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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Nasalitet"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 14 de febrero de 2022

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1

Kerdpol, Karnthida, Volker Dellwo y Mathias Jenny. "Phonetic Sources of Sound Change: The Influence of Thai on Nasality in Pwo Karen". MANUSYA 19, n.º 1 (2016): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01901003.

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The phonetic realization of nasal vowels produced by Pwo speakers of different ages can vary. The present study investigated mid and low nasal vowels of Pwo speakers from Mae Hong Son province, Thailand. Due to the higher tendency of language contact with Thai, the younger group’s nasal vowels were expected to lose more nasality than the older group. The emergence of final nasal consonants was also expected in the younger group. The nasalization duration and consonant duration of both groups were analyzed. The results showed that, regardless of age, mid nasal vowels of some speakers had final nasal consonants, while low nasal vowels of all speakers did not. Furthermore, the older group had both longer nasalization duration and consonant duration than the younger group, suggesting their higher tendency to preserve nasality. The younger group had shorter nasalization duration and consonant duration, indicating the loss of nasality in vowels without compensatory final nasal consonants. The change might be due to the vowel quality. High vowels were fully denasalized with no compensatory final nasal consonants. Mid vowels were nasalized with the emergence of final nasal consonants. Low vowels remained nasalized without final nasal consonants. We could not confirm that the emergence of final nasal consonants was induced by Thai because it occurred in both groups. The existence of final nasal consonants in the younger group could not be used as evidence of an effect of contact.

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2

Blainey, Darcie. "Language contact and contextual nasalization in Louisiana French". Language Variation and Change 28, n.º 1 (23 de febrero de 2016): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394515000216.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines variation in Louisiana French nasalized vowels across two time periods: 1977 and 2010–2011. Non-contrastive nasal vowels are typical of English, while contrastive nasal vowels are typical of French. Louisiana French is an endangered language variety. Instead of simplifying to a single type of vowel nasality, as might be expected in a situation of heavy language contact and language shift, Louisiana French maintains a system of phonetic and phonemic nasal vowels. Digitized interviews with 32 native speakers from lower Lafourche Parish provide 2801 data points for analysis. In contrast with previous assertions in the literature, quantitative analyses reveal that contextual nasalization operates almost exclusively within the domain of the word, not the syllable.

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3

Dow, Michael. "A phonetic-phonological study of vowel height and nasal coarticulation in French". Journal of French Language Studies 30, n.º 3 (30 de junio de 2020): 239–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269520000083.

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ABSTRACTThe majority of previous studies on nasal coarticulation in French find an inversely proportionate relationship between vowel opening and nasality, such that high vowels are the most nasalized, sometimes exceeding 50% nasality. However, it has been unclear whether this is a mechanical or controlled property of French, given the typically short duration of high vowels in natural speech, as well as the aerodynamic and acoustic factors rendering them more susceptible to spontaneous nasalization. This study uses nasometric data to quantify progressive and regressive nasalization in 20 Northern Metropolitan French speakers as a function of vowel height. Furthermore, the relationship between degree of nasal coupling and overall vowel duration serves as a proxy for distinguishing mechanical from controlled nasalization, in the spirit of Solé (1992, 2007). This study finds evidence that high vowel nasalization in French is mechanical in pre-nasal position, but controlled in post-nasal position. Meanwhile, nasalization of mid and low vowels is blocked in pre-nasal position but, at most, mechanical in post-nasal position. In consequence, French appears to block nasalization in otherwise lexically impossible positions (*ṼN), while passively allowing, though not actively requiring, nasalizing in positions where conflation is possible (both NṼ and NV being permitted in the lexicon).

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4

Lorenc, Anita, Daniel Król y Katarzyna Klessa. "An acoustic camera approach to studying nasality in speech: The case of Polish nasalized vowels". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 144, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2018): 3603–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5084038.

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5

Bae, Youkyung. "Nasalization Amplitude-Timing Characteristics of Speakers With and Without Cleft Palate". Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 55, n.º 1 (14 de diciembre de 2017): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1055665617718826.

