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1

Rivers, Louie. "Risk perception and decision-making in minority and marginilized communities". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1158003491.

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2

Reid, Donald y n/a. "Cultural citizenship and the TVNZ charter : the possibility for multicultural representation in the commercial television environment". University of Otago. Department of Communication Studies, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070627.112747.

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Summary: Implemented in 2003, the TVNZ Charter is a one-page document that outlines the broadcaster�s objectives to deliver programming that represents New Zealand�s ethnically and socially diverse population. This thesis will examine issues surrounding the representation of diversity especially in the context of the state-commercial television network. Using the notion of �cultural citizenship�, or the demand from minority groups within a society to be represented and included in the institutions of the state, I will examine how TVNZ is attempting to meaningfully represent New Zealand as a bicultural society and a multicultural society, while remaining commercially focused. This thesis argues that institutions of the state, of which the media is the most visible and, possibly, the most pervasive, always function as a tool of society�s dominant culture, therefore any bicultural or multicultural inclusion represented on TVNZ will always be controlled, and be at the discretion, of that singular dominant cultural force.
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3

Benham, Liza Abram. "Voting minorities, electoral structure and policy responsiveness". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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4

Lee, Jeanyoung. "China's policy towards the Korean minority in China 1945-1995". Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.325160.

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5

Gardner, Timothy Joseph. "Queering polyamory configurations, public policy, and lived experiences /". Connect to this title online, 2005. http://etdindividuals.dlib.vt.edu:9090/299/.

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6

Bozic, Bojana. "Policy Approaches to Reduce Discrimination Against Minorities in Europe". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/717.

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In many European countries, despite decades of learning about the risks of discrimination and the conflicts associated with it, discrimination against minorities persists. Many have criticized European governments for not doing enough to challenge the negative stereotypes and prejudices against minority groups, especially in education and employment. In this thesis, Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria, France, and the Netherlands will be used as case studies to explore the varying dynamics underlying this discrimination and strategies that can be implemented to overcome discrimination. This thesis will recommend a series of policy approaches in areas such as civic integration, education reform, anti-discrimination law, and monitoring and evaluation to help reduce minority discrimination European countries.
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7

González, Núñez Gabriel. "Translating for linguistic minorities: translation policy in the united kingdom". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/322070.

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A l’Europa actual, els idiomes de l’estat entren en contacte amb una gamma d’idiomes d’immigrants i un conjunt d’idiomes regionals. En aquest context, els encarregats d’elaborar polítiques s’enfronten a canvis en la demografia i en les actituds pel que fa als drets i la integració. Les investigacions actuals que aborden l’aspecte integrador de les polítiques lingüístiques en general passen per alt el paper exercit per la traducció en aquestes polítiques. Aquesta tesi procura aclarir aquesta funció sovint defugida. Amb aquesta finalitat, aquest estudi es concentra en la política de traducció, entesa com a suma de gestió, pràctica i idees de traducció. La tesi comença amb una revisió bibliogràfica de caràcter interdisciplinari en la qual s’exploren de manera crítica els escrits d’acadèmics en els camps del dret, les ciències polítiques, l’economia i els estudis de traducció pel que fa als drets de les minories lingüístiques. Després d’això es presenta una anàlisi de les obligacions al traduir en virtut del dret internacional, la qual cosa permet prosseguir amb un estudi de cas sobre la política de traducció en el sector públic del Regne Unit. En particular, aquest estudi de cas examina les polítiques de traducció que es reflecteixen en certes disposicions legislatives que s’apliquen al Regne Unit en la seva totalitat i també a les seves regions de forma específica. Tot això es desenvolupa en els capítols que abasten les polítiques de traducció trobades al govern (a nivell local), els serveis de salut i el sistema judicial. Aquestes polítiques de traducció no s’analitzen com un fet en si mateix, sinó per tal de recalcar que les decisions referents a la integració i la inclusió tenen un element de traducció que s’ha de tenir present.
En la Europa actual, los idiomas del estado entran en contacto con una gama de idiomas de inmigrantes y un conjunto de idiomas regionales. En tal contexto, los encargados de elaborar políticas enfrentan cambios en la demografía y en las actitudes en cuanto a los derechos y la integración. Las investigaciones actuales que abordan el aspecto integratorio de las políticas lingüísticas por lo general pasan por alto el papel desempeñado en dichas políticas por la traducción. Esta tesis procura arrojar luz sobre esta función con frecuencia soslayada. Con dicho fin, este estudio se concentra en la política de traducción, la cual es el resultado de gestión, práctica e ideas de traducción. La tesis comienza con una revisión bibliográfica de carácter interdisciplinario en la cual se exploran de manera crítica los escritos de académicos en los campos del derecho, las ciencias políticas, la economía y los estudios de traducción en lo referente a los derechos de las minorías lingüísticas. Tras ello se presenta un análisis de las obligaciones de traducir en virtud del derecho internacional, lo cual permite proseguir con un estudio de caso sobre la política de traducción en el sector público del Reino Unido. En particular, dicho estudio de caso examina las políticas de traducción que se reflejan en ciertas disposiciones legislativas que se aplican al Reino Unido en su totalidad y también a sus regiones de forma específica. Todo ello se desarrolla en los capítulos que abarcan las políticas de traducción halladas en el gobierno (a nivel local), los servicios de salud y el sistema judicial. Estas políticas de traducción no se analizan sino con el fin de recalcar el hecho de que las decisiones referentes a la integración y la inclusión tienen un elemento de traducción que se debe tener presente.
In contemporary Europe, state languages come in contact with a tapestry of immigrant languages and a set of ever more legitimized regional or minority languages. In this context, policymakers are faced with changing demographics and attitudes about rights and integration. Current research on language policies as they pertain to integration largely overlooks the role of translation. This thesis hopes to shed light on this oft-overlooked area. To do so, the thesis focuses on translation policy understood to be that which is the result of translation management, practice, and belief. Translation policy is not explored as an end unto itself, but rather, it is highlighted to stress that policy decisions regarding integration and inclusion have a translation dimension to them that ought to be considered. The thesis will explore some of the difficult questions in understanding what integration means for linguistic minorities and in the end argue that translation plays a role in the integration of linguistic minorities in the UK.
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8

Samarasinghe, Nira. "Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon, 1927-1947". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302940.

