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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Nationalism Boycotts China China United States"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Nationalism Boycotts China China United States"

EVANS, Paul. "Techno-nationalism in China–US Relations: Implications for Universities". East Asian Policy 12, n.º 02 (abril de 2020): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000161.

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The deepening strategic rivalry between China and the United States has military, diplomatic, ideological, trade, financial and commercial dimensions. One is in the area of emerging and transformative technologies in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that has spawned a techno-nationalist competition with global implications including for universities. This article outlines the American government’s efforts in managing research and training interactions with China and their implications for other countries, Canada and Singapore in particular.

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Danilin, I. "The U.S.-China technological war through the prism of techno-nationalism". Pathways to Peace and Security, n.º 1 (2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-29-43.

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The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.

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Ross, Robert S. "China's Naval Nationalism: Sources, Prospects, and the U.S. Response". International Security 34, n.º 2 (octubre de 2009): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.46.

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Recent developments in Chinese politics and defense policy indicate that China will soon embark on an ambitious maritime policy that will include construction of a power-projection navy centered on an aircraft carrier. But just as nationalism and the pursuit of status encouraged past land powers to seek great power maritime capabilities, widespread nationalism, growing social instability, and the leadership's concern for its political legitimacy drive China's naval ambition. China's maritime power, however, will be limited by the constraints experienced by all land powers: enduring challenges to Chinese territorial security and a corresponding commitment to a large ground force capability will constrain China's naval capabilities and its potential challenge to U.S. maritime security. Nonetheless, China's naval nationalism will challenge U.S.-China cooperation. It will likely elicit increased U.S. naval spending and deployments, as well as politicization of China policy in the United States, challenging the United States to develop policy to manage U.S.-China naval competition to allow for continued political cooperation.

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Brym, Robert. "After Postmaterialism: An Essay on China, Russia and the United States". Canadian Journal of Sociology 41, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2016): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs25170.

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The postmaterialist thesis makes two main claims. First, over time, rising affluence enables many people to substantially satisfy their need for security and economic sustenance, allowing them to focus on pursuing personal autonomy and self-expression. Second, at a given time, younger people, individuals in higher socio-economic positions and wealthier societies tend to be more postmaterialistic than are older people, individuals in lower socio-economic positions and poorer societies. Cursory analysis of American, Chinese and Russian survey data since the late 1980s demonstrates that some of these generalizations are difficult to sustain. While postmaterialism may have been on the rise in some countries in the last decades of the 20th century, it seems now to be a waning force among major world powers, giving way to increasing nationalism and xenophobia. The absence in postmaterialist theory of an adequate explanation for this trend suggests the need to pay more attention to the causes of alternative development paths. Two such causes are outlined in this essay: intensifying geopolitical rivalries and growing economic inequality.

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China". Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, n.º 1 (14 de marzo de 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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Camicia, Steven P. y Juanjuan Zhu. "Citizenship education under discourses of nationalism, globalization, and cosmopolitanism: Illustrations from China and the United States". Frontiers of Education in China 6, n.º 4 (17 de noviembre de 2011): 602–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11516-011-0147-x.

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Zhao, Dingxin. "An Angle on Nationalism in China Today: Attitudes Among Beijing Students after Belgrade 1999". China Quarterly 172 (diciembre de 2002): 885–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000542.

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It is widely claimed that radical anti-US nationalism has become dominant in China, especially among young students. Based on a survey of 1,211 students and interviews with 62 informants conducted in three elite Beijing universities about four months after the US bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, this article shows that most students believed that the embassy bombing was a deliberate action and that their anger towards the bombing incident was genuine. Yet, contrary to initial expectations, the study also shows that the anger expressed by the students during the anti-US demonstrations was more a momentary outrage than a reflection of a long-term development of popular anti-US nationalism, that Beijing students saw the United States more as a superpower than as an enemy, and that they considered “to counteract US hegemony” the least important among the eight national goal statements that were provided. The findings demonstrate that, at least among China's elite student population, a population that has always been at the forefront of Chinese politics in the 20th century, there is no domination of anti-US nationalism.

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Tsvetkov, Ivan. "New nationalism and the struggle for domination in the global digital cultural space". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 13, n.º 4 (2020): 478–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2020.404.