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Objectives: To examine the amplitude-temporal relationships of acoustic nasalization in speakers with a range of nasality and to determine the extent to which each domain independently predicts the speaker’s perceived oral-nasal balance. Design: Rate-controlled speech samples, consisting of /izinizi/, /azanaza/, and /uzunuzu/, were recorded from 18 participants (14 with repaired cleft palate and 4 without cleft palate) using the Nasometer. The mean nasalance of the entire mid-vowel–nasal consonant–vowel (mid-VNV) sequence (amplitude-domain) and the duration of the nasalized segment of the mid-VNV sequence (temporal-domain) were obtained based on nasalance contours. Results: Strong linear and vowel-dependent relationships were observed between the 2 domains of nasalization (adjusted R2 = 71.5%). Both the amplitude- and temporal-domain measures were found to reliably predict the speaker’s perceived oral-nasal balance, with better overall model fit and higher classification accuracy rates observed in /izinizi/ and /uzunuzu/ than in /azanaza/. Despite poor specificity, the temporal-domain measure of /azanaza/ was found to have a strong correlation with the participants’ Zoo passage nasalance scores ( rs = .897, p < .01), suggesting its potential utility as a severity indicator of perceived nasality. Conclusions: With the use of relatively simple speech tasks and measurements representing the amplitude and temporal domains of nasalization, the present study provided practical guidelines for using the Nasometer in assessing patients with oral-nasal resonance imbalance. Findings suggest that both domain measures of nasalization should be examined across different vowel contexts, given that each domain may provide clinically relevant, yet different, information.

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6

Fernández Planas, Ana Ma. "A study of contextual vowel nasalization in standard peninsular Spanish". Onomázein Revista de lingüística filología y traducción, n.º 49 (septiembre de 2020): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/onomazein.49.11.

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Since Navarro Tomás (1918) it is well known in Spanish phonetics that vowels between nasals become nasalized and that vowels followed by a nasal in syllable coda position might undergo a certain degree of nasalization, even if Spanish does not have nasal vowels from the phonological point of view. This study aims to explore this phenomenon through the use of a Nasometer by examining several nasal-vowel contexts (NV, VN, and NVN sequences; and with post-vocalic nasals in tautosyllabic or heterosyllabic sequences with reference to the preceding vowel), the distinction between stressed and unstressed syllables containing the target vowel, and three speaking rate conditions (slow, normal, and fast). The utterances produced by three speakers of Standard Peninsular Spanish are analyzed. Results of the percentage of nasality and nasalance indicate that the variables under examination are statistically significant in the process of vowel nasalization, though to a varying extent. A closer look at the different syllable positions in the nasal-vowel relationship addresses the issue of anticipatory vs. carryover coarticulation effects on vowel nasalization.

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7

Stemberger, Joseph Paul. "Radical underspecification in language production". Phonology 8, n.º 1 (mayo de 1991): 73–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001287.

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Phonological underspecification plays an important role in phonological theory. Some features are left blank in underlying representations. If they are relevant to the pronunciation of a segment, they are filled in at some point in the derivation; otherwise, they are left blank permanently. When underspecification was reintroduced to phonological theory in the 1980s, researchers originally assumed that all information that could be considered predictable had to be underspecified in underlying representations (Kiparsky 1982; Archangeli 1984). Information can be considered predictable in one of two ways. First, information is predictable if it is redundant or allophonic; the voicing and nasality of the vowel in the word grin [grin] in English are predictable (because vowels are always voiced, and are always nasalised before a nasal) and omitted from underlying representations. Second, given that a feature is binary, it is possible to leave one value of the feature blank in underlying representations; if the segment is not specified as e.g. [+ F], then it must be [− F], by default. The approach that defines predictability in this fashion is known as RADICAL UNDERSPECIFICATION

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8

Tye-Murray, Nancy, Linda Spencer, Elizabeth Gilbert Bedia y George Woodworth. "Differences in Children’s Sound Production When Speaking With a Cochlear Implant Turned On and Turned Off". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 39, n.º 3 (junio de 1996): 604–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3903.604.

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Twenty children who have worn a Cochlear Corporation cochlear implant for an average of 33.6 months participated in a device-on/off experiment. They spoke 14 monosyllabic words three times each after having not worn their cochlear implant speech processors for several hours. They then spoke the same speech sample again with their cochlear implants turned on. The utterances were phonetically transcribed by speech-language pathologists. On average, no difference between speaking conditions on indices of vowel height, vowel place, initial consonant place, initial consonant voicing, or final consonant voicing was found. Comparisons based on a narrow transcription of the speech samples revealed no difference between the two speaking conditions. Children who were more intelligible were no more likely to show a degradation in their speech production in the device-off condition than children who were less intelligible. In the device-on condition, children sometimes nasalized their vowels and inappropriately aspirated their consonants. Their tendency to nasalize vowels and aspirate initial consonants might reflect an attempt to increase proprioceptive feedback, which would provide them with a greater awareness of their speaking behavior.

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9

Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. "Lycian nasalized preterites revisited". Indogermanische Forschungen 120, n.º 1 (16 de octubre de 2015): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2015-0003.