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9

Singh, Robert. "The Congressional Black Caucus : representation and policy-making in the United States Congress, 1971-1990". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241339.

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10

Rautz, Günther. "Die Sprachenrechte der Minderheiten : eine Rechstvergleich zwischen Österreich und Italien /". Baden-Baden : Nomos, 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=008581635&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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11

Paraskevopolou, Anna. "Regional policy and minorities in the EU : the case of Western Thrace". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399014.

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12

Khalid, Jamel Wiam Lena. "Made in China – assimilating ethnic minorities in the 21st century : An examination of Xi Jinping’s efforts to sinicise ethnic minorities in China through framing". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-189492.

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The study aims to analyse how China, under the Xi Jinping administration, assimilates its ethnic minorities by exploring white papers' underlying motives. The ambition is to understand China’s actions and how they can affect the future. The research asks three questions: How does China frame ethnic minorities in white papers? What arguments are used to justify assimilation and sinicisation? How and why is China assimilating its ethnic minorities now? The results show that China depicts ethnic minorities through two accounts, oneness and backwardness. The former stresses the significance of unity within ethnic minorities and between ethnic groups. The latter describes the condition that ethnic minorities end up in if they do not conform to China’s socialist values. One can be stuck by backwardness if one follows declared enemies or shows signs of separatism, terrorism and religious extremism. The results reveal how China uses ‘war on terror’ and modernisation narratives to justify its assimilation and sinicisation acts. The results also point to three areas where ethnic minorities can stick to backwardness and should, therefore, assimilate Han Chinese. These are language, religion and employment. The study reveals that the CPC and Xi Jinping intend to fix anything that disturbs them from realising the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. Consequently, China’s attempt to attain uniformity means that anything which may be prioritised above the party must be eradicated or sinicised.
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13

Perez, Ambar A. "LANGUAGE CULTURE WARS: EFFECTS OF LANGUAGE POLICY ON LANGUAGE MINORITIES AND ENGLISH LEARNERS". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/577.

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This thesis investigates the intertextuality of language policy, K-12 TESL pedagogies, and EL identity construction in the perpetuation of unjust TESL practices in these contexts. By examining the power structures of English language ideology through critical discourse analysis of recent California language policy, this thesis demonstrates English language teaching’s intrinsically political nature in K-12 education through negotiations and exchanges of power. Currently, sociolinguistic approaches to TESL and second language acquisition acknowledge the value of language socialization teaching methods. This requires the acceptance of cognition, not as an individual pursuit of knowledge containment and memorization, but cognition as a collaborative and sociohistorically situated practice. Thus, this project also examines the power structures in place that negotiate and enforce these ideologies and how these practices influence pedagogy and EL identity construction. Many English users are second language (L2) users of English yet authorities of English use tend to consist of homogenous, monolingual English users, or English-sacred communities, not L2 users of English. Often, this instigates native speaker (NS) vs. non-native speaker (NNS) dichotomies such as correct vs. in-correct use, and us vs. them dichotomies. These are the same ideologies that permeate the discourse of California’s Proposition 227 and some pedagogies discussed in the data of this research perpetuating culture wars between monolingual and multilingual advocates and users.
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14

Dhakal, Robin. "Education and Health Impacts of an Affirmative Action Policy on Minorities in India". Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7017.

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Article 334 of the Constitution of India (1950) stipulates that certain electoral districts in each state should be reserved for minority groups, namely the “Scheduled Caste”(SC) and the Scheduled Tribe”(ST), through the reservation of seats in the states' legislative assemblies. Even though the original article stated that the reservation policy would be in place for just twenty years, it has been amended several times and is still in effect. This dissertation examines the impact of the policy on the education and health outcomes of the SC population. Variations in seat quotas are generated by the timing of elections in different states and the states’ fluctuating SC populations. The first paper on education uses data from 25 Indian States and 3 Union Territories for the years 1990-2011 to form a panel dataset to estimate the impact of the quota system on both enrollment and dropout rates among SC students in all levels of schooling. I use the fixed effect regression to test the mechanisms through which an elected SC legislator could have an influence on the education outcomes for the SC population in the represented state. I then use the resulting variables as my controls to identify the causal relationship using the dynamic panel data model. I find that a SC legislator has the potential to influence the number of schools built, as well as the amount of education and welfare expenditure allocated to the SC population. Moreover, I find that the SC political reservation has a positive and statistically significant impact on the SC enrollment rates and a negative and significant impact on the dropout rates, in all levels of schooling. Likewise, I use the NFHS-3 dataset and the Cox Proportional Hazard Model to estimate the hazard rates (risks of dying) of children under the age of 12 months (IMR) and under the age of 60 months (U5MR) as influenced by different SC quota share quintiles. I find that the 50-60% quota-share quintile has the biggest impact in reducing the IMR and U5MR among the SC children.
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15

Paraskevopoulou, Anna. "Regional policy and minorities in the EU : the case of western Thrace, Greece". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2108/.

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Since the 1980s regional policy has played an increasingly important role in the political agenda of the European Union. Influenced by these external policies and by particular political and social circumstances internally, Greece has gradually introduced reforms in order to update its domestic system of regional and local government. Accordingly, during the 1990s an elected first and second tier of local government was created in Greece. The new regional and local government reforms have affected Greek society in many ways, ranging from economic development to the promotion of local cultures. The aim of the thesis is to examine these reforms and the increasing EU structural funds in relation to issues of ethnicity and ethnic/religious minorities. The focus is on the Muslim minority that inhabits the region of Western Thrace, which is the only officially recognised minority population in Greece. The study is divided into three main parts. The first part looks at the issues of regional and local government both in the European Union and more specifically in Greece. The second part focuses on the Muslim minority itself, examining the recent history of the area and the political and educational issues affecting the Muslim minority. The final part embraces the main points of the thesis whilst concentrating on the issues that directly relate to the new local government reforms and the local society. The main purpose of the thesis is to contribute its findings to our understanding of regionalism and minorities as the European Union expands while reflecting the experiences from the area of Western Thrace in Greece.
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16

McMillan, Katherine Alexandra. "Citizenship Under Neo-Liberalism: Immigrant Minorities in New Zealand 1990-1999". Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2347.