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The article is devoted to one of the paradoxes of the modern system of international relations: the desire of many countries to restore their political and economic sovereignty, combined with the rapid development of digital technologies and the formation of an increasingly homogeneous global cultural space. The phenomenon of “new nationalism” arose in connection with the obvious crisis of globalization led by the United States. At the same time, this “new nationalism” is fundamentally different from the classical models of the 19th and 20th centuries. In particular, clearly visible is its weak connection with the ideas of a national cultural revival and the sphere of culture in general. The digital revolution that humankind is going through today creates favorable conditions for the “restart” of globalization. The locomotive of integration processes in the new conditions is mass culture — in the form of new consumption technologies and everyday practices. A global digital civilization is gradually taking shape. The struggle for economic influence and political dominance, particularly between states such as the United States and China, is complemented by the opposition of “Westernization” and “Easternization” as the leading trends in contemporary global culture. The arguments presented in the article allow us to make the following assumption: in several decades, China, the United States and other countries will occupy a place in the world political, economic and cultural hierarchy that is comparable not with the level of their sovereignty and national identity, but with the scale and quality of their participation in the global exchange of goods, ideas and cultural meanings.

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Chen, Jinxing. "Radicalization of the Protect Diaoyutai Movement in 1970s-America". Journal of Chinese Overseas 5, n.º 2 (2009): 310–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179303909x12489373183055.

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AbstractIn the early 1970s, overseas Chinese students in the United States protested against Japan's claim to the Diaoyutai Islands. Emerging at a time when the rivalry between the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland to represent China was at a critical juncture, the movement soon found itself caught up in the struggle between the two sides. It was out of the Protect Diaoyutai Movement that a new ideological constituent of overseas Chinese nationalism came to light, looking to the PRC as the hope for a sovereign China. It became a predominant force among overseas Chinese activists and the movement changed its direction from defending Diaoyutai to seeking Taiwan's reunification with the mainland. The paper discusses the factors that shaped and eventually radicalized the movement. It asserts that the event was a turning point in the evolution of overseas Chinese nationalism which transformed an undercurrent into a surging tide that gave rise to a new Chinese national identity among overseas Chinese in America.

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Webster, David. "Sports as Third World Nationalism". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, n.º 4 (21 de noviembre de 2016): 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02304007.

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Indonesian President Sukarno established the Games of the New Emerging Forces (ganefo) not only as an alternative to the Olympic Games in the 1960s, but also as part of a systemic challenge to the international status quo. They occurred twice, once in Indonesia in 1963 and again (as “Asian ganefo”) in Cambodia in 1966. The ganefo drew on Asian left-nationalism and neutralism and foreshadowed a possible alternative United Nations that Sukarno planned to call the Conference of the New Emerging Forces (conefo), with membership from the People’s Republic of China and other Asian states. This research note explores the link between sports, Indonesian nationalism and neutralism, ideas of Indonesian martial masculinity, and global politics during the 1960s in East Asia. Contrary to the ideal of the International Olympic Committee (ioc) to keep sports and politics separate, it suggests that both the ioc and Sukarno’s Indonesia mixed sports and politics, but in very different ways.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Nationalism Boycotts China China United States"

Wong, Sin Kiong. "The genesis of popular movements in modern China a study of the anti-American boycott of 1905-1906 /". access full-text, 1995. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9540027.pdf.

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Lin, Yu-Fang. "The Cultural Construction of Taiwan in the Literatures of Taiwan, China, and the United States". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent149178259135258.

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Li, Juan. "Discursive construction of nationalist idologies in times of crisis : a comparative analysis of the news media in the United States and China /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9489.

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Rich, Timothy S. "Pushing the Boundaries: The Greater Impact of Taiwan's Democratization on Cross-Strait and Sino-American Relations". Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1126043654.

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Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.

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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.

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Brittingham, Michael Alan. "Reactive nationalism & its prospects for conflict the Taiwan issue, Sino-US relations, & the role of nationalism in Chinese foreign policy /". 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/137289251.html.

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Liu, Zhao. "Taiwanese accounts of the meaning of their national identity : a qualitative study". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3796.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The national identity of Taiwanese people has been a topic under public debate and academic inspection since Taiwan’s democratization in the 1980s and the 1990s. In this study, I interviewed fifteen Taiwanese students studying in the United States and talked with them about their national identity. Interviews with the fifteen students reveal that an independent Taiwanese identity has taken shape, while a Chinese cultural identity still remains part of the Taiwanese identity. It was also discovered that although a Taiwanese national identity has formed, a Taiwanese ethnicity has not yet taken a complete form. Discussions with the Taiwanese students also indicate that studying in the multi-cultural United States renders them more aware of their Taiwanese national identity, as well as their Chinese cultural identity.

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Libros sobre el tema "Nationalism Boycotts China China United States"

Dreaming of gold, dreaming of home: Transnationalism and migration between the United States and South China, 1882-1943. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2000.

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Zhiping, Huang, ed. Mei you Zhongguo zhi zao de yi nian: A year without "made in China". Taibei Shi: Zao an cai jing wen hua you xian gong si, 2007.