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Abstract A new hypothesis for the distribution of nasalized and non-nasalized preterites in Lycian is proposed. This hypothesis allows us to trace, in a straightforward way, the appearance of the nasalized preterites.

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10

Pan, Ho‐hsien. "To be nasalized, or not to be nasalized". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 105, n.º 2 (febrero de 1999): 1396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.426667.

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11

Aikhionbare, Matt Osayaba. "Defining the domain of nasality in Edo". Studies in African Linguistics 20, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 1989): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v20i3.107441.

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In Aikhionbare [1986], it is demonstrated that nasality spread in Edo is most evident in alternations between verb stems and their suffixes. In other words, nasality spreads beyond the segment (across morpeme boundaries). This paper seeks to establish whether or not nasality spreads beyond the verb stem and its suffixes onto an object NP. Having defmed the domain of nasality spread, evidence for the autosegmental status of nasality in Edo is advanced. Finally, a brief autosegmental analysis of the facts of nasality in the language is attempted in line with evidence from Guarani [Lunt 1973], Gokana [Hyman 1982], Ogberia [Chumbow 1986], and Igbo [Ihionu 1986].

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12

A., Oladimeji Olaide y Opoola Bolanle T. "Ikhin Tone and Nasality: Autosegmental Effects". Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, n.º 4 (1 de julio de 2021): 603–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1204.11.

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In generative phonology, tone and nasality are described as suprasegmental phonological units. This implies that their survival depends on the segments on which they are grounded. Thus, when a tone bearing unit or nasality bearing unit disappears, any of these segments also disappears. In autosegmental theory, however, tone or nasality survives after the deletion of segment to which it is attached. This phenomenon is termed ‘stability’ which is the foundation for autosegmental phonological theory. Stability is the survival of tone and nasality after the deletion of segments on which they are grounded. Tone and nasality exhibit stability in Ikhin, a North-Central Edoid language spoken in Edo State, South-South, Nigeria. Previous study on Ikhin dwells mainly on the phonetics of the language. This study, therefore, investigates phonological processes such as vowel elision, glide formation and nasalization with a view to determining the stability or otherwise of tone and nasality. This paper confirms that in Ikhin, any process that involves the removal of a tone bearing unit must relate to stability and relate to the creation of contour tones. The study further confirms that nasality remains stable even in the absence of segment to which it is linked. Based on available data, it is argued that the deletion of a Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) or a Nasality Bearing Unit (NBU) does not necessarily involve the deletion of tone or nasality. Infact, it usual does not. The study concludes that tone and nasality are independent segments. They are as independent as consonant and vowel.

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13

BODEA-HATEGAN, Carolina. "Nasality and nasalance-from the subjective to an objective assessment". Revista Română de Terapia Tulburărilor de Limbaj şi Comunicare VI, n.º 2 (30 de octubre de 2020): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26744/rrttlc.2020.6.2.09.

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Nasalance is an important concept in the field of resonance speech disorders as opposed to nasality. It ensures the objective measurements of the nasal production, aspect that reduces the value of nasality, for sure an older concept than nasalance. This article underlines especially the fact that both nasalance and nasality are two dimensions of the same reality, the assessment of resonances and that both of them are in the same time important and useful in order to establish a correct diagnosis and to prepare the suitable therapeutic program. The dispute nasalance and nasality is solved based on concrete application by using the nasometer and scales for measuring nasality. Conclusions support the idea that nasalance and nasality are two facets of the complex assessment in case of nasal resonance.

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14

Watterson, Thomas, Kerry E. Lewis y Candace Deutsch. "Nasalance and Nasality in Low Pressure and High Pressure Speech". Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 35, n.º 4 (julio de 1998): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/1545-1569_1998_035_0293_nanilp_2.3.co_2.

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Objective This study compared nasalance measures and nasality ratings in low pressure (LP) and high pressure (HP) speech. Subjects The subjects for this study were 25 children ranging in age from 5 to 13 years. Twenty of the subjects were patients followed by a craniofacial team, and five had no history of communication disorder. Results The mean nasalance for the LP speech was 29.98% (SD, 16.16), and the mean nasalance for the HP speech was 30.28% (SD, 15.35). The mean nasality rating for the LP speech was 2.31, and the mean nasality rating for the HP speech was 2.59. Separate paired t tests revealed no significant difference between the LP or the HP speech for either the nasalance scores or the nasality ratings. The correlation coefficient between nasalance and nasality for the LP speech was r = 0.78, and for the HP speech r = 0.77. Using a cutoff of 26% for nasalance and 2.0 for nasality, Nasometer test sensitivity was 0.84 and test specificity was 0.88. Conclusions In general, clinicians may obtain valid measures of nasalance and/or ratings of nasality using either an LP stimulus or an HP stimulus. Sensitivity and specificity scores indicated that the Nasometer was reasonably accurate in distinguishing between normal and hypernasal speech samples.