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Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.
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17

Vacca, Alessia. "Rights to use and have used minority languages in the public administration and public institutions : a comparative study of Italy, Spain and the UK". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192189.

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This thesis examines one of the most important areas through which a state can affect the vitality of a minority language community: the use of minority languages in the public administration. The study begins with an examination of the European Union Framework with regard to the protection of minority languages in the light of the Treaty of Lisbon and the Charter of Nice. It analyses the relevant Council of Europe Treaties, and in particular the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in so far as they deal with the protection of minority languages in the public administration and public institutions. The thesis also assesses the CoE and EU Frameworks for the protection of minority languages. The national and regional legislation of Italy (Valle d’Aosta, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Sardinia and Sicily), Spain (Catalonia, Basque Autonomous Community, Navarra, Galicia, Balearic Islands and Valencia) and UK (Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland) are scrutinized to compare the different approaches adopted for the protection of minority languages. This analysis is focused on the crucial sectors of the public administration and public institutions which have both a high symbolic value and significant levels of inter-action with the minority language-speaking populations. The similarities and differences between the Italian, Spanish and the UK legislation in this field are examined, such gaps as exist between the aims of the legislation and reality are identified, as are the difficulties in the implementation of this form of legislation in the public administration.
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18

Oulická, Zdeňka. "Legal immigration - the specifics of national minorities in the Czech Republic". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124936.

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This thesis deals with legal immigration in the Czech Republic. The aim is to answer the question of whether migration is always mainly economic, that is, whether the main motive for migration is economic activity in the territory, or whether there are differences between different ethnic groups. The chosen method was the comparison of economic development and migration flows in selected countries in comparison with the Czech Republic. Furthermore the subject is an analysis of the economic activities of foreigners in the labor force and flexibility of the labor market in relation to the current economical crisis. The outcome of the thesis is the fact that Ukraine and Vietnam are typical representatives of countries with economic immigration and that motives for migration from Russia are not economical. An interesting finding of this work is the fact that even a restrictive policy of the state to protect the labor market did not affect a number of citizens in foreign territory (Czech Republic), only it reduced their total employment.
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19

Davis, Lawrence. "Minorities' Perception of the Comprehensive Emergency Management Model of Distributing of Information". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/511.

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Failure to receive critical and timely information from emergency management professionals (EMPs) may lead to the loss of life during disasters and emergencies. Recent research and government reports have indicated that there may be communication failures between EMPs and minority community members, though little is known about how minority communities perceive EMP communication efforts. The central research questions and purpose of this study were designed to explore the experiences of minority community members in receiving and interpreting disaster-related communications from EMPs. Data for this phenomenological study were acquired through-in-depth interviews with 13 African Americans (7 males and 6 females) located in a southern state. The data were transcribed; inductively coded; and analyzed for trends, themes, and patterns. This study yielded 2 key findings. First, these 13 participants perceived a lack of dialogue and interaction from local EMPs; however, they were more open to communication through their church rather than through other official communication venues. Second, Kim's theory of interethnic communication offers relevant explanatory value for these participants because it discusses the attributes of the single communicator (emergency manager) engaging with another individual (citizen). These findings offer opportunities for positive social change and enhanced communication between EMPs and their minority constituents. Effective communication methods that EMPs might implement include creating strategic alliances with community cultural centers such as churches, civic organizations, and other places at which members of minority communities interact.
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20

Riter, Jr William Henry. "Use of Force: Perception of Racial Minorities and Police Officers in Southeastern United States". ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7329.

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The amount of force used by law enforcement officers has become a highly-charged topic, especially among racial minority citizens and the law enforcement community. While the use of force by police officers is permitted by law enforcement agencies and expected by citizens, the amount and type of force used can trigger or cause problems, such as distrust or loss of confidence for the police agency, if the public perceives the force to be unjustified. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the use of force by police officers and how to improve the relationship between racial minority citizens and law enforcement. Using Rawls' social justice theory as the foundation, the purpose of this qualitative study was to examine how the perceptions of the police use of force differ among racial minority citizens and police officers in a southern state. Data were collected from 20 racial minority citizens over the age of 18 from two southern cities who agreed to participate in my study. Additionally, 21 completed surveys were collected from current or retired law enforcement officers. Interview and survey data were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. Findings indicate there needs to be more accountability on the use of force by the police, with many citizens feeling the police cannot be trusted. Both groups suggested perceptions are often influenced by the media, which may provide incorrect information. Results of this study may lead to positive social change with racial minority citizens and the law enforcement community by refining police policies and enhancing police training programs on the use of force. If changes are made, the relationship between the law enforcement community and racial minority citizens could ultimately improve perceptions on the use of force.
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21

Torrejon, Edwin Howard. "No-pass/no-play: A policy analysis and examination of impacts on minorities/at-risk students". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186173.

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This dissertation analyzed the "no pass/no play" (np/np) policy and examined its impact on minorities and at-risk students. Philosophies, goals, objectives, and activities associated with the planning and implementation of the np/np rule were also reviewed. Using the parallel pairs model to evaluate data germane to the np/np rule allowed this researcher to study, sort, compare, and evaluate the data associated with the planning and implementation of the no pass/no play policy. Examination of this policy revealed differences between the anticipated results and the actual impact that the policy had on minority and at-risk students. The results of the study indicated that the np/np rule was implemented long before there was a clear understanding of its potential problems. While there continues to be a lack of consensus among educators and administrators as to the effectiveness of the np/np rule, most educators are aware of the negative impact on minorities and at-risk students.
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22

Wells, Naomi Amelia Stewart. "Language policy and politics : the central state and linguistic minorities in Spain and Italy, 1992-2010". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5240/.

