J. P. Military Operations and the Defense Department. Editado por Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev y John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.20.

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This article examines the U.S. military’s plans for carrying out combined joint operations across multiple theaters and domains in the twenty-first century. It summarizes the most likely strategic and operational approaches available to future adversaries, such as anti-access/area denial (A2/AD), gray zone warfare, and other asymmetric methods. The article also considers the respective challenges posed by the two likely catalysts for military operations: contested norms and persistent disorder. The U.S. military response to this strategic context is still forming, but there are common themes among the services: the recognition that future operations will entail greater risk; the need to disperse forces to survive on a more lethal battlefield; a desire to create networked forces attacking with a combination of physical and nonphysical (cyber and electronic warfare); and a rebalancing of force structure in terms of both weapon sophistication and mission type.
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46

Boje, John. War against Women. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039560.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the varied responses of Winburg’s women to British military occupation during the South African War. When the men went off to fight, most Boer women stayed at home and took on entirely new and unfamiliar responsibilities. Aside from having to exercise authority over male farmworkers, women increasingly had to take on farming operations themselves. For the most part they continued to play a support role in relation to the fighting burghers, but some were friendly toward the British, assisted them, and even collaborated with them. This chapter first considers how the British sought to justify their actions as consistent with their self-image of chivalry before discussing the reasons for the devastation of the countryside. It then describes the Boer women’s experience in terms of their sense of betrayal, the ruthlessness of the British military, and the violation of female space. It also looks at the British’s defense of the concentration camps and concludes with an assessment of the militancy of the Boer woman.
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47

Owens, Mackubin T. Military Force Planning and National Security. Editado por Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev y John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.14.

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One component of military policy in particular lies at the very crossroads of strategic planning and structural arenas of policy. This is force planning, the interactive, intertemporal art intended to ensure that deficiencies in today’s force structure are being corrected while preparing for a future that may resemble the present or differ from it in unexpected ways. While force planners must think about what the future security environment might look like, what technologies might be available, and how future forces might leverage these emerging technologies to meet the challenges of a future security environment, they must always be cognizant of domestic structural factors. This chapter argues that a force planner must always be guided by a coherent strategic logic. Structural factors can never be eliminated, but a strong strategic rationale can minimize them.
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48

Freilich, Charles D. The Classic Military Response in Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190602932.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 assesses Israel’s success in applying the classic defense doctrine to the threats it has faced and its relevance today. The record is mixed. Much remains applicable, but numerous changes have taken place, including the addition of defense as a “fourth pillar,” along with deterrence, early warning, and military decision. Israel’s strategic and cumulative deterrence have proven highly successful, its current and specific deterrence somewhat. Israel only succeeded in achieving military decision in a few cases, but even then insufficiently to dictate terms. None of the operations against Hezbollah and Hamas have ended satisfactorily; most did not achieve significant deterrence or a prolonged lull. Without major ground maneuver, which Israel usually cannot conduct today, military decision is hard to achieve, will likely be more costly than the threats irregular actors pose, is beyond Israel’s capabilities against distant states, for example, Iran, and meaningless at the nuclear level.
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49

Morgan-Owen, David G. The Military Resources of the Empire. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805199.003.0003.

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Historians have argued that the British Army was afflicted with an insular focus on home defence in the late nineteenth century and that this preoccupation was evidence of the paucity of military strategic thought and the lack of co-operation and dialogue between the two services. This chapter challenges that viewpoint and argues that the military leadership was, in fact, consistently much more interested in preparing for operations overseas than it was in planning to prevent an invasion. The military authorities were only deflected from this aim by differences of opinion with the Admiralty on the application of naval power and on the Navy’s inability to commit to the safe passage of troops by sea, disagreements which obliged the War Office to limit the scope of its strategic discourse. This had significant implications for both military and imperial policy, particularly the defence of India.
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50

Fuller, Steve. The Military-Industrial Route to Interdisciplinarity. Editado por Robert Frodeman. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198733522.013.6.

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This chapter considers from both a historical and philosophical standpoint the role of war and commerce in motivating interdisciplinary research, typically against the “normal science” grain of academia. This kind of interdisciplinarity is best described as “use-inspired basic research,” which makes creative use of synergies between relatively uncommunicative academic literatures, or “undiscovered public knowledge.” The Rockefeller Foundation and DARPA are the two major institutional exemplars of this form of interdisciplinarity, which is fairly described as “Mode 2” or “triple-helix” knowledge production. The chapter stresses the adventurous, indeed “creatively destructive” character of this research, which typically leaves a lasting impression on both academia and society as a whole—be it for good or ill. In this context, the career of Fritz Haber—a man steeped in not only philosophy and the physical sciences but also war and commerce—is considered as exemplifying the Janus-faced character of this type of interdisciplinarity.
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