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15

Constenla, Adolfo. "Prosodic Nasality in Bribri (Chibchan) and Universals of Nasality". International Journal of American Linguistics 51, n.º 4 (octubre de 1985): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465898.

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16

Styler, Will. "Normalizing nasality? Across-speaker variation in acoustical nasality measures". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 139, n.º 4 (abril de 2016): 2223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4950669.

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17

Egurtzegi, Ander. "On the phonemic status of nasalized /h̃/ in Modern Zuberoan Basque". Linguistics 56, n.º 6 (27 de noviembre de 2018): 1353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2018-0024.

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AbstractModern eastern Basque dialects have several conservative features, including the maintenance of historical /h/, which is lost in other dialects. Zuberoan, the easternmost dialect of Basque still spoken today, shows both this /h/ as well as a phonetically nasalized segment [h̃] which is a reflex of intervocalic *n. In this paper I argue that these two segments contrast in Zuberoan. Evidence for the contrast comes from both a newly described process of assimilation of /h/ to /h̃/ in nasal environments which then serves as a basis of the analogical extension of the nasalized aspirate in a context where it cannot be phonologically derived, and from neighboring Mixean Low Navarrese where the nasalized [h̃] has no other obvious source. Since a contrast between oral and nasalized aspirates is rare crosslinguistically, the Zuberoan and Mixean sound patterns discussed here should be of interest to typologists and phonologists alike.

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18

Kihm, Alain. "Nasality in Kriol". Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 1, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 1986): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.1.1.06kih.

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19

Pan, Ho-hsien. "Nasality in Taiwanese". Language and Speech 47, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2004): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00238309040470030301.

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20

Zraick, Richard I. y Julie M. Liss. "A Comparison of Equal-Appearing Interval Scaling and Direct Magnitude Estimation of Nasal Voice Quality". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 43, n.º 4 (agosto de 2000): 979–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4304.979.

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Listeners rated the nasality of synthesized vowels using two psychophysical scaling methods (equal-appearing interval scaling and direct magnitude estimation). A curvilinear relationship between equal-appearing interval ratings and direct magnitude estimations of nasality indicated that nasality is a prothetic rather than metathetic dimension. It also was shown that the use of direct magnitude estimation results in nasality ratings that are more consistent and reliable. The results of this experiment are discussed in relation to other studies that have examined the validity and reliability of equal-appearing interval scaling of voice quality. Additionally, there is a discussion of methodological issues for future research and the implications of the findings for clinical and research purposes.

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21

Ohala, John J., Maria‐Josep Sole y S. Goangshiuan Ying. "Do nasalized fricatives exist?" Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 103, n.º 5 (mayo de 1998): 3085. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.423103.

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22

Bat-El, Outi. "Distinctive nasality in Kwawu a prosodic account". Studies in African Linguistics 19, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 1988): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v19i2.107461.

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Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribution is interpreted here in prosodic terms. It is claimed that the feature [+nasal] is represented on morae rather than on individual segments. The assignment of the feature [+nasal] is integrated with syllabification rules, which explains the prosodic characteristics of nasality. Further evidence is drawn from the distribution of nasality in reduplicated forms; the moraic representation of the feature [+nasal] is crucial for the analysis of reduplicated CV stems.

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23

Burzynski, Cecile M. y Clark D. Starr. "Effects of Feedback Filtering on Nasalization and Self-Perception of Nasality". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 28, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1985): 585–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.2804.585.

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The effects of feedback filtering on nasality perception were investigated by having speakers produce sentences while hearing their voices unfiltered and low-pass filtered with cut-off frequencies of 1000, 500, and 300 Hz. As they spoke, speakers judged the nasality in their productions using a ratio scale. Measurements of nasalization were made with a miniature accelerometer attached to the side of the speaker's nose. Data obtained indicate that the speakers decreased their nasalization slightly when they heard their voices low-pass filtered at each cut-off frequency. However, they did not perceive consistent changes in their own nasality during the filtered conditions. These findings are interpreted as suggesting that nasalization is influenced by filtering air-conducted auditory information and that relationships between the acoustic correlates of nasalization and self-perception of nasality are complex.

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24

Galek, Kristine E. y Thomas Watterson. "Perceptual Anchors and the Dispersion of Nasality Ratings". Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 54, n.º 4 (julio de 2017): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/15-269.