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Linguistic minorities are playing a crucial role in determining how states are reimagining themselves in more plural and inclusive ways. Pressure from both supranational and sub-state levels of government has meant that the repression of linguistic minorities by state institutions is no longer acceptable and even attitudes of neglect are widely condemned. However, while there has been a noticeable change in attitudes towards linguistic minorities in many European states, the specific role of the central state in relation to these groups remains ambiguous and merits further study. This thesis thus compares the language policies of the central states of Spain and Italy between 1992 and 2010, concerning two specific linguistic minorities in each country. These include Catalan-speakers in Catalonia and the German-speaking minority in Alto Adige/Südtirol, which have received considerable recognition and find themselves in a comparable situation within their respective states. In contrast, the Asturian- and Sardinian-speaking minorities have received the most minimal recognition at both the regional and state levels. Three sources of primary data were identified for the purposes of this study: official state documentation and legislation, elite interviews with political and institutional representatives, and state-wide newspapers. The research reveals the rationales, ideologies and motivations behind the actions of the central states of Spain and Italy in their approaches towards these distinct groups. New insight is provided by considering cases which have not previously been compared, as well as focusing on the typically hidden language policies of the state in contrast to the visible and widely studied policies implemented at the regional or provincial levels. This approach allows conclusions to be drawn on the extent to which both states may be moving away from the traditional monolingual nation-state model and provides recommendations for future approaches to linguistic minorities at the state and European levels.
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23

Östberg, Eeva. "Folkbiblioteket som minoritetspolitisk arena : Bibliotek Uppsalas arbete med att skydda och främja det nationella minoritetsspråket finska". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-399062.

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The aim of this thesis is to study how public libraries can work to support and promote a national minority language. In the thesis Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is reviewed from 2000 to present.  The data was collected through qualitative interviews with five key figures from Uppsala Library and the Uppsala municipality, visits in four local public libraries and the digital library during the spring 2019 and by examining the official documents of the municipality and information that the local public libraries have produced between 2000 and 2019. Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is discussed in the thesis through themes of power, nationalism and identity processes and analyzed in terms of language revitalization. The findings show that during the first decade Uppsala treated the Finnish language as any other foreign language. It provided access to media in Finnish, but the Finnish language was not visible in the library policy or in the library’s information material and program activities in Finnish were few. A major change in Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language started in 2010 when the municipality joined the administrative area for the Finnish language. Since 2010 Uppsala Library has with special efforts supported and promoted the Finnish language. Finnish is used in the library’s information material and is visible in the municipality’s and the library’s documents. Uppsala Library offers many kinds of media in Finnish. The library has organized events where the Finnish language is used for children and adults. The events have also brought to light the Swedish Finns’ experiences and the historical connection the Finnish language has to Sweden. Information in Finnish in the physical and digital libraries, however, could be improved. The objective of the Swedish policy on minorities is to provide support for the historical minority languages so that they are kept alive. Uppsala Library’s work during the 2010s shows public libraries’ potential as a forum for minority politics and their importance in the work with minority language revitalization. This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science.
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24

Rocheleau, Suzanne Elyse Harvey Francis Dr. "Effect of non-cognitive and social environmental factors on the retention of under-represented minority students in engineering and technology-related disciplines /". Philadelphia, Pa. : Drexel University, 2004. http://dspace.library.drexel.edu/handle/1860/337.

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25

Luvhengo, Nkhangweleni. "Linguistic minorities in the South African context : the case of Tshivenda". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001862.

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After many years of the oppressive apartheid government, the new democratic era came into being in 1994. Lot of policy changes came into being, including language policy. This new language policy of the post-apartheid era recognises eleven official languages which include the nine indigenous African languages which were previously recognised as regional languages in the different homelands. The present study investigates the progress of Tshivenda in terms of status and development since it was accorded the official status in South Africa. Literature investigating the status of Tshivenda is generally sparse. This study investigates the status of Tshivenda in South Africa to explore how minority languages which are also recognised as official languages are treated. In most multilingual countries, there are issues which affect the development of minority languages, but the South African situation is interesting in that some of the minority languages are recognised as official languages. This study is a comparative in nature. Firstly, the study compares the level of corpus planning and development in Tshivenda and other indigenous South African languages. Secondly, it compares how people use Tshivenda in a rural area of Lukalo Village where the language is not under pressure from other languages and in Cosmo City, an urban area in Gauteng where Tshivenda speakers come into contact with speakers of more dominant languages such as isiZulu and Sesotho. Language use in different domains like, media, education, government and the home is considered in order to establish how people use languages and the factors which influence their linguistic behaviours. The study also establishes the perceptions and attitudes of the speakers of Tshivenda as a minority and those of the speakers of other languages towards Tshivenda’s role in the different domains such as education and the media. This study was influenced by previous research (Alexander 1989, Webb 2002) which found out that during the apartheid period Tshivenda speakers used to disguise their identity by adopting dominant languages like isiZulu and Sesotho in Johannesburg. Accordingly, the present research wanted to establish how the language policy change in the democratic era has impacted on the confidence of Tshivenda speakers regarding themselves and their language. This study establishes that although Tshivenda is now an official language in post-apartheid South Africa, it still has features of underdevelopment and marginalization that are typically of unofficial minority languages. Translation, lexicographic and terminological work in this language still lags behind that of other indigenous South African languages and there is still a shortage of school textbooks and adult literature in this language. As a result, using the language in education, the media and other controlling domains is still quite challenging, although positive developments such as the teaching of the language at university level can be noted. The Tshivenda speakers generally have a positive attitude towards their language and seem prepared to learn and use it confidently as long its functional value is enhanced, which is currently not happening. As a result, some Tshivenda speakers still regard English as a more worthwhile language to learn at the expense of their language
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26

Penn-Mekile, Richelyn. "Minority underrepresentation in local government policy making positions a case study of social equity in hiring issues in the cities of Allentown, Bethelehem and Easton, Pennsylvania /". Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1998. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1998.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2956. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves 2-3. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.
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27

Morwe, Clement Shane. "Minority language rights in Namibia: An international human rights perspective". University of Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7562.

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Magister Legum - LLM
Namibia is home to a number of linguistic minorities. According to the 2011 census, the Owambo constitute 49.35 per cent of the population, accounting for almost half of the country’s total population.1 The rest of the linguistic groups include the Bushman (San) (0.95 per cent), Caprivians (4.5 per cent), Herero (8.99 per cent), Kavango (10.42 per cent), Damara/Nama (11.32 per cent), Setswana (0.26 per cent), Afrikaans (8.72 per cent), German (0.54 per cent), English (2.43 per cent), other European languages (0.69 per cent), other African languages (1.74 per cent), Asian languages (0.08 per cent) and other unidentified languages (0.02 per cent).2 English is, however, the only official language in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, 1990 (“Constitution”).3
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28

Niarchos, Georgios. "Between ethnicity, religion and politics : foreign policy and the treatment of minorities in Greece and Turkey, 1923-1974". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418178.