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A Year Without "Made in China": One family's true life adventure in the global economy. Hoboken, N.J: John Wiley & Sons, 2007.

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In search of justice: The 1905-1906 Chinese anti-American boycott. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001.

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Taiwanese American transnational families: Women and kin work. New York: Routledge, 2005.

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The diplomacy of nationalism: The Six Companies and China's policy toward exclusion. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009.

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China's Anti-American Boycott Movement in 1905: A Study in Urban Protest (Studies in Modern Chinese History, Vol. 2). Peter Lang Publishing, 2002.

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Bongiorni, Sara. Year Without Made in China: One Family's True Life Adventure in the Global Economy. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2007.

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Bongiorni, Sara. Year Without Made in China: One Family's True Life Adventure in the Global Economy. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2010.

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Bongiorni, Sara. Year Without Made in China: One Family's True Life Adventure in the Global Economy. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2009.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Nationalism Boycotts China China United States"

Moon, Chung-In. "China’s Rise and Security Dynamics on the Korean Peninsula". En Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of China. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709180.003.0008.

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This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.

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Kirby, William C. "The International Origins and Global Aspirations of Chinese Universities". En China and Europe on the New Silk Road, 18–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198853022.003.0002.

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Despite the resurgence of nationalism in China, the United States, and several European countries, and rhetoric of a “decoupling” between China and the West, the internationalist agendas of Chinese universities remain robust. This trajectory would appear to be strengthened by the broad, inclusive, if still ill-defined mission given to Chinese institutions by Beijing to “go out” along the “New Silk Road” (NSR). Although the international origins and aspirations of Chinese universities have been shaped mainly by Western models, there are increased incentives for exchange between Chinese and NSR-based universities. However, hopes that educational exchanges will strengthen higher education in both China and the NSR may be unrealistic. Themselves products of international models, Chinese institutions have no distinct “China model” to offer NSR universities. Furthermore, although academic collaboration along the NSR may increase the quantity of Chinese scholarship, it is unlikely to help Chinese universities achieve a larger goal: world-class status.

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Robinson, Geoffrey B. "Cold War". En The Killing Season, 82–117. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196497.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the role of foreign powers in the October 1, 1965 incident. It argues that the wider international context, in particular the rhetoric and logic of the Cold War and anticolonial nationalism, affected the contours of Indonesian politics, making it more militant and polarized. In addition, that general atmosphere, together with the actions of major powers elsewhere in the region and beyond, contributed to political conditions inside Indonesia in which a seizure of power by the army was much more likely to occur. In creating this atmosphere of polarization and crisis, several major powers played some part, including China. Yet it was overwhelmingly the United States, the United Kingdom, and their closest allies that played the central roles.

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Buzan, Barry y Evelyn Goh. "Unpacking the Contemporary Strategic Problem in Northeast Asia". En Rethinking Sino-Japanese Alienation, 137–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851387.003.0006.

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Chapter 4 begins in present-day NEA, and unpacks its core strategic problem of uncertainty associated with an apparent power transition, relating it squarely to the enforced alienation between the two indigenous great powers, China and Japan. It argues that neither a purely power-political understanding nor one that overly emphasizes nationalism and domestic impediments has been especially helpful to advancing our understanding of how Sino-Japanese alienation serves to constrain the development of East Asia’s post-Cold War order. Instead, one should understand the contemporary problem as resulting from the disintegration of the region’s post-Second World War settlement that centred on the United States acting as a ring-holder between China and Japan. Introducing the great power bargain framework, it shows how we might usefully distinguish between the constitutive and regulative aspects of such bargains. It then employs this framework to analyse Sino-Japanese alienation after the long nineteenth century, examining how efforts to create a partial new bargain between 1945 and 1989 were eventually undermined by the two countries’ changing characters and politics after the Cold War.

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Ngoei, Wen-Qing. "Introduction". En Arc of Containment, 1–16. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716409.003.0001.

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This introduction presents an overview of the book’s study of imperial transition in Southeast Asia from the colonial order through Anglo-American predominance to U.S. empire. It explains that the book examines two Southeast Asian countries—Malaya and Singapore—marginalized by major studies of U.S. policy to illuminate regional developments in U.S.-Southeast Asian relations otherwise overlooked by the predominant focus of historians on U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Using this wide-angle view of Southeast Asia, the book reveals how the bases of U.S. Cold War policy draw from longstanding Euro-American anxieties about race, specifically the perceived threat of China and its diaspora to western power. From this insight, the book is able to reveal that Britain, the United States and their indigenous anticommunist allies crafted a pro-West nationalism underpinned by region-wide anti-Chinese prejudice, a process that ensconced most Southeast Asian regimes within the American orbit even as U.S. policy failed in Vietnam.

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