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Objective This investigation studied the effects of perceptual anchors on the dispersion and reliability of listener ratings of nasality. Design Listeners (N = 129) were assigned to one of six listening groups. Each group rated nasality independently for 100 speech samples on a seven-point scale that ranged from 1 = normal nasality to 7 = severe hypernasality. The anchors used were examples of a 1, 3, 4, 5, and/or 7 on the rating scale. These anchors were played selectively to group 2 (4), group 3 (1 and 7), group 4 (3 and 5), group 5 (1, 4, 7), and group 6 (7). Group 1 had no anchor. Participants Of the speakers, 95 were children followed by a craniofacial team and five were children without histories of speech disorders. Main Outcome Measures The outcome measures were 12,900 ratings of nasality on a seven-point scale. Results Q values showed that group 5, which was the only group to receive three anchors, had the lowest, or best, Q value (0.78), and group 1 (no anchor) had the highest, or worst, Q value (0.99). Across groups, the most reliable ratings were those at scale values 1 (Q = 0.46) and 7 (Q = 0.56). The least reliable ratings were at scale values 3 (Q = 1.01), 4 (Q = 1.03), and 5 (Q = 1.06). Conclusions Nasality rating reliability/dispersion was influenced by the presence and location of anchor stimuli. Consistent with absolute judgment theory, nasality ratings showed a strong end effect.

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25

Nathan, Geoffrey S. "Clicks in a Chinese nursery rhyme". Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2001): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100301002043.

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This paper reports on the use of nasalized post-alveolar clicks in a special version of a Chinese nursery rhyme, used in two different so-called dialect areas in China. In one, initial velar nasals are replaced with the clicks, while in Mandarin the nasalized clicks are inserted at the beginning of words with zero initials.

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Gitananda, W. A. Sindhu. "VERBA NASALISASI N- (ATAU NG-?) DALAM BAHASA BALI". Dharmasmrti: Jurnal Ilmu Agama dan Kebudayaan 17, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ds.v16i01.67.

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The Balinese has uniqueness concerning its verbs, especially those undergone the process of nasal- ization (using prefix N- (Ng-)). By this phenomenon, it is really interesting to analyze the variation of the nasalized verbs morphophonemically and their syntactic function in the Balinese sentences. Re- garding these concerns, the descriptive-qualitative method was applied. Therefore, it can be concluded that the nasalized verbs with N- (Ng-) are varied morphophonemically (having complementary distri- bution) through the allomorphs as /n-/, /m-/, /ng-/, and /ny-/. The distributions depend on the initi- ating phoneme of the stems that undergo the process of affixation. Then, the function of the nasalized verbs with N- (or Ng-) is as the nucleus of the cores or predicates to form active sentences that have maximally two arguments.

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Brancewicz, Therese M. y Alan R. Reich. "Speech Rate Reduction and "Nasality" in Normal Speakers". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 32, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1989): 837–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3204.837.

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This study explored the effects of reduced speech rate on nasal/voice accelerometric measures and nasality ratings. Nasal/voice accelerometric measures were obtained from normal adults for various speech stimuli and speaking rates. Stimuli included three sentences (one obstruent-loaded, one semivowel-loaded, and one containing a single nasal), and /p/ syllable trains. Speakers read the stimuli at their normal rate, half their normal rate, and as slowly as possible. In addition, a computer program paced each speaker at rates of 1, 2, and 3 syllables per second. The nasal/voice accelerometric values revealed significant stimulus effects but no rate effects. The nasality ratings of experienced listeners, evaluated as a function of stimulus and speaking rate, were compared to the accelerometric measures. The nasality scale values demonstrated small, but statistically significant, stimulus and rate effects. However, the nasality percepts were poorly correlated with the nasal/voice accelerometric measures.

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Poole, Matthew L., Jessica S. Wee, Joanne E. Folker, Louise A. Corben, Martin B. Delatycki y Adam P. Vogel. "Nasality in Friedreich ataxia". Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 29, n.º 1 (10 de septiembre de 2014): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699206.2014.954734.

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29

Jones, David L. "Perceptual Aspects of Nasality". Perspectives on Speech Science and Orofacial Disorders 15, n.º 1 (julio de 2005): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/ssod15.1.9.

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30

Stokhof, W. A. L. "On nasality in Acehnese". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 148, n.º 2 (1992): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003154.

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Hudu, Fusheini y Mohammed Osman Nindow. "Nasality in Dagbani prosody". Folia Linguistica 54, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2020): 527–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2020-2039.