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29

Banks, Troylin Lavon. "Where am I?Intersections between Ethnic Minorities and Liberal Arts Writing-Intensive Programs". University of Findlay / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=findlay1462266182.

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30

Riddell, Troy. "Legal mobilization and policy change : the impact of legal mobilization on official minority-language education policy outside Quebec". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38515.

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The doctoral thesis investigates the impact of legal mobilization and judicial decisions on official minority-language education (OMLE) policy outside Quebec using a model of judicial impact derived from New Institutionalism theory. The New Institutionalism (NI) model of judicial impact synthesizes the dominant approaches to judicial impact found in the US literature, which are reviewed in Chapter Two, and transcends them by placing them within a framework based on the New Institutionalism.
The model, as developed in Chapter Three, proposes that certain factors will increase the probability of judicial decisions having a positive influence on policy, such as whether incentives are provided for implementation. The model argues that institutions---as structures and state actors---have important influences on these factors. Furthermore, the NI model recognizes that institutions play a partial and contingent role in the construction of policy preferences and discourse and in mediating the political process more generally over time.
Chapter Four demonstrates that the NI model can be applied usefully to reinterpret existing accounts of how legal mobilization and judicial decisions impacted the struggle over school desegregation in the US---a case that provides a heuristic comparison to OMLE policy as it concerns the question of how and where minorities are educated.
Chapters Five through Seven describe OMLE policy development in Canada from the latter 1970s until 2000, with case studies of Alberta and, to a lesser extent, Ontario and Saskatchewan. Chapter Eight reveals that legal mobilization by Francophone groups cannot be understood without reference to institutional factors, particularly the Charter of Rights and funding from the federal government. The policy impact of legal mobilization was influenced strongly by the Supreme Court's 1990 Mahe decision and by federal government funding to the provinces for OMLE policy development, while public opinion appeared to be a least a moderately constraining force on policy change. Chapter Eight further reveals that legal mobilization and judicial decisions helped Francophone groups gain access to the policy process and shaped the policy goals and discourse of actors within the process over time.
Chapter Nine bolsters confidence in the conclusions generated in Chapter Eight by demonstrating how the explanations provided by the NI model, which emphasize the direct or mediating influence of institutional factors, are superior to explanations generated by a Critical Legal Studies (CLS) approach, a "systems" approach, a "dispute-centered" approach, and by Gerald Rosenberg's model. The thesis concludes by suggesting avenues for future research on judicial impact, particularly research that is focused on comparative institutionalism.
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31

Anderson-Thompkins, Sibby. "Race Scholars on the Politics of Race, Research, and Risk: A Narrative Inquiry". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/eps_diss/44.

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This qualitative study examined the experiences of race scholars whose agenda include investigating and writing about racial issues which run counter to the entrenched ideas, values and philosophies of the dominant academic culture. It questioned the possible risks associated with race work, and it examined the available support and validation for race scholars within the academy. Perceived prejudices and micro-aggressions are examined, as well as coping strategies for navigating the political academic landscape. Designed as a narrative inquiry, the study utilized in-depth interviews and the analysis of written documents of four prominent race scholars, while critical race theory (CRT) served as the theoretical framework that guided the analysis. Critical race theory (CRT) serves as the theoretical framework for this study. CRT emphasizes the social constructs of race and the ensuing issues of racism, racial subordination and discrimination. Within the literature, CRT scholars suggest that the scholarship of faculty of color is often resisted, rejected, devalued, or subjugated by the dominant political regime in power. Further, research suggests that scholars of color and the race issues they examine are often the targets of a biased scrutiny within the academy. The results of this study reveal that race research carries potential personal and professional risks. Some of these are anticipated, others not. The results further support the importance of CRT concept of counterspace as both a coping strategy and a form of intellectual insurgence for race scholars within the academy. In addition, findings suggest that the impact and intersection of culture and language affect the experiences of scholars of color in significantly negative ways. Mentoring generally, and specifically amidst the politics of publishing, is very important to the scholar of color and is often the difference between success and failure. Also, micro-aggressions and racial subjugations, such as the assignation of Other seem to operate as a way to devalue the scholars and the research work they do. Finally, implications for better support for graduate students and emerging scholars are clearly evidenced.
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32

Butner, Bonita K. "The enrollment of African American students at a large mid-western university from 1981-1994 : the impact of the policy process /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9737905.

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33

Tso, Elizabeth Ann y Elizabeth Ann Tso. "Discourse, Social Scales, and Epiphenomenality of Language Policy: A Case Study of a Local, Hong Kong NGO". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623063.

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In this multi-methodological (Gee, 2011; Hult & D. Johnson, 2015) study, I examine Richard Ruiz's (2014) original concept of the epiphenomenal nature of language in language policy and planning (LPP) across social scales (Hult, 2013) in Hong Kong. While research in Hong Kong has focused on interactions between schools, teachers, students, parents, business, and the government, the work on non-profits and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) remains a neglected social scale. Addressing this gap, I examine the role of a local NGO, Hong Kong Unison (Unison), as a social actor involved in the negotiation of language-in-education policies for the city's ethnic minority students. Through the collection of one decade of publically accessible documents, I created a corpus of Unison's work. Corpus linguistics approaches and a wider-angle perspective to critical discourse analysis (cf. Tian, 2006, 2008) were combined in order to highlight salient patterns and discourses within the data (cf. Baker, 2016). Corpus and discursive analyses indicate that Unison is primarily involved in transforming language policies through their active role in increasing public awareness about the social, political, and educational difficulties ethnic minority students encounter in Hong Kong. Furthermore, the NGO’s ideologies reveal the epiphenomenal nature of LPP. Epiphenomenality reflects how decisions made about language are influenced and shaped by non-linguistic phenomena. Unison's negotiation of LPP demonstrates how their decisions about language are connected to issues of equality, justice, economic opportunity, educational attainment, and social advancement. These ideologies manifest themselves in dialogue across social scales, demonstrating Unison's impact in negotiating LPP in Hong Kong. This study, while providing more insight into LPP research by examining the role of a local NGO, continues to raise questions on how to best understand how multiple scales intersect in the policymaking process, and how the epiphenomenal nature of language shapes decision-making.
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34

Irvine, Michael. "Representation Yesterday and Today: The Changing Link between Public Opinion and Policy Outcomes over Time". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1392.

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Who gets represented in America? How does representation change over time? This thesis attempts to answer both questions, which are necessarily linked to one another. I investigate long-term trends in representation and temporary fluctuations in group influence by using a probit model to examine the link between socioeconomic groups’ policy preferences and outcomes in year-groups roughly corresponding to presidential terms. I find evidence for the suggestion in the literature that American policymaking contains a strong bias in favor of the status quo, but I depart from the literature in finding little evidence for a suggested link between income and political influence. I find evidence of declining policy activity in the 1990s and 2000s relative to the 1980s but little evidence of a long-term trend towards less policy output. In general, I find little evidence of long-term trends in representation, including the idea that our policy outcomes are becoming more correlated with the views of minority groups such as African-Americans and Hispanics.
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35

Blachford, Dongyan Ru. "Language planning and bilingual education for linguistic minorities in China, a case study of the policy formulation and implementation process". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq41009.pdf.

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36

May, Harvey Brian. "Australian Multicultural Policy and Television Drama in Comparative Contexts". Queensland University of Technology, 2004. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15835/.

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This thesis examines changes which have occurred since the late 1980s and early 1990s with respect to the representation of cultural diversity on Australian popular drama programming. The thesis finds that a significant number of actors of diverse cultural and linguistic background have negotiated the television industry employment process to obtain acting roles in a lead capacity. The majority of these actors are from the second generation of immigrants, who increasingly make up a significant component of Australia's multicultural population. The way in which these actors are portrayed on-screen has also shifted from one of a 'performed' ethnicity, to an 'everyday' portrayal. The thesis develops an analysis which connects the development and broad political support for multicultural policy as expressed in the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia to the changes in both employment and representation practices in popular television programming in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The thesis addresses multicultural debates by arguing for a mainstreaming position. The thesis makes detailed comparison of cultural diversity and television in the jurisdictions of the United States, the United Kingdom and New Zealand to support the broad argument that cultural diversity policy measures produce observable outcomes in television programming.
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37

Slotnick, Ruth C. "University and Community College Administrators’ Perceptions of the Transfer Process for Underrepresented Students: Analysis of Policy and Practice". Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1774.

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This study describes and explains purposefully selected university and community college administrators' perceptions of the Florida statewide articulation agreement and the resulting institutional practices as they pertain to underrepresented transfer students. The theoretical framework that undergirds this dissertation is three-fold: social constructivism, philosophical hermeneutics, and interpretive policy analysis (Yanow, 2000). In particular, the local level knowledge consisting of six university and six community college administrators (also referred to as policy implementers), was assessed through face-to-face interviews, document analysis, and field notes. The researcher reflective journal (Janesick, 2004) is asserted as a crucial link to analyzing the three frames as way to record the history of the project and integrate the ever-present voice of the researcher while lending credibility to the research findings. All three cases were examined for themes and subthemes using cross-case analysis guided by the study's research questions. Three types of policy implementers were apparent: policy experts, technocrats, and generalists. Three categories also emerged: policy proximity, policy fluency, and perceptions of underrepresented students. An administrator's policy proximity was found to be reasonably congruent with his or her policy fluency. This held true across all implementer types. Perceptions of underrepresented students, however, varied greatly; some administrators saw no differences, while others perceived major differences for underrepresented transfer students. A major finding of this study-that all administrators perceive no differences in the state articulation agreement for low-income, first generation in college, and racial and ethnic minority groups-ran counter to a recent study by Dowd, Chase; Bordoloi Pazich, and Bensimon (2009) which found seven state transfer policies to be mostly colorblind. Future studies on the transfer process incorporating more community college and university administrators both in Florida and in other states could continue to explore how different policy actors interpret and understand state and institutional policy; especially for the growing populations of underrepresented minority groups. The researcher reflective journal may be a useful tool for policy analysts to record more intensive micro-rich views of how policy knowledge is generated, perceived, and perpetuated (or not) from the inside.
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38

Beauregard, Devin. "The Cultural Conceits of Subnational Governments of National Minorities: A Comparative Analysis of the Cultural Policies of Québec, Scotland, & Catalonia". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35634.

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Cultural policy research typically emphasises national and local policies in its studies, while studies of subnational and regional policies tend to be less common. Between the levels of country and city, however, there is a vast array of cultural policy-types that is often cast aside or underrepresented in the literature – this, despite the fact that a number of prominent subnational governments of national minorities have been extremely active in developing their own cultural policies and institutions. Unlike their national or local counterparts, however, these subnational governments often contend with an additional layer of complexity when developing cultural policies, as their history and their population differ from that of their country’s cultural majority – which often leads to a different understanding and appreciation of their cultural identity and sense of nationalism. It is with this complexity and difference in mind that this thesis examines the cultural policies developed and implemented by subnational governments expressing a different national identity from that of their country – in particular, the Canadian province of Québec, the United Kingdom nation of Scotland, and the Spanish region of Catalonia – with the purpose of exploring the ways in which cultural policies are used to shape and influence a sense of cultural identity. Drawing on the economies of worth framework elaborated by Boltanski and Thévenot and the theory of governmentality developed by Foucault, this thesis developed a type analysis of cultural policy for national minorities as a means of exploring not only the ways in which their policies differ from that of their majority counterparts, but to offer a unique understanding of their culture and cultural/social predicament. Through its type analysis, this thesis found that the cultural policies of national minorities exhibited a unique trend in terms of: their application of the cultural industries as vehicles for the development and growth of their cultural/national identities; their support of culture and art as drivers of economic development and social cohesion; and their appraisal of artists and cultural producers as symbolic and literal ambassadors of cultural identity both nationally and internationally. More specifically, far from simply introducing policies that endeavour to preserve and protect cultural traditions and heritages as it has long been suspected, national minorities are developing policies that emphasise the creative aspects of culture and seek to grow their cultures identities through the production and dissemination of new works or forms of culture and art. In other words, the cultural policies of national minorities exhibit a discursive temporality: there is an acute awareness and appreciations of the culture of the past, juxtaposed by approaches to culture that seek to ensure the culture continues (and evolves) beyond the present.
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39

Jungmar, Sara. "UTANFÖRSKAP I ETT MAJORITETSSAMHÄLLE : En diskursanalytisk studie med fokus på romerna i svenska tidningar". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31536.