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Abstract This paper presents a detailed analysis of nasality in Dagbani, a Gur language of Ghana, and the role it plays in Dagbani prosody. It demonstrates that the nasal is at the centre of defining the range of what is possible in Dagbani prosodic patterns. Nasals provide the basis for determining the full range of syllable types and the tone bearing unit of Dagbani; nasals are the only coda consonants that licence vowel lengthening; and nasals provide the only cases of phonological non-vocalic geminates. The overall effects of the influence of nasality is the emergence of complex prosodic structures. Contrary to the crosslinguistically acclaimed marked position of the coda, the CVN syllable is the default, unmarked syllable in Dagbani.

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32

Gerfen, Chip. "Nasalized Fricatives in Coatzospan Mixtec". International Journal of American Linguistics 67, n.º 4 (octubre de 2001): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466471.

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33

Scarborough, Rebecca, Georgia Zellou, Armik Mirzayan y David S. Rood. "Phonetic and phonological patterns of nasality in Lakota vowels". Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2015): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100315000171.

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Lakota (Siouan) has both contrastive and coarticulatory vowel nasality, and both nasal and oral vowels can occur before or after a nasal consonant. This study examines the timing and degree patterns of acoustic vowel nasality across contrastive and coarticulatory contexts in Lakota, based on data from six Lakota native speakers. There is clear evidence of both anticipatory and carryover nasal coarticulation across oral and nasal vowels, with a greater degree of carryover than anticipatory nasalization. Nasality in carryover contexts is nonetheless restricted: the oral–nasal contrast is neutralized for high back vowels in this context and realized for three of the six speakers in low vowels. In the absence of nasal consonant context, contrastive vowel nasalization is generally greatest late in the vowel. Low nasal vowels in carryover contexts parallel this pattern (despite the location of the nasal consonantbeforethe vowel), and low nasal vowels in anticipatory contexts are most nasal at the start of the vowel. We relate the synchronic patterns of coarticulation in Lakota to both its system of contrast and diachronic processes in the evolution of nasality in Lakota. These data reflect that coarticulatory patterns, as well as contrastive patterns, are grammatical and controlled by speakers.

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34

Iqueda, Adriana Pereira Defina, Hilton Ricz, Telma Kioko Takeshita, Nathalia dos Reis y Lilian Aguiar-Ricz. "Nasalance and nasality of tracheoesophageal speech in total laryngectomee". CoDAS 25, n.º 5 (octubre de 2013): 469–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2317-17822013000500011.

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OBJECTIVES: The objective of this study was to determine the rates of nasalance for total laryngectomized users of a tracheoesophageal voice prosthesis and correlate them with the findings of auditory-perceptual assessment of nasality. METHODS: In this study, 25 total laryngectomized users, including 20 men and five women, with a mean age of 63 years old participated. All the participants had a tracheoesophageal voice prosthesis and underwent treatment for the rehabilitation of tracheoesophageal communication. These patients were submitted to nasalance assessment using nasometry and auditory-perceptual evaluation of nasality and were rated by trained speech therapists. RESULTS: The nasalance values obtained for nasal (59.92%) and oral (18.64%) sentences were within the normal limits for laryngeal speakers of Brazilian Portuguese language. It was possible to observe the presence of nasality in nasal sentences and its absence in oral sentences among most speakers. Specificity was found to be 100% for nasal sentences and sensitivity was 100% for oral sentences. It was not possible to calculate these values for the oral sentences. CONCLUSIONS: Total laryngectomized patients with tracheoesophageal voice prostheses have adequate vocal nasality compatible with nasometry rates.

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35

Reetz, Henning. "Extracting nasality from speech signals". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 88, S1 (noviembre de 1990): S180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2028804.

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36

Igartua, Iván. "Diachronic effects of rhinoglottophilia, symmetries in sound change, and the curious case of Basque". Studies in Language 39, n.º 3 (26 de octubre de 2015): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.39.3.04iga.

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The particular affinity linking glottality and nasality to each other, a connection which is grounded both on articulatory and acoustic bases, seems to be responsible for various phonetic phenomena in different languages. In sound changes associated to what has been termed rhinoglottophilia (Matisoff 1975), the two logically possible diachronic pathways show up: from glottality to secondary nasalization, on the one hand, and from nasality to secondary laryngealization, on the other. The innovations concerned can thus be considered symmetrical, a feature that is rarely found in sound change. This paper first reviews the evidence at our disposal for positing a class of replacive phonetic changes caused by rhinoglottophilia, and then argues for an explanation of the diachronic correspondence n > h in the history of the Basque language based on the (primarily acoustic) effects of this specific connection between glottality (more specifically, aspiration) and nasality.

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37

Novotný, Michal, Jan Rusz, Roman Čmejla, Hana Růžičková, Jiří Klempíř y Evžen Růžička. "Hypernasality associated with basal ganglia dysfunction: evidence from Parkinson’s disease and Huntington’s disease". PeerJ 4 (29 de septiembre de 2016): e2530. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.2530.

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BackgroundAlthough increased nasality can originate from basal ganglia dysfunction, data regarding hypernasality in Parkinson’s disease (PD) and Huntington’s disease (HD) are very sparse. The aim of the current study was to analyze acoustic and perceptual correlates of velopharyngeal seal closure in 37 PD and 37 HD participants in comparison to 37 healthy control speakers.MethodsAcoustical analysis was based on sustained phonation of the vowel /i/ and perceptual analysis was based on monologue. Perceptual analysis was performed by 10 raters using The Great Ormond Street Speech Assessment ’98. Acoustic parameters related to changes in a 1/3-octave band centered on 1 kHz were proposed to reflect nasality level and behavior through utterance.ResultsPerceptual analysis showed the occurrence of mild to moderate hypernasality in 65% of PD, 89% of HD and 22% of control speakers. Based on acoustic analyses, 27% of PD, 54% of HD and 19% of control speakers showed an increased occurrence of hypernasality. In addition, 78% of HD patients demonstrated a high occurrence of intermittent hypernasality. Further results indicated relationships between the acoustic parameter representing fluctuation of nasality and perceptual assessment (r= 0.51,p< 0.001) as well as the Unified Huntington Disease Rating Scale chorea composite subscore (r= 0.42,p= 0.01).ConclusionsIn conclusion the acoustic assessment showed that abnormal nasality was not a common feature of PD, whereas patients with HD manifested intermittent hypernasality associated with chorea.

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38

Milenkovic, Paul y Feng Mo. "Glottal inverse filtering of nasalized vowels". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 80, S1 (diciembre de 1986): S19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2023691.

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39

Hyman, Larry M. y Armindo S. A. Ngunga. "Two kinds of moraic nasal in Ciyao". Studies in African Linguistics 26, n.º 2 (15 de junio de 1997): 131–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v26i2.107391.

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A problematic issue in a number of Bantu languages concerns the phonological analysis of "preconsonantal nasality", i.e., the question of whether NC entities should be analyzed as single prenasalized consonants or as sequences of nasal + (homorganic) consonant. In this paper, the authors examine two kinds of moraic nasal---one syllabic, one not-in Ciyao, a Bantu language spoken in East Africa. They further demonstrate that there is a third type of preconsonantal nasality in Ciyao which is neither moraic nor syllabic.

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40

Sawicka, Irena. "The origin of nasality in Macedonian dialects". Vilnius University Open Series 16 (26 de julio de 2021): 340–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/sbol.2021.18.

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There is general consensus that the southern Macedonian dialects have partially retained the Proto-Slavic nasal vowels, and that the preservation was favoured by local Greek phonetics. There was, however, an additional source of (non-etymological) nasality in Macedonian – the Greek pre-nasalisation of stops. In the article, I would like to re-examine this issue in terms of the hypothesis that the source of nasality in Macedonian dialects was not the old nasal vowels, but the Greek pre-nasalisation of stops.

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41

Butkauskaitė, Edita. "Nasalization: an overview of the notion and research". Lietuvių kalba, n.º 4 (25 de octubre de 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2010.22858.

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Nasalization, treated both from a phonetic and phonological point of view, has a rather long history of research. It was first described in reference to nasal sounds in the 5th century BC. Nowadays it is mostly treated in the context of abundant experimental research into nasal and nasalized sounds and is based on radiographic, electrographic, nasographic, fiberoscopic and aerodynamic data.In traditional phonetic studies a nasalized segment is understood as a sound whose production involves a flow of air through the mouth and nose; nasalization is defined as the production of a sound when the velum is lowered so that some air passes through the nose.Linguistic studies of Lithuanian and other researchers have identified three types of nasalization: nasal vowels, nasalized vowels and nasal consonants. Only about one fourth of world languages have nasal vowels in their inventory and they are treated as individual phonemes. French is one of the few examples of such languages. In linguistic studies such nasalization is also called contrastive. In languages which have no nasal vowels, nasalization occurs next to or between the nasal consonants [m] and [n]. The type of nasalization is referred to as contextual nasalization; their respective sounds are called nasalized vowels. The notion of nasalization also includes nasal consonants, whose production also involves the air escaping through the mouth and nose.Nasalization has been extensively discussed in the studies on phonetics and phonology produced by foreign researchers, especially those investigating English and French. The studies include both theoretical papers and overviews of experimental research focusing on investigating both sound length and quality. In Lithuania investigation into nasalization has only just started.