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In this paper I study how the minority group Roma appears in the Swedish media. I also look at possible similarities and differences in appearance before and after the disclosure of the Roma registration by the Swedish police in September 2013. To answer my purpose with the paper I treat the following questions: How is the minority group Roma constructed in the media before and after the disclosure? In which ways are the minority group Roma expressed in the media before and after the disclosure? I am using a discourse analytic method based on theories of construction between “them” and “we” and the media’s impact on social constructions and identities. By analysing twenty-eight articles from a period of one month before and one month after the disclosure the result shows that there are more similarities than differences between how the Roma are described in the Swedish media. The conclusion is that there are small differences and bigger similarities in how the Roma are constructed between the two periods, but that the attitude against how they are expressed is more sympathetic after the disclosure.
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40

Tawakkul, Dilbahar. "A study of Chinese policy towards national minorities with reference to higher education : a case study of the Central University for Nationalities". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10007486/.

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This thesis critically reviews Chinese educational policies towards national minorities from 1921 until today. The aim is to examine the continuity and change of Chinese policies from pluralism to assimilation. The concepts of intercultural education provide the conceptual framework for the study in that there should be an understanding, acceptance and constructive relations among people of many different cultures. All the groups, whether minorities or majority, have to learn the culture of others. Teaching cultural understanding has to become an integral part of the curriculum in China. To reinforce the above framework, the ancient Chinese "Middle Kingdom" concept is introduced. This concept claimed that there is only one civilisation in the world, which is China. Outside the "Middle Kingdom" are the barbarians. Any barbarian who wishes to be "civilised" has to join in and become Chinese, meaning be assimilated. This theory has been dominating majority Chinese people's attitude towards outsiders, i.e. national groups, for the last two thousand years and is still playing a very important role in today's policy formulation and implementation process in respect of cultural diversity. Yet equality is stressed in Chinese educational policies. To the national minority groups, the government especially emphasised two issues in addition to its general policies, namely bilingual education and religious restriction. By directing these two issues to the national minorities only, the government has already failed on "equality" principles, because religious beliefs and being bilingual are not just the concerns of national minority members. A case study is used to analyse the government's policy towards national minorities. This study collected the opinions of teachers, students and their parents, administrators as well as the graduates from the Central University for Nationalities in Beijing. Interview and questionnaire methods were employed, which involved the English, Chinese and Uyghur languages. Simple analytical methods, such as mean and frequency, were used to analyse the data collected. The main finding of the thesis is that there is still only one policy towards national minorities in China, namely assimilation.
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41

Bourgeois, Daniel. "La genèse, la spécification et l'abandon des districts bilingues canadiens, 1966-1976". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25387.pdf.

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42

Smit, Maria Magdalena. "Die politieke problematiek en hantering van nie-gevestigde minderhede in België / M.M. Smit". Thesis, North-West University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/2599.

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Since the end of the Second World War, several phases of migration to West European states have occurred. These migrants consisted of the so called guest workers who were recruited to fill labour shortages, citizens from former colonies who wanted to settle in the colonial empires as well as asylum seekers and refugees. These migrants generally migrated within the network of a certain ethnic group which led to the formation of ethnic groupings in the West European states (so called new ethnic minorities). These ethnic groupings often live segregated from the host population where they experience a lack of cultural, economical and political integration. This lack of integration of the new ethnic minorities often leads to antagonism, lack of understanding, mistrust and sometimes a racist attitude by the host population towards these groups. The development of a collective policy for the management of new ethnic minorities only became priority in the European Union (EU) by the late 1990s. The current policy for the management of new ethnic minorities consists of guidelines and recommendations to member states on the implementation of a own, unique new ethnic minority policy. Although the current Belgian policy for the management of new ethnic minorities adheres to the guidelines and recommendations of the EU, it still has structural problems and gaps. The purpose of this study was foremost to do a descriptive analysis of the protection of established minorities in Belgium. In contrast to and comparison with this, an in depth analysis of the political problem, management and current situation of new ethnic minorities in Belgian was made in order to identify shortcomings in the current policy for the management of new ethnic minorities. This was done through a literature search as well as an empirical study in the form of semi -structured interviews. The general finding was that the Belgian political system makes adequate provision for the protection of established minorities, but not for the protection of new ethnic minorities. In this regard and in conclusion, specific recommendations were made in order to identify and address the current protective measures of new ethnic minorities in Belgium.
Thesis (M.A. (Public Management and Administration))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2009.
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43

Pepper, Christine. "A critical evaluation of diversity and equality in the UK construction sector". Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7743.

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Historically, recruitment by the UK construction industry has been homogeneous, with a marked propensity for organisations to attract, recruit and select white nondisabled men. This makes construction the most white and male-dominated of all major industrial sectors. Previous research on women's and ethnic minorities' experiences within construction have shown that the industry reproduces a white male culture in which women and ethnic minorities experience marginalisation, discrimination, disempowerment, prejudice and 'glass ceilings' to their career progression. This, in turn, leads to vertical segregation within construction firms. Despite the under representation and underachievement of women, ethnic minorities and disabled people within the industry, little is known of the views and experiences of key construction industry stakeholders on workforce diversity and the potential impact that this has on promoting the diversity and equality agenda. Accordingly, this research makes a unique contribution by investigating diversity and equality from the perspective of employers, professional bodies, training organisations and industry policy forums to provide a more holistic understanding of why the industry has failed to diversify its workforce. The findings of the research develop existing theoretical perspectives on the underrepresentation and underachievement of women and ethnic minorities in the industry through an analysis of the cultural and institutional processes which shape the position of women and ethnic minorities. To achieve this, a primarily qualitative methodology was employed for the research in which stakeholder attitudes to workforce diversity were explored using in-depth semi structured interviews. The research also critically evaluated the industry's previous attempts to diversify its workforce using desk-top and case study research methods. Collectively, these investigations revealed the necessary challenges for policy makers to overcome in order to promote positive change within the industry. These included the existence of mutually reinforcing industry structures, customs and practices which systematically reflect and produce inequalities for underrepresented groups. Together, they undermine the delivery of diversity and equality policies and practices. On the basis of the research findings a framework of integrated diversity policy initiatives were developed. These address the need for both structural and cultural change within the sector and behavioural compliance in addition to attitudinal and cultural change. The efficacy of these measures was validated through a high level workshop in which leading industrialists and policy specialists debated and refined the key outcomes of the work. The resulting policy framework has been adopted by the Institution of Civil Engineers as their diversity and equality guidance document.
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44

Lampe, Kirsten. "Human rights in the context of EU foreign policy and enlargement /". Baden-Baden : Nomos Verl.-Ges, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007297476.html.

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45

Yang, Fan. "Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.

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46

Potter, Shannon L. "The Influence of Western Powers on Central and Eastern European Minority Protection Policy: the League of Nations Minorities Treaties and the EU Copenhagen Criteria". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281647235.

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47

Chmelik, Brian. "Immigrant Integration in the United Kingdom: Transnationalism and Nativism in Post-Brexit Britain". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1936.

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I will examine how immigration into the United Kingdom has changed due to globalization, the strength of immigrant transnational networks, and rising hostile nativism. Changing immigrant experiences in the United Kingdom are contextualized by Britain’s “leave” Brexit vote and devolution of integration systems. I will argue that economic and local political integration are the most important contributors to improving immigrant outcomes and reducing tensions between minority and majority groups in the United Kingdom. Using policies from Denmark and Germany, I will compare how different integration regimes across Europe include immigrants as stakeholders in social and economic processes and how transnational networks interact with policy. I will recommend a set of policies at the national and local level to combat rising tensions between minority and majority groups. I will conclude by forecasting the likely and ideal scenarios for the future of minority-majority relations and integration regimes in the United Kingdom.
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48

Komine, Ayako. "Becoming a non-immigration country with immigrants : the institutional regime of Japanese immigration policy towards economic migrants". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3966566c-dce1-4bd2-b7f1-86eee560b6b1.

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How can one detect and understand change in the face of apparent continuity? This is the question which has been asked by some scholars of institutionalism. One way of answering this is to make analytical room for incremental change as an endogenous source of institutional transformation. Put bluntly, one does not always need spectacular exogenous events, such as wars and revolutions, to explain institutional change. The present thesis is a qualitative case study of Japan’s immigration policy towards economic migrants since the 1980s. Its aim is to uncover a causal mechanism behind the policy development by drawing on a model of institutional change put forward by James Mahoney, Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen. At first, the inquiry may seem ill-founded for Japan is neither an immigration country nor an immigrant-receiving country. Indeed, the country still lacks an immigration policy to speak of, and immigrants continue to be called gaikokujin (foreigners) as opposed to imin (immigrants). A closer examination of the recent policy development, however, shows that the content and practice of Japanese immigration policy simply belie its self-description. Since 2012 the Japanese government has admitted highly-skilled migrants as potential permanent residents using a points-based system and has incorporated foreigners into the resident register system for Japanese citizens in order to facilitate their integration into Japanese society. The central claim of the present research is that Japanese immigration policy has become increasingly settlement-oriented as an unexpected consequence of earlier policy decisions and that the change has been endogenously effected without dismantling the pre-existing institution of immigration management. In making this claim, I particularly draw attention to the way in which a cumulative effect of minor changes eventually transformed the basic nature of the policy institution.
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49

Etienne, Freed. "Urban Growth and Segregation in the Roanoke, Virginia, Metropolis: The Effects of Low-Density Development on Low-Income Populations and Racial Minorities". VCU Scholars Compass, 2006. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1393.

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This dissertation examines urban growth patterns in the Roanoke, Virginia, metropolis. It draws on the literature of contemporary human ecology and social area analysis to examine the effects of low-density development on low-income populations and racial minorities. The continuous spread of residential development beyond the boundaries of the central city and older suburbs into more distant, once rural areas is segregating the metropolitan area by race and income. Since the prominence of the so-called "Chicago School" of urban sociology (1913-1940), contemporary urban sociologists have outlined theories and methods to examine how American urban areas have changed and why. This dissertation is not about urban problems and solutions. It is about familiarizing readers with the theories of human ecology and social area analysis and their utility for explaining contemporary urban spatial patterns. If we are to get better and more equitable metropolitan areas, we must find out what really creates our urban areas, physically, economically, and socially. We must reach a deeper understanding of the forces and processes that have shaped them. Finally, we must understand the social consequences to urban life, relative to concentration of poverty and racial minorities in central cities. Toward that end, this study uses the statistical techniques called Social Area Analysis and Factorial Ecology to examine and describe the social-spatial patterns of the Roanoke, Virginia, metropolis, focusing on poverty and race. Specifically, the study uses 1980, 1990 and 2000 census data and the U.S. Geologic Survey of Land Use Cover to compute the factor analysis, construct the Socio-Economic Status (SES) index, rank the metropolis' census tracts based on the SES factors and develop the ecological growth model for the Roanoke metropolis. The analyses of the SES areas reveal that the metropolis' growth model is a combination of Ernest Burgess' concentric zone theory and Harris and Ullman's multiple nuclei model. Ultimately, the significance of this study lies not in the creation of an alternative theory of urban spatial patterns, but as an opportunity to amend more traditional approaches of human ecology so as to include racial segregation and income polarization as influences on metropolitan spatial patterns, and to produce a more integrated and accurate theoretical framework. This dissertation is organized as follows: Chapter 1 provides a brief introduction to the study. In Chapter 2, relevant literature regarding urban spatial patterns and contemporary human ecology is reviewed. Chapter 3 provides a thorough explanation of the research methodology. In Chapter 4, the results of the social area analysis and factor analysis are presented. GIS maps are also used to show the SES areas or multiple spatial patterns in the metropolis, especially the areas of concentrated poverty and race. In Chapter 5, the evolution of the metropolis' growth pattern is reviewed, and a contemporary ecological growth model is developed for the Roanoke metropolis. This model is then compared against the traditional human ecology growth models, including concentric zone theory, sector model theory and multiple nuclei theory. Chapter 6 concludes with a brief discussion of the consequences of the metropolis' growth pattern and the utility of the human ecological perspective for explaining contemporary urban spatial patterns, and suggestions for further research.
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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. "The ideology of nation and race: the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.

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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
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