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42

Prado-Oliveira, Rosana, Ilza Lazarini Marques, Luiz de Souza, Telma Vidoto de Souza-Brosco y Jeniffer de Cássia Rillo Dutka. "Assessment of speech nasality in children with Robin Sequence". CoDAS 27, n.º 1 (febrero de 2015): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2317-1782/20152014055.

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PURPOSE: To report the outcomes of primary palatoplasty in Robin Sequence (RS); to verify the relationship between modalities of assessment of nasality; to compare nasality between techniques at palatoplasty. METHODS: This study involved the identification of hypernasality in four modalities: live assessment with 4-point scale; live assessment with cul-de-sac test; multiple listeners' ratings of recorded phrase; nasometric assessment. Live ratings of speech nasality and nasalance scores were retrieved from charts, while a recorded phrase was rated by listeners for occurrence of hypernasality. Agreement between the modalities was established as well as association between nasality, nasal turbulence and age at surgery and at assessment. Fisher's exact test was used to compare findings between surgical techniques. RESULTS: Agreement between nasalance, live assessment with 4-point scale, live assessment with cul-de-sac, and multiple listeners' ratings of recorded samples ranged between reasonable (0.32) and perfect (1.00). Percentage occurrence of hypernasality varied largely between assessment modalities. Mean occurrence of hypernasality was lower for the group submitted to Furlow technique (26%) than the group that received von Langenbeck technique (53%). Only findings obtained live were statistically significant (scale: p=0.012; cul-de-sac: p<0.001). Listeners identified nasal turbulence for 22 (32%) samples out of the 69 recordings, and an association was found between hypernasality and nasal turbulence. CONCLUSION: Lower occurrence of hypernasality was identified for patients with RS in Furlow group. Identification of hypernasality varied largely among the four assessment modalities.

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43

Wielgat, Robert y Anita Lorenc. "The EMA Study on the Inter-individual Variability and Differences in Articulation between Polish Oral and Nasalised Vowels". Science, Technology and Innovation 1, n.º 1 (27 de diciembre de 2017): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.7600.

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The electromagnetic articulography (EMA) is a relatively exact and efficient method used in study on speech production physiology. It allows to precisely estimate movement trajectories of speech articulators like tongue, lips, jaw etc. by tracking position of sensors fixed to the articulators. This paper presents results of EMA research on Polish oral and nasalised vowels in orthography represented by the graphemes <e>, <o>, <ę>, <ą>. Inter-individual variability of tongue and lips position in X-axis direction during realization of the same phoneme has been estimated. Differences between oral and nasalised vowels in terms of movement of articulators in X-axis direction have been assessed too.

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44

Blust, Robert. "Seimat Vowel Nasality: A Typological Anomaly". Oceanic Linguistics 37, n.º 2 (diciembre de 1998): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3623412.

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45

Malone, Terry. "Nasality and Nasal Prosody in Chimila". International Journal of American Linguistics 76, n.º 1 (enero de 2010): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/652753.

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46

Boisen, Sean. "Nasality and nasal airflow in English". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 80, S1 (diciembre de 1986): S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2023540.

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47

Carignan, Christopher, Ryan Shosted, Chilin Shih y Panying Rong. "Compensatory articulation in American English nasalized vowels". Journal of Phonetics 39, n.º 4 (octubre de 2011): 668–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2011.07.005.

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48

Varghese, Lenny A., Joseph O. Mendoza, Maia N. Braden y Cara E. Stepp. "Accelerometric correlates of nasalized speech in children". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 135, n.º 4 (abril de 2014): 2197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4877165.

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49

ISLAM, Md Jahurul. "Phonemic status of Bangla nasal vowels: A corpus study". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 8, n.º 2 (20 de julio de 2018): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.8.2.51-62.

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This study investigated the phonemic status of the nasal vowels in Bangla (aka Bengali). It has been claimed for decades that all the seven monophthongal oral vowels in Bangla have phonemically contrastive nasal counterparts; however, an in-depth investigation of the status of nasality for all the vowels is lacking in the current literature. With a phoneme dictionary build from a text corpus of 8 (eight) million word-tokens and about 275 thousand word-types, this study investigated whether all the oral vowels have phonemically contrastive nasal vowels. Findings revealed that only five of the seven monophthongal vowels form phonemically contrastive relationships with their nasal counterparts; nasality in /æ/ and /ɔ/ are not contrastive phonemically.

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50

Grunwell, Pamela y Anne Harding. "A note on: Describing types of nasality". Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 10, n.º 2 (enero de 1996): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699209608985168